'■*iif^ 


■"■**''''•        ' 


X.  I  B  I^ -A.  I?.  "ST 

PBINCETON.  N.  J. 
The  Stephen  Collins  Donation. 


No.  Gase, 
No.  Shelf,^ 
xVo.  Book, 


^- 


77?S 


,••■■  t  . 


/.'.• 


*;i* 


r     A 


THE  MEMOIRS 


OF 


THE  DUKE  OF  SULLY. 


PRIME-MINISTER  TO 


HENRY  THE  GREAT. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH 


BY  CHARLOTTE  LENNOX 


A  NEW  EDITION, 

REVISED  AND  CORRECTED;    WITH  ADDITIONAL  NOTES^ 
SOME  LETTERS  OF  HENRY  THE  GREAT 


A  BRIEF  HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION. 

IN  FIVE  VOLUMES, 

YOL,  Y. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PUBLISHED  BY  EDWARD  EARLE. 

J.  MAXWELL,  PRINTER. 

1817. 


Digitized  by  tiie  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2011  witii  funding  from 

Princeton  Tlieological  Seminary  Library 


Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/memoirsofdukeofs05sull 


MEMOIRS  OF  SULLY. 
BOOK  XXIX. 

1610—1611. 

The  reasons  why  the  princes,  grandees,  and  ministers  bated  Sully:  he 
opposes  the  unjust  proceedings  of  the  council;  refuses  to  sign  a  comp~ 
(ant  at  the  queen's  request.  Quarrels  in  full  council  with  the  duke  of 
Bouillon.  Disputes  in  the  court  and  council.  Coronation  of  Lewis  XIII. 
Sully  goes  to  Montrond,  and  is  taken  iU  there:  reasons  for  the  queen- 
regent  and  the  ministers  recalling  him:  the  reception  given  him  by  this 
princess,  who,  afterwards  takes  part  with  Conchini  and  the  ministers 
against  him.  His  resolution  in  opposing  the  unjust  demands  of  tha 
grandees,  and  the  dissipation  of  the  royal  treasures:  the  uneasiness  he 
suffers  on  this  occasion.  He  quarrels  with  Villeroi  and  d'Alincourt  in 
full  counciL  The  princes,  lords,  and  ministers,  enter  into  a  confederacy 
against  him.  He  takes  a  resolution  to  retire  for  ever  from  court:  dif- 
ferent opinions  concerning  his  retreat.  He  resigns  the  superintendance 
of  the  finances,  the  government  of  the  Bastile,  &c.  The  prudent  advice 
which  he  gives  his  secretaries:  their  obligations  to  him.  He  prevents 
the  artifices  of  his  enemies  to  ruin  him:  his  letters  to  the  queen-regent 
for  this  purpose,  in  which  he  justifies  his  conduct,  and  his  administration: 
the  queen's  answers.  The  king  increases  his  pension.  He  gives  a  general 
account  of  his  public  and  private  conduct;  of  his  wealth:  and  of  his^ 
domestic  affairs:  his  faithful  performances  of  the  promises  he  made  to 
Henry  IV. 

VV  HAT  I  have  just  related  in  the  preceding  Book 
respecting  Cleves,  and  the  conduct  of  the  queen-regent 
towards  me,  took  from  me,  at  length,  all  hope  of  bring- 
ing back  the  court  to  just  notions  upon  the  two  chief 
points  of  government,  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs, 
and  the  management  of  the  finances:  on  the  contrary, 


2  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

the  changeableness  of  the  prince,  what  I  saw  daily  pass 
before  my  eyes,  and,  above  all,  the  air  of  dissimulation 
which  in  the  last  place  they  had  recourse  to,  convinced 
me  that  they  would  never  get  out  of  the  confusion  in 
which  the  affairs  of  the  council  seemed  to  be  lost,  but 
by  such  an  extrication  as  I  was  always  afraid  of  In 
order  to  bring  that  about,  some  time  w^as  necessary; 
for  connections  so  strong  and  so  well  cemented  as 
those  which  the  king  had  formed  for  the  destruction  of 
the  house  of  Austria,  with  all  those  of  the  princes  inte- 
rested in  its  destruction,  are  not  broke  all  at  once,  nor 
sometimes  without  a  struggle  which  has  mischievous 
consequences.  But  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  but  that 
the  queen-regent  and  her  counsellors  employed  all  their 
arts  to  make  them  ineffectual.  That  prejudice  in  favour 
of  what  they  called  the  party  of  religion;  the  hatred 
they  bore  to  all  Protestants,  whether  French  or  foreign- 
ers; a  natural  inclination,  strengthened  by  habit,  to 
unite  with  Spain,  every  impulse  of  which  they  could 
not  help  following  publicly,  when  the  designs  of  Henry 
the  Great  becoming  manifest,  they  were  convicted  of 
supporting  a  cause  at  once  odious  and  desperate:  it 
could  not  be  expected  that  the  force  of  these  motives 
was  abated,  when,  by  an  unexpected  stroke,  they  found 
themselves  upon  the  point  of  accomplishing  what  they 
had  so  ardently  desired.  My  religion,  my  engagements 
the  advice  I  had  given  to  the  late  king,  of  which  at  least 
the  certain  effect  would  have  been  the  free  exercise  of 
the  Protestant  religion  in  France,  and  in  all  Christen- 
dom, even  the  death  of  that  prince,  which  seemed  to 
declare  me  the  only  repository  of  his  sentiments,  and 
the  executor  of  his  designs,  all  the  glory  and  honour 
of  which  must  necessarily  reflect  upon  me:  these  were 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  3 

their  motives  for  hatred  against  a  man  who  liad  already 
so  many  powerful  enemies;  and,  by  the  care  which 
Sillery  and  Villeroi  took  to  enforce  them,  they  could  not 
fail  of  having  a  speedy  effect. 

Another  motive,  less  openly  declared,  but  probably 
stronger  than  all  the  others,  because  it  directly  attacked 
those  private  interests,  united  them  all  a  second  time 
against  me.  This  was  a  too  exact  and  too  impartial 
administration  of  the  finances,  for  persons  wliose  ava- 
rice had  already,  in  imagination,  engrossed  to  them- 
selves all  the  treasures  of  the  late  king.  I  have,  on  this 
head,  an  infinite  number  of  circumstances  to  relate, 
which  certainly  will  not  do  any  honour  to  the  French 
name;  but  it  would  be  to  no  purpose  to  be  silent,  since 
they  are  generally  known.  The  reader  then  may  here 
see  some  of  the  most  important  of  them:  they  will  serve 
to  give  him  an  idea  of  the  court  at  that  time. 

I  shall  begin  with  the  favourite  of  the  queen-regent. 
He  cast  his  eyes  at  first  upon  the  post  of  first  gentleman 
of  the  bed-chamber,  not  that  this  dignity  was  capable 
of  satisfying  his  ambition,  but  it  was  necessary  to  begin 
by  obtaining  a  rank  which  miglit  take  away  the  dispro- 
portion that  had  hitherto  been,  between  him  arid  the 
other  courtiers.  To  this  motive  was  added  some  per- 
sonal resentment  against  Bellegarde,  the  cause  of  which 
I  shall  not  relate,  because  it  would  lead  me  into  too  long 
a  discussion.  It  was  highly  flattering  to  the  vanity  of 
Conchini  that  the  first  step  he  was  seen  to  take  at 
court,  should  put  him  upon  a  par  with  his  rival:*  he 
therefore  caused  it  to  be  proposed  to  the  duke  of  Bouil- 
lon, to  treat  with  him  for  this  post.  Bouillon,  who.really 

'■^  The  marquis  d'Ancre  (for  so  he  began  then  to  be  called)  had  a  diffe- 
rence with  the  master  of  the  horse,  the  particulars  whereof  may  be  seeo  in 
the  History  of  the  Regency  of  Queen  Mary  de  IVIedicis. 


4  MEMOIRS  ['Book  XXIX- 

intended  to  sell  it,  readily  accepted  the  proposal,  and 
was  well  paid  for  his  compliance;  for,  in  the  first  place, 
he  obtained  a  suppression  of  the  offices  established  by 
his  majesty  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sedan,  for  levying 
taxes  upon  all  goods  and  merchandises  exported  and 
imported;  so  that  this  gratuity  may,  without  exaggera- 
tion, be  said  to  be  worth  more  to  him  than  his  whole 
principahty.  To  this  Conchini  added  two  hundred 
thousand  livres,  under  a  pretence  that  he  had  been 
promised  that  sum  upon  surrendering  his  city.  I  repre- 
sented to  them  that  the  duke  of  Bouillon  had  been  ex- 
actly paid  all  that  was  promised  him,  and  if  they  looked 
into  the  account,  they  would  be  convinced  of  it:  but 
what  I  said  was  not  regarded,  and  all  the  expense 
Henry  had  been  at  to  get  possession  of  Sedan,  ended  in 
paying  twice  for  the  place,  which,  after  all,  was  still  in 
Bouillon's  hands. 

Conchini,  however,  did  not  effect  his  purpose  so 
easily  as  he  had  imagined:  the  count  of  Soissons,  as  I 
have  already  hinted,  opposed  him,  as  well  in  that,  as  in 
his  solicitations  for  the  archbishopric  of  Tours;  but  he 
did  it  in  such  a  manner  as  left  him  room  to  hope  there 
was  a-possibility  of  gaining  him;  and  Conchini  soon 
found  the  means.  He  caused  the  government  of  Nor- 
mandy to  be  given  to  him,  and  to  this  end  did  not  scru- 
ple to  take  it  away  from  the  second  son  of  France. 
The  late  king,  that  he  might  avoid  creating  any  jea- 
lousy among  those  who  aspired  to  this  government 
(which  I  had  refused  with  the  condition  of  changing 
my  religion  annexed  to  it),  and  willing  to  oblige  Ferva- 
ques,  who  well  deserved  that  he  should  have  this  consi- 
deration for  him,  had  bestowed  it  upon  his  own  son.  It 
was  not  possible  for  me  to  give  my  assent  to  this  action 
of  Conchini,  or  to  the  gratuity  given  by  the  council  to 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  5 

the  count  of  Soissons,  at  his  majesty's  expense,  by  pur- 
chasing, at  a  high  price,  some  very  inconsiderable  claims 
which  the  house  of  Montaflie  had  in  Piedmont,  of  which 
mention  has  been  already  made.  However,  notwith- 
standing all  my  remonstrances,  the  bargain  was  con- 
cluded. It  was  now  their  custom  to  suffer  me  to  talk, 
but  to  act  without  me. 

Conchini  found  out  a  method  how  to  dispose  of  part 
of  the  king's  treasures,  without  its  appearing  that  the 
sums  raised  by  those  means  were  received  or  employed 
for  his  use.  This  was  by  persuading  the  queen  to  con- 
tinue the  issuing  of  comptants*  as  the  late  king  was 
used  to  do.  She  wrote  the  following  letter  to  me  upon 
this  occasion,  dated  the  15th  of  June: 
"  Cousin, 

"  I  am  resolved,  for  one  year  more,  to  continue  the 
"  comptants  for  the  payment  of  those  sums  which  the 
*'  late  king,  my  lord,  ordered  the  treasurers  of  the  ex- 
*' chequer  to  deposite  in  his  privy  purse:  Beringhen 
"  shall  distribute  the  money  arising  from  hence  to  the 
"  same  persons  as  formerly.  1  therefore  send  this  to 
"  acquaint  you,  that  it  is  my  desire  you  should  direct  the 
"  treasurer  of  the  exchequer  at  present  in  office,  to  pay 
''  into  tlie  hands  of  the  aforesaid  Beringhen,  the  said 
■^  comptant  for  the  July  quarter." 

*  The  comptatits  were  orders  for  payments  of  money,  or  receipts  for  sums 
paid  by  the  king's  order,  without  specifying  in  what  manner  the  money  so 
paid  was  employed-  Henry  IV,  and  Lewis  XIII,  or  their  ministers,  se- 
verely felt  the  abuses  that  might  be  made  of  them;  but  an  infinite  number 
of  expenses,  which  interests  of  state  required  to  be  kept  secret,  prevented 
their  being  abohshed.  Cardinal  de  RicheUeu  determined  to  put  an  end  to 
them,  but  in  lieu  thereof  to  leave  a  million  of  gold  in  the  king's  hands  for 
his  private  expenses,  and  to  be  disposed  of  at  his  pleasure.  Test.  Polit. 
Part.  II.  p  143. 


6  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX 

The  next  day  Puget  aud  d'Argogues  brought  one  of 
these  comptants  to  me  that  I  might  settle  it,  and  write 
miderneath  an  order  for  the  payment.  I  took  it,  and 
at  the  first  glance  did  not  observe  that  it  contained  any 
thing  but  a  great  number  of  sums  which  the  late  king 
caused  to  be  paid  in  this  form:  but,  the  amount  of  the 
whole  appearing  to  me  to  be  excessively  large,  instead 
of  looking  any  farther,  I  told  the  bearers,  that  it  was 
ti'ue  the  conduct  of  Henry  IV  seemed  to  authorise  this 
form,  but  that  at  present  this  writing  did  not  appear  to 
me  to  be  any  longer  a  sufficient  discharge  to  him,  who 
should  venture  to  give  an  order  for  its  payment.  They 
replied,  that,  if  I  would  take  the  trouble  to  read  to  the 
end  of  the  paper,  I  should  find  my  objection  removed 
by  a  discharge  so  valid,  that  T  need  not  have  recourse  to 
any  other  person  for  it.  I  continued  to  read,  being 
curious  to  know  how  a  paper,  which  seemed  to  contain 
nothing  more  than  the  articles  of  a  comptant,  and  that 
not  very  long,  should  produce  a  sum  of  nine  hundred 
thousand  two  hundred  and  ten  livres  and  fourteen  solsj 
which  I  had  seen  by  casting  my  eyes  upon  the  sum 
total.  My  curiosit}'  was  soon  satisfied:  the  two  or  three 
first  articles  were  followed  by  others  with  which  I  was 
not  greatly  pleased,  and  which  seemed  only  inserted 
there,  in  order  to  prepare  me  for  a  morsel  still  harder  to 
digest:  this  was  a  single  article  of  four  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  with  no  other  explanation  than  these  few 
words  which  were  not  very  likely  to  banish  my  scruples: 
"  Paid  into  the  hands  of  the  late  king." 

I  stopped  short,  and  looking  earnestly  upon  Puget, 
asked  him  whether  this  ingenious  trick  was  of  his  own 
invention;  then  resolutely  told  him,  that  the  late  king 
had  never  taken  up  so  much  money  at  once  for  his  pri- 


1610.]  OF   SULLY.  7 

vate  purse:  and  that  I  had  good  proofs  of  his  having 
never  received  this  sum,  either  in  part  or  the  whole. 
He  still  continued  to  answer  with  the  same  inditference, 
that  what  I  should  see  at  the  bottom  would  remove  all 
difficulties.  This  was  four  or  five  lines,  written  by  the 
queen  herself,  and  in  these  terms:  "  We  have  examined 
**  the  articles  of  the  above  complant,  amounting  to  nine 
"hundred  thousand  two  hundred  and  ten  livies  and 
*•  fourteen  sols,  and  know  that  this  sum  was  really  dis- 
^'  bursed  by  the  command  of  the  late  king,  my  lord,  to 
"be  passed  in  the  form  of  a  comptant,  as  usual,  which 
"  he  was  prevented  from  by  death.  We  are  satisfied 
"that  the  said  articles  are  all  just,  and  order  an  acquit- 
"  tance  of  comptant  to  be  expedited,  to  serve  as  a  dis- 
"  charge  for  Puget,  treasurer  of  the  exchequer.  Given 
"at  Paris,  July  16,  1610,  signed,  Mary." 

It  did  not  immediately  occur  to  me  what  resolution 
it  was  proper  for  me  to  take;  but,  after  a  moment's  re- 
flection, "  Monsieur  Puget,"  said  I,  "  what  I  have  read 
"  does  not  explain  to  me  for  what  reason  so  large  a 
"  sum  is  demanded  of  me;  for  I  can  never  be  persuaded 
"  that  the  late  king  received  it.  It  is  in  vain  therefore, 
"that  you  press  me  to  sign  it  upon  that  supposition: 
"  you  must  consequently  be  satisfied  with  this  paper, 
"such  as  it  is,  for  your  discharge;  for,  you  may  depend 
"  upon  it,  I  will  add  nothing  to  it."  The  affair  did  nolrest 
here:  they  renew^ed  their  endeavours  to  obtain  my  sig- 
nature with  as  much  obstinacy  as  I  refused  it;  for  two 
whole  days  I  was  persecuted  about  this  comptant:  at 
last  they  left  me  in  quiet,  and  it  remained  among  the 
rest  of  my  papers;  but  neither  the  queen-regent  nor 
Conchini  ever  forgot  it.  The  favourite  thought  this  but 
a  bad  example  for  those  whom  he  was  endeavouring 

VOL.  V.  B 


8  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

to  bring  to  a  perfect  conformity  with  all  his  desires:  as 
for  the  queen,  her  resentment  at  my  conduct  on  this 
occasion  was  so  great,  that  she  could  not,  with  all  her 
art,  conceal  it;  and  if  till  then,  she  had  at  times  made 
some  slight  reflections  upon  what  the  king  her  husband 
had  often  said  to  her  of  the  great  use  I  should  be  to  her 
in  the  administration  of  affairs,  from  that  moment  all 
retnembrance  of  it  was  erased,  and  gave  place  to  a  set- 
tled resolution  to  bestow  my  employments  upon  a  per- 
son who  would  be  more  tractable. 

The  chancellor  gave  me  an  example  of  that  sort  of 
behaviour  they  expected;  but,  instead  of  following  it,  I 
could  not  help  repioaching  him  one  day  with  a  fraud 
truly  unpardonable,  on  occasion  of  a  letter  of  exemp- 
tion for  the  purchase  of  the  registry  of  the  parliament, 
and  of  the  Chatelet  of  Paris,  which  was  shown  in  full 
council,  as  having  been  expedited  and  sealed  by  the 
late  king,  although  I  knew  that  he  had  obstinately  re- 
fused to  grant  it,  notwithstanding  Villeroi  had,  at  dif- 
ferent times,  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  prevail  upon 
him.  The  law  ordains,  that,  when  the  king  dies,  his 
seal  shall  be  broken.  This  the  chancellor  not  only  ne- 
glected to  do,  but  even  dared  to  make  use  of  it  to  au- 
thenticate several  false  regulations  in  favour  of  Con- 
chini  and  some  others,  and  continued  this  practice  dur- 
ing five  years  after  the  king's  demise,  for  which  he  had 
a  double  conveniency,  as  his  son,  who  was  secretary  of 
state,  forged  all  those  writings,  which  he  put  the  last 
hand  to.  Monsieur  the  admiral*  received  the  assist- 
ance it  gave  him,  as  if  it  came  from  heaven.  He  brought 
to  be  registered  in  the  parliament  letters  patents  for 
duke   and  peer  for  the  lordship   of  Damville  in  as 

*  Charles  de  Montmorency,  duke  of  Damville. 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  & 

good,  and  perhaps  better  form,  than  they  would  have 
had  if  Henry  IV  had  been  living. 

I  find  a  second  letter  from  the  queen-regent  of  the 
same  date  with  the  former,  but  it  was  on  a  subject  of 
less  importance.  It  related  to  a  breach  which  was  to 
be  repaired  in  the  fortifications  lately  raised  before  the 
city  and  castle  of  Vendome,  at  the  desire  of  the  sieur 
Jumeaux,  who  was  governor  of  it. 

It  would  have  been  very  difficult,  exposed  as  I  was 
to  frequent  quarrels  with  the  ministers  and  nobles,  to 
have  avoided  one  with  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  who  on  all 
occasions  gave  me  proofs  that  he  had  not  forgot  or  par- 
doned my  having  always  preferred  the  king's  interest 
to  his,  and  w^ho  only  waited  for  some  opportunity  to 
show  his  resentment  of  it.  He  one  day  proposed  in  the 
council,  that  all  those  who  were  in  possession  of  the 
chief  offices  and  employments  in  the  kingdom,  should 
be  required  to  give  in  accounts  of  receipts  and  expen- 
diture, to  be  examined  there.  The  council  received  this 
proposal  in  the  same  spirit  with  him  that  made  it;  for, 
general  as  it  seemed,  yet  it  was  levelled  at  me  alone; 
and  Bouillon  undertook  to  give  me  notice  of  it,  by  say- 
ing to  me,  in  full  council  likewise,  that,  being  a  man 
who  loved  method  and  exactness,  and  who  was  always 
desirous  of  setting  others  a  good  example,  he  did  not 
doubt  but  that  I  would  begin,  by  laying  before  the  coun- 
cil those  accounts  which  related  to  my  post  of  master- 
general  of  the  ordnance.  I  replied,  in  an  accent  and 
manner  which  possibly  he  did  not  expect.  That  when- 
ever the  king  and  queen  were  pleased  to  require  it,  I 
would  lay  my  accounts  before  them,  and  with  so  much 
the  more  willingness,  as  I  was  well  assured  they  would 
find  nothing  in  them  but  what  would  be  to  their  satis- 
faction, and  my  honour:  that,  in  a  minority,  the  princes 


10  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

the  blood  represented  the  king's  person  hkewise, 
therefore  I  would  give  them  the  same  satisfaction;  but 
that  I  was  too  well  acquainted  with  the  extent  of  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  my  employment,  not  to  know 
that,  to  make  it  accountable  to  any  other  tribunal,  was 
to  debase  it.  "  Sir,"  replied  the  duke,  "  it  appears  to  me 
"  that  the  constable  and  the  marshals  of  France  having 
"  a  right  to  take  cognizance  of  all  affairs  of  the  army, 
"  as  they  fall  immediately  under  their  inspection  by  the 
"  nature  of  their  offices,  so  they  may  likewise  of  all 
"  posts  and  employments  relating  to  it:  and  yours  is  one 
^^  of  the  chief  of  that  kind."  "  I  see  plainly,  Sir,"  re- 
turned I,  without  endeavouring  to  conceal  my  resent- 
ment at  this  procedure,  "  that  you  have  long  designed 
"  me  this  affi'ont,  and  that  you  are  artfully  seeking  to 
"  support  yourself  with  M.  the  constable,  wiiose  rank, 
"  merit,  and  years,  I  honour  and  esteem,  and  for  whose 
"  friendship  I  am  greatly  obliged.  J  do  not  apprehend 
'•  that  any  dispute  will  arise  between  him  and  me  upon 
"  this  matter;  but  as  for  you  and  all  the  others,  I  declare 
"  that  I  do  not  think  myself  accountable  to  you  in  what 
"  regards  my  office,  but  to  the  king  alone."  "  You  must 
"  at  least  acknowledge.  Sir,"  replied  the  duke  of  Bouil- 
lon, "  that,  your  patent  being  directed  to  us,  it  implies 
"  that  we  have  some  degree  of  authority  there."  "  Sir," 
said,  I,  "  you  have  either  very  slightly,  or  but  ill  under- 
''  stood  what  you  read,  since,  if  what  you  assert  be  true, 
"  I  am  likewise  accountable  to  the  mayors,  the  sheriffs, 
"  and  the  captains  of  the  city-gates,  in  what  regards  my 
*'  employments,  since  ihe  patent  is  directed  to  them  as 
*'  well  as  to  the  marshals  and  governors  of  France;  but, 
"  if  you  are  really  ignoiant  why  those  clauses  are  insert- 
''ed,  now  know  from  me,  that  jt  is  jn  order  that!  may 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  11 

"  be  assisted  by  all  tbcse  persons  in  whatever  I  require 
"of  them,  which  carries  rather  an  idea  of  superiorit}' 
"  than  the  contrary." 

The  queen,  who  found  that  tlie  dispute  was  growing 
warm,  and  that  it  might  produce  a  quarrel  between  us, 
imposed  silence  upon  us  both,  and  introduced  another 
question.     Bouillon's  flattery  to  the  constable  missed 
of  the  effect  he  proposed  by  it,  for  I  was  as  much  be- 
loved by  that  nobleman  for  the  services  I  had  done  him 
in  some  very  difficult  circumstances,  as  Bouillon,  who 
had  drawn  him.  into  those  circumstances,  was  disliked 
by  him.  \Mien  the  council  broke  up,  he  told  the  queen, 
in  Bouillon's  presence,  that  his  claim  was  ill  founded; 
then,  addressing  himself  to  the  duke,  he  intreated  him 
not  to  make  any  more  attempts  to  engage  him  in  his 
personal  resentments  and  schemes  of  revenge.     This 
quarrel  made  a  great  noise  at  court,  because  the  friends 
of  each  party  thought  it  mcumbent  upon  them  to  en- 
gage in  it.  It  was  not  here  as  in  the  council:  my  party 
was  now  greatly  superior  to  his.  The  families  of  Guise, 
Longueville,  and   many  others^,  declared  themselves 
openly  for  me. 

Nor  did  Conchini  and  his  wife  continue  long  to  be  in 
good  intelligence  with  the  ministers  and  the  other  chief 
persons  of  the  state.     It  is  the  fate  of  connections,  pro- 
duced by  a  spirit  of  interest,  that  the  same  cause  which 
gives  them  birth,  destroys  them  with  the  greater  facility. 
Hence  followed  a  thousand  scandalous  scenes:   they 
came  openly  to  reproaches  and  abuses,  which,  from 
some  remains  of  decency,  should  have  been  stifled.  As 
the  whole  court  was  actuated  by  the  same  spirit,  it  was 
soon  filled  with  hatred,  jealousy,  and  faction;  none  but 
base  or  criminal  methods  were  employed  in  disputing 
for  favours  or  in  obtaining  them;  some  old  gi'udge  or 


12  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX, 

some  new  resentment  embittered  every  mind,  and  the 
most  sanguinary  catastrophes  were  often  apprehended 
among  persons  of  the  highest  rank:  it  became  necessary 
to  watch  them  continually,  to  prevent  the  fatal  effects 
of  their  quarrels  The  public  was  not  ignorant  of  the 
motives  which  animated  one  against  the  other,  all  the 
princes  of  the  blood,  the  constable,  the  master  of  the 
horse,  the  duke  d'Epernon,  and  many  more.  In  these 
dissensions  Conchini  had  always  the  greatest  part;* 
sometimes,  whiie  the  balance  was  held  between  these 
illustrious  rivals,  the  favours  for  which  they  disputed 
fell  into  the  hands  of  mean,  inconsiderable  persons. 

Discord,  confusion,  injustice,  and  fraud,  all  the  evils 
which  follow  the  contempt  of  subordination,  poured  in 
like  a  deluge  upon  the  court  and  council,  and  more  than 
once  revenged  the  insulted  memory  of  Henry  the  Great 
upon  his  domestic  enemies,  by  those  very  means  which 
they  had  made  choice  of  to  revenge  themselves. 

There  was  not  any  of  the  European  powers  who  did 
not,  by  their  ambassadors,  acquit  themselves  of  what 
they  owed  to  this  great  king:  but  it  was  easy  to  dis- 
tinguish among  them,  those  who  were  more  sincere  in 
their  comphments  of  congratulation  for  the  accession 
of  the  new  king  to  the  throne,  than  in  those  of  condo- 
lence for  the  loss  of  him  whom  he  succeeded.  There 
were  found  Frenchmen  base  enough  to  say  to  the  am- 
bassadors from  tlie  king  of  Spain  and  the  archduke, 
these  very  words:  "  Your  tears  need  not  wet  your  hand- 
"  kerchiefs  much;  it  was  a  stroke  of  Providence  that 
"  saved  the  king  and  the  Catholic  religion  from  ruin.^' 
1  shall  say  nothing  of  the  reception  that  was  given  to 
these  ambassadors. 

*  See  the  detail  of  these  intrigues  and  court-quarrels  in  Siri,  vol.  ii.  p, 
327,  and  in  the  same  historians. 


1610.]  OP  SULLY.  IS 

My  heart  was  too  much  removed  from  every  sensa- 
tion of  joy,  to  allow  me  to  have  any  part  in  the  cere- 
mony of  the  king's  coronation;*  therefore,  while  every 
one  took  the  road  to  Rheims,  I  set  out  for  Montrond, 
after  having  obtained  the  queen's  permission  to  go  to 
one  of  my  country-houses.  I  carefully  concealed  my 
design  of  not  returning  again  to  Paris,  at  least  while  I 
saw  the  same  dispositions  among  the  courtiers,  and  the 
same  disorder  in  affairs:  but  I  had  really  taken  this 
resolution,  which  was  confirmed  by  my  being  attacked 
with  a  violent  illness  immediately  after  I  arrived  at 
Montrond,  and  which  I  could  attribute  to  no  other  cause, 
than  the  painful  situation  my  heart  had  been  in  for  four 
months.  It  was  here  also,  that,  to  calm  the  perturba- 
tions of  my  mind,  I  composed  those  two  httle  pieces  of 
poetry,  one  of  which  is  intituled,  A  Parallel  between 
Caesar  and  Henry  the  Great;  and  the  other  An  Adieu 
to  the  Cowi.j 

If  this  adieu  was  not  the  last,  it  was  not  my  fault:  I 
saw  very  plainly  that  I  could  not  remain  there.  The 
secret  council  held  at  the  house  of  the  nuncio,  which  I 
have  already  mentioned,  was  continually  recurring  to 
my  mind:  to  this  I  added  some  words  which  a  princess, 
my  relation  and  friend,  told  me  she  had  heard  said  to 
the  queen  at  the  same  time.  Many  other  circumstances 
of  this  nature  filled  my  mind  with  the  strongest  fore- 
bodings that  the  whole  Protestant  Church  was  on  the 
eve  of  a  persecution.    By  a  letter  which  Preaux  wrote 

*  The  ceremony  is  very  miautely  described  in  the  Merc:  Frang.  the 
Royal  MSS.  P.  Matthieu,  kc.  anno  1610.  It  was  performed  the  17th  of 
October. 

f  These  pieces  are  recited  in  Sully's  Memoirs,  at  the  end  of  the  first 
Tolume,  p;  469. 


14  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXlX 

tome  from  Chatelleraut,  dated  November  10,  he  seem- 
ed to  be  of  the  same  opinion;  "Already/'  says  he,  "  I 
"  fancy  I  see  the  theatre  raised  to  renew  our  tragedies." 
With  this  melancholy  expectation,  my  resolution  was 
already  settled,  to  dispose  of  all  my  employments  to 
those  persons  who  should  be  recommended  to  me  hy 
Conchini  and  his  wife,  as  money  seemed  to  be  cheap- 
est with  them.  I  intended  to  send  one-third  of  the  sums 
raised  by  these  sales  to  Switzerland,  another  to  Venice, 
and  another  at  Holland,  where  I  proposed  to  retire  my- 
self j  when  the  storm  appeared  ready  to  break  out,  with 
all  the  money  that  by  good  economy  I  had  saved  out  of 
my  yearly  revenue.  Thus  had  I  regulated  my  affairs; 
and  that  I  made  any  alteration  in  this  plan,  was  owing 
to  the  following  circumstance. 

That  jealousy  and  misunderstanding  which  subsisted 
among  the  nobles  and  persc:^is  in  office,  rendered  the 
ceremony  of  the  coronation  so  tumultuous  and  disor- 
derly, that  it  was  expected  some  dangerous  conse- 
quences would  follow.  I  do  not  speak  here  of  their 
disputes  for  rank  and  precedence  only.  The  duke 
d'Epernon,  although  for  some  years  past,  as  it  appear- 
ed, intimately  connected  with  Conchini,  yet  one  day,  in 
concert  with  the  duke  d'Eguillon,  used  language  to  him 
equally  severe,  injurious,  and  threatening,  and  this  in 
public.  The  duke  of  Nevers,  supported  by  the  princes 
of  the  blood,  treated  Villeroi,  Sillery,  and  Jeannin,  in  the 
same  manner:  they  were  seized  with  consternation  and 
fear;  they  found  that  they  had  not  power,  and,  doubt- 
less, felt  they  were  not  innocent  enough  to  repel  these 
reproaches,  and  now  began  to  be  sensible  of  the  need 
they  had  of  me.  It  might  have  dangerous  consequences, 
if  the  princes  and  nobles  were  suffered  to  go  on  in  re- 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  15 

proving  the  ministers  of  state.  I  appeared  to  them  to 
be  the  only  man  capable  of  putting  things  upon  another 
footing,  by  the  authority,  the  respect,  and  even  the  awe, 
which  my  birth,  my  character,  and  my  manners,  had 
acquired  me  in  the  council;  and  they  so  earnestly  soli- 
cited the  queen  to  make  use  of  her  influence  over  me, 
to  oblige  me  to  return,  that  she  sent  me  by  an  express 
the  following  letter: 

"  Cousin, 
"  The  coronation  of  the  king,  monsieur  my  son,  be- 
"  ing  happily  performed  at  Rheims,  we  shall  in  a  short 
"time  set  out  for  Paris;  and  because  many  affairs  that 
"  require  your  presence,  on  account  of  your  employ- 
"  ments,  and  the  great  abihties  you  have  shown  in  the 
"  exercise  of  them,  will  be  transacted  the  latter  end  of 
"this  year,  and  the  beginning  of  the  next,  I  desire  you 
"  will  return  to  Paris  with  all  possible  haste,  that  we 
"  may  find  you  there  upon  our  arrival.  So,  in  full  assu- 
"  ranee  that  you  will  not  fail,  I  beseech  God,  &c. 
"Written  at  Rheims,  October  6,  1610. 

"  Your  good  cousin, 

MARY.' 

I  imagined,  that  by  eluding  this  journey  for  the  pre- 
sent, they  would  think  no  more  of  it;  therefore  my  an- 
swer to  the  queen  was  conceived  in  these  terms: 

"Madam, 
"  My  inclination,  my  duty,  and  the  honour  you  do  me, 
"by  remembering  me,  are  all  motives  equally  strong  to 
"  engage  my  obedience  to  your  majesty's  commands; 

VOL.  v.  c 


16  MEMoms  [Book  XXIX. 

"but  a  dangerous  illness,  from  which  I  am  but  lately 
"  recovered,  has  left  me  in  so  weak  a  condition,  and  the 
"  certain  knowledge  I  have,  that  my  presence  in  the 
*•  council  is  not  agreeable  to  several  persons,  who  have 
"'  more  authority  there  than  I  have,  oblige  me  most 
"  humbly  to  intreat  you,  not  to  be  offended  that  I  delay 
'^- going  to  court  till  I  have  recovered  my  sti'ength;  and 
"  that  when  I  do  attend  your  majesty  there,  you  will 
"permit  me,  before  those  persons  whom  you  shall 
"  please  to  appoint,  to  give  you  an  account  of  my  admi- 
"  nistration,  to  lay  before  you  the  state  in  which  I  leave 
"  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  form  I  think  ne- 
"  cessary  to  be  observed  to  keep  them  in  the  same 
"  order  and  tranquillity  they  are  now  in.  I  must  beg 
"  your  majesty  to  believe  that  this  will  be  the  sole  end 
"  of  my  journey,  and  that  I  have  no  intention  or  desire 
"  to  concern  myself  any  farther  in  the  administration 
"  of  affairs.  I  believe  I  have  settled  every  thing  relat- 
"  ing  to  my  employments  in  such  a  manner  as  the  secre- 
"  taries  of  the  exchequer  and  the  other  officers  can  cer- 
"  tify  to  your  majesty,  that  my  presence  may  be  dis- 
"pensed  with  till  the  latter  end  of  the  year;  at  which 
"  time,  if  my  health  will  permit  me,  I  shall  not  fail  to 
"  go  to  Paris,  to  pay  all  possible  obedience  to  the  king's 
"commands  and  yours;  and  upon  this  truth,  I  beseech 
"  the  Creator,  &c.  From  Montrond,  October  \2, 1610." 

This  was  not  what  the  queen  proposed  to  herself 
from  the  step  she  had  taken  to  recall  me;  she  perceived, 
that  by  delaying  my  return  to  court,  I  was  only  forming 
excuses  for  appearing  there  no  more;  or  that  if  I  did 
come,  the  part  I  should  play  there  would  not  be  very 
proper  to  oblige  those  who  had  deserted  her  favourite, 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  17 

again  to  solicit  his  friendship,  which  was  all  she  had  in 
view;  and  to  effect  this,  slie  made  use  of  all  my  friends,* 
my  wife,  my  son,  and  my  son-in-law  particularly:  she 
began  by  an  insinuating  and  gracious  behaviour  to  them ; 
showed  such  an  unreserved  confidence  in  me,  added  so 
many  kind  expressions,  and  promises  so  flattering  to 
their  hopes,  that  they  were  now  more  than  ever  confirm- 
ed in  their  belief,  that  I  should  commit  a  great  enor  by 
laying  down  my  employments.  She  afterwards  sent 
them,  one  after  the  other,  to  me,  charged  with  the  most 
obliging  letters,  and  the  fullest  assurances  of  her  favour 
and  esteem.  I  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  make  them 
sensible,  that  all  this  was  deep  art  on  the  queen's  side, 
their  solicitations,  their  intreaties,  became  persecution^ 
which  at  length  fatigued  me  so  much,  that  being  desi- 
rous of  avoiding  reproaches,  to  which  I  saw  no  end,  and 
considering  likewise  that  my  compliance  with  requests 
thus  earnestly  urged,  would  expose  me  to  no  inconve- 
niences for  the  present,  I  resolved  to  throw  myself, 
though  fairly  warned  of  my  danger,  into  all  the  snares 
that  were  laid  for  me  at  court,  and  again  postponed  the 
execution  of  my  first  design.  I  therefore  set  forwards 
to  Paris,  but  showed  no  great  eagerness  to  get  there, 
since  I  did  not  reach  that  city  till  the  sixteenth  day 
after  my  departure  from  Montrond.  The  next  morn- 
ing, as  I  was  preparing  to  go  and  pay  my  respects  to  the 
king,  and  the  queen-regent,  I  was  infonned,  that  the 
king  would  pass  the  whole  forenoon  in  the  TuillerieS; 

*  "  Bouillon  had  orders  to  go  to  him  (M.  de  Sully)  at  Paris,  on  his  re- 
"  turn  from  his  country-seat,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  queen's  reg-ard  for 
"  him,  and  that  slie  would  place  the  same  confidence  in  him  the  late  king- 
"  had.  He  accepted  the  queen's  offer,"  &c.  Hist,  de  la  Mere  et  du  Fils, 
vol.  L  p.  112. 


18  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

and  that  the  queen  was  to  dine  at  Zamet's.  I  did  not 
doubt  but  that  my  attending  her  there  would  be  very 
acceptable  to  her;  and  indeed  she  received  me  in  the 
most  gracious  manner  imaginable:  she  several  times 
repeated,  with  an  air  of  freedom,  and  even  pleasure,  by 
which  I  myself  was  almost  imposed  upon,  that  she  would 
follow  no  other  counsels  but  mine.  She  intreated  me  to 
attach  myself  to  her  son,  as  I  had  done  to  the  late  king; 
she  told  me,  that  she  would  not  suffer  me  to  lay  down 
my  employments;  that  she  would  take  such  measures, 
that  I  should  execute  them  in  an  absolute  independence; 
and  desired  me  to  begin  with  the  accounts  of  the  finan- 
ces for  the  year  1611,  as  I  used  to  do;  none  of  the  mi 
nisters  having  shown  themselves  willing  to  take  this  care 
upon  them  during  my  absence,  and  she  herself  being 
desirous  that  I  should  continue  to  discharge  it.  The 
queen  continued  her  discourse  till  dinner  was  served:  I 
can  relate  only  a  small  part  of  it.  When  she  arose  from 
table  she  entertained  me  with  the  disputes  that  had  hap- 
pened during  the  coronation:  she  informed  me,  that  the 
nobles  had  made  an  infinite  number  of  demands,  but 
that  she  had  resolved  to  conclude  nothing  till  my  return: 
however,  she  avoided  saying  any  thing  particular  on  this 
head,  but  only  told  me,  that  she  would  talk  to  me  more 
fully  the  first  opportunity,  and  would  let  me  know  what 
were  the  services  she  required  of  jne  on  this  occasion: 
these  words  seemed  entirely  free  from  reserve.  The 
whole  court  appeared  so  gay,  that  it  was  but  too  proba- 
ble this  serious  conversation  was  extremely  disagreea- 
ble: accordingly  it  gave  place  to  others  more  common; 
and  at  three  o'clock  the  queen  returned  to  the  Louvre. 
I  went  thither  the  next  day,  to  pay  my  respects  to 
the  king,  to  the  princes  his  brothers,  and  the  princes- 


I 


1610.]  OF    SULLY.  19 

ses  his  sisters.     This  part  of  the  court  was  still  untaint- 
ed; the  governesses,  the  nurses,  the  other  women  and 
officers,  which  composed  the  household  of  these  young 
princes,  foniied  a  kind  of  separate  people,  to  whom  the 
memory  of  king  Henry  was  still  dear:  the  source  of 
their  tears  and  lamentations  were  not  yet  dried  up;  I 
wept  with  them,  while  we  talked  of  that  good  prince; 
they  conjured  me,  hy  every  motive  which  they  thought 
could  make  any  impression  upon  my  mind,  by  the  friend- 
ship Henry  had  for  me,  by  my  attachment  to  him,  not 
to  abandon  the  children  of  a  father  to  whom  I  had  now 
no  other  way  of  acquitting  myself  of  what  I  owed  him. 
Their  intreaties  and  their  tenderness  could  add  nothing 
to  those  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  affection  which  fil- 
led my  heart,  and,  to  our  mutual  misfortune,  could  not 
increase  my  power  of  serving  them.     Upon  my  atten- 
tively viewing  the  three  princes,  I  thought  I  discovered 
in  the  countenance  and  behavour  of  the  young  king, 
sti'ong  indications  of  those  happy  dispositions  which  time 
has  since  ripened  and  disclosed.  I  imparted  my  thoughts 
to  my  wife  when  I  returned  home;  but  it  was  with  grief 
that  I  judged,  heaven  would  not  give  a  long  life  to  the 
second  of  these  princes.* 

I  was  visited  by  almost  the  whole  court,  with  all  those 
false  shows  of  friendship,  those  praises  and  civilities 
which  never  so  nearly  resembled  the  true,  as  when  the 
heart  has  the  least  share  in  them.     Conchini,  who  had 
taken  care  to  have  it  insinuated  to  me  by  Zamet  and 

*  This  prince  died  the  16th  or  17th  of  November  in  the  next  year,  at 
the  age  of  four  years  and  an  half;  a  quantity,  of  water  was  found  in  his 
bead;  the  too  great  thickness  of  the  skull  stopprag-  the  perspiration  in  that 
part;  which  proved  the  innocence  of  Le-Maitre,  physician  to  the  children 
of  France,  who  was  accused  of  having  poisoned  this  young  prince.  Merc. 
Frang.  ann.  1611.  p.  158. 


20  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

d'Argouges,  that  he  was  the  person  to  whom  I  was  most 
obliged  for  the  gracious  reception  I  had  met  with  from 
the  queen,  and  for  her  kind  intentions  towards  me,  wait- 
ed three  whole  days  in  expectation  that  I  should  ac- 
knowledge this  favour,  by  making  him  a  complimentary 
visit;  which  the  courtiers  had  accustomed  him  to  look 
upon  as  a  tribute  due  to  his  great  influence  and  author- 
it)';  or  that  I  should  at  least  send  some  person  to  dis- 
charge this  duty  for  me.     However,  as  he  neither  saw 
me,norreceived  any  message  from  me,  he  condescended 
at  length  to  make  me  a  visit:  but  that  I  might  not  as- 
sume too  much  upon  a  step  by  which  he  conceived  that 
he  degraded  himself,  he  was  very  careful  to  make  me 
sensible  that  he  came  only  upon  his  own  business:  and 
indeed  our  conversation  turned  chiefly  upon  his  post  of 
first  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber;  upon  his  pensions, 
which  the  queen  had  ordered  should  be  carried  to  ac-^ 
count  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  Eellegarde;  and 
upon  a  gift  which  he  had  lately  received  out  of  the  of- 
fices of  the  gabelle  in  Languedoc,  for  which  he  had  a 
brevet,  obtained  before  the  late  king's  death;  but  this  I 
did  not  think  proper  to  mention  to  him.     I  thought  my 
answers  to  all  this  were  not  calculated  to  inspire  him 
with  any  inclination  to  quit  the  subject  he  was  upon,  and 
for  which  he  said  he  had  come  to  me;  yet  he  could  not 
help  it:  but  I  believe  it  was  not  long  before  he  repented 
it;  for  having  slided  in,  by  way  of  advice,  that  the  best 
thing  I  could  do,  would  be  to  comply  with  the  queen  in 
all  things,  and  accommodate  myself  wholly  to  her  will 
(which  was  tacitly  charging  me  with  ruining  my  own  af- 
fairs by  my  obstinacy)  I  made  him  this  short  and  severe 
answer,  That  I  would  pay  an  exact  obedience  to  all  the 
commands  of  the  queen-regent,  when  they  were  foi*  the 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  21 

service  of  the  king,  the  advantage  of  affairs,  and  the  re- 
lief of  the  people ;  and  when  my  honour  and  my  con- 
science told  me  I  might  do  it,  without  prejudicing  either. 
Every  word  he  uttered  seemed  to  increase  the  aversion 
I  had  to  him:  he  added  something  more,  but  with  that 
caution  which  my  behaviour  to  him  seemed  to  authorise. 
I  answered  with  equal  coldness  and  reserve,  and  we 
parted  very  ill  satisfied  with  each  other;  he,  I  believe, 
with  fewer  hopes  than  ever  of  moulding  me  to  his  pur- 
pose; and  I  full  of  grief  at  the  advancement  of  those  mis- 
fortunes which  this  presumptuous,  insatiable  nian,  with- 
out abilities,  without  experience,  yet  invested,  with  an 
absolute  authority^  was  bringing  upon  France. 

It  appeared  to  me,  from  the  day  after  this  conversa- 
tion, that  things  were  greatly  altered:  the  queen,  whom 
I  went  to  wait  upon  at  the  Louvre,  seemed  to  have  lost 
much  of  her  former  graciousness;  yet  she  constrained 
herself  to  preserve  some  appearance  of  it,  that  the  alter- 
ation might  not  be  too  remarkable,  and  to  hinder  me 
from  imputing  it  to  the  conversation  I  had  the  day  be- 
fore with  Conchini:  she  again  mentioned  to  me  the  im- 
portunate demands  of  the  grandees,  taxed  them  with 
extravagance,  and  seemed  resolved  to  refer  them  to  the 
council;  at  which  she  desired  I  would  always  be  present^ 
to  take  care  that  nothing  passed  there  contrary  to  the 
interest  of  the  king  and  the  state.  She  promised  me, 
upon  her  royal  word,  presenting  her  hand  at  the  same 
time  to  me,  that  she  would  support  me  there  as  strenu- 
ously as  the  late  king  had  done.  I  lost  all  my  suspicions 
at  this  declaration;  I  flattered  myself  for  a  moment  that 
this  princess  having  seriously  reflected  on  all  that  had 
lately  happened,  was  become  sensible  of  the  danger  of 


22  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX 

pursuing  those  measures  they  endeavoured  to  engage 
her  in;  but  I  was  soon  undeceived. 

Prepared  as  I  was  for  irregular  proceedings,  I  could 
not,  without  extreme  surprise,  see  that  scarcely  any  busi- 
ness was  ti'ansacted  in  the  council,  but  what  related  to 
gifts  to  the  nobles,  to  augmentations  of  the  pensions  to 
persons  in  office,  the  paying  of  debts  which  had  been 
cancelled,  the  abatement  of  farms,  and  discharges  of  the 
farmers,  and  revocations  of  the  contracts  made  for  the 
rents,  registries,  and  domains;  creations  of  new  offices, 
exemptions_,  and  privileges;  in  a  word,  a  thousand 
schemes  to  render  the  people  miserable,  instead  of  ap- 
plying the  ti'easures  amassed  by  the  late  king  to  their 
relief,  as,  in  justice,  ought  to  have  been  done;  since  the 
circumstances  of  affairs  were  so  changed,  that  the  design 
for  which  they  were  raised  could  not  be  executed:  but 
the  rapaciousness  of  the  great  lords  would  have  swal- 
lowed sums  far  more  considerable.  Here  follow  the 
demands,  which  the  chief  amongst  them  endeavoured  to 
obhge  the  queen  and  the  council  to  gi^ant  them.  It  must 
not  be  expected  here,  that  this  article  can  extend  itself 
into  a  Hst,  as  I  am  afraid  the  other  will  appear,  though 
I  have  cut  off  the  demand  of  doubling  and  ti^ebling  the 
pensions,  as  a  matter  common  to  almost  all  the  articles. 

At  the  head  of  this  list  I  shall  put  M.  the.  prince  who 
caused  me  to  be  soUcited,  sometimes  openly,  sometimes 
in  a  covert  manner,  to  support  his  pretensions  to  the  go- 
vernment of  Chateau-Trompette,  to  that  of  Blaye,and  to 
the  principahty  of  Orange,  extended  as  far  as  the  borders 
of  the  Rhone.  The  count  of  Soissons  demanded  the  go- 
vernment of  the  old  palace  of  Rouen,  that  of  the  castle  of 
Caen,  and  that  an  edict  on  linen  cloth  should  be  created 


1610.]  OF  SULLY..  S3 

for  his  profit,  which  I  have  mentioned  in  its  place.  The 
duke  of  Lorrain  demanded  the  payment  of  the  whole 
sum  expressed  in  his  treaty,  although  I  had  settled  this 
affair  a  long  time  ago,  when  it  was  agreed,  that  that 
sum  should  be  reduced  two  thirds.  The  duke  of  Guise 
solicited  for  a  marriage  betAveen  himself  and  madam  de 
Montpensier;  for  the  revocation  of  the  rights  of  patents 
in  Provence,  and  of  offices  for  collecting  the  duties  at 
the  gates  of  Marseilles:  he  demanded  fikewise  that  his 
debts  should  be  paid.  The  duke  of  Maienne  demanded 
other  sums,  besides  those  expressed  in  his  treaty.  D'- 
Eguillon,  a  gift  of  thirty  thousand  crowns,  the  govern- 
ment of  Bresse,  and  the  city  of  Bourg;  and  the  embassy 
of  Spain,  with  excessive  appointments.  Joinville,  the 
government  of  Auvergne,  or  the  first  that  became  vacant. 
The  duke  of  Nevers  demanded  the  property  of  the  ga- 
belles  of  Rethelois,  with  the  governments  of  Mezieres 
and  Saint-Menchout.  The  duke  d^Epernon,  a  body  of 
infantry  kept  constantly  on  foot;  the  reversion  of  his 
government  for  his  son;  fortifications  to  be  raised  at 
Augouleme  and  at  Xaintes;  Metz,  and  the  county  of 
Messin,  taken  from  Montigny.  The  duke  of  Bouillon 
demanded  a  sum  of  money,  for  the  payment  of  old  debts, 
which  he  pretended  were  due  to  him;  the  aides,  tailles, 
and  gabelles,  of  the  viscounty  of  Turenne,  for  his  use; 
and  that  the  homage  of  this  viscounty  should  be  reduc- 
ed to  a  simple  homage;  the  arrears  of  his  garrisons  and 
his  pensions  during  his  exile;  the  right  of  holding  gene- 
ral assemblies  of  the  reformed  rehgion.  The  chancel- 
lor demanded  the  money  arising  from  the  petty  seals, 
his  salaiy  to  be  doubled,  and  letters  of  nobility  in  Nor- 
mandy.    Villeroi  demanded,  that  a  garrison  should  be 

VOL.  V.  D 


24>  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX 

maintained  at  Lyons,  the  royal  lieutenancy  of  the  pro- 
vince taken  from  Saint-Chaumont:  a  marshal's  staff  for 
his  son  d'Alincourt,  the  repeal  of  a  bargan  which  I  had 
made  for  the  repurchase  of  the  crown  lands  in  that  pro- 
vince, and  the  mortgages  of  his  registries  and  upon  the 
king's  lands. 

It  will  be  easly  imagined  that  Conchini's  demands, 
were  not  less  considerable  than  those  of  any  other;  a 
marshal's  staff,  the  governments  ofBourg,  Dieppe,  and 
Point-de-l'Arche;  a  donation  of  the  money  produced  by 
the  offices  of  the  gabelle  of  Languedoc,  passed  in  the 
form  of  a  comptant;  the  profit  arising  from  the  reduction 
made  upon  public  works,  granted  to  Moisset  and  to 
Feydeau:  such  was  his  portion.  C bateau- vieux,  the 
chevalier  de  Sillery,  DoUe,  Deagent,  Arnaud  the  intend- 
ant.  Buret  the  physician,  all  the  members  of  the  queen's 
privy  council,  who  solicited  so  well  for  others,  did  not 
forget  their  own  affairs.  It  would  be  almost  the  same 
thing  to  enumerate  all  those  persons  of  any  quality  who 
had  a  share  in  this  profuse  distribution  of  pensions,  gra- 
tuities, privileges,  appointments,  &c.  as  to  name  those 
who  were  comprehended  in  this  list,  for  every  one  had 
some  claim  there ;  the  princes,  governors  of  provinces, 
the  heutenant-civil,  the  prevot  des  marchands,  and  even 
the  societies  and  sovereign  courts;  all  the  officers  of  the 
crown  were  to  have  their  pensions  augmented  twenty- 
four  thousand  livres  each;  and  the  salaries  of  every 
member  of  the  council  raised  in  proportion,  and  their 
number  to  be  considerably  increased.  In  a  word,  there 
seemed  to  be  a  general  conspiracy  to  pillage  the  royal 
treasure,  which  was  now  considered  as  a  lawful  prize. 

The  indignation  which  I  felt  in  myself  against  a  li- 
centiousness that  degenerated  into  an  attempt  upon  the 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  25 

royal  authority,  would  not  permit  me  to  examine,  whe- 
ther the  resolution  I  had  taken,  singly  to  oppose  this 
multitude  of  rapacious  courtiers,  was  absolutely  prudent  j 
hut  this  nothing  could  persuade  nie  from  doing,  while 
the  place  I  held  in  the  council  authoiised  such  a  con- 
duct. My  honour,  my  conscience,  my  reputation,  which 
I  was  called  upon  to  support;  the  interest  of  the  king 
and  the  people,  whose  only  defender  I  considered  my- 
self, would  not  permit  me  to  attend  to  my  own  safety: 
the  last  words,  nay,  the  intreaties  of  the  queen-regent, 
gave  me  a  right  to  oppose  them:  and  though  I  was  very 
sensible  that  she  did  not  desire  I  should  understand 
them  hterally,  yet,  all  things  considered,  I  was  going  to 
render  her  a  service  so  essential,  that  she  could  not,  or 
ought  not,  to  disavow  it:  and  yet  I  had  another  motive, 
which  I  will  not  scruple  to  declare,  since  I  would  have 
my  most  secret  sentiments  known  to  the  reader.  That 
desire  of  glory,  that  self  love,  Avhich,  when  under  the 
direction  of  reason  and  justice,  has  always  appeared  to 
me  to  have  something  great  and  noble  in  it;  self-love, 
I  say,  dictated  to  me,  that  since  sooner  or  later,  I  must 
necessarily  be  removed  from  the  ministry,  I  should  risk 
but  little  by  hastening  the  moment  of  my  dismission; 
and  that  I  should  gain  a  great  deal  by  giving  a  convinc- 
ing proof,  that  this  disgrace  would  not  have  happened 
to  me,  had  I  not  opposed  the  unjustifiable  measures  I 
saw  pursued  by  the  council,  and  disdained  the  servile 
compliance  of  the  rest  of  the  courtiers:  there  remains 
to  unfortunate  virtue  this  last  recompense  for  the  dis- 
appointment of  its  good  designs,  that  it  shines  with  re- 
doubled splendour  amidst  opposition  and  persecution. 

The  queen  soon  left  me  only  this  consolation  in  the 
painful  labours  I  began  to  sustain;  all  her  conduct  serv- 


26  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

ed  to  show  me,  that  she  had  only  recalled  me  to  Paris, 
and  opposed  me  to  the  whole  court  at  this  tunmltuous 
time,  to  reduce  me  to  the  fatal  alternative  of  incurring 
the  public  contempt  if  I  betrayed  my  duty,  or  particular 
enemies  (which  was  still  more  to  be  dreaded)  if  I  dis- 
charged it.  A  demand,  which  I  had  rendered  of  no  ef- 
fect in  full  council,  at  the  risk  of  making  myself  a  thou- 
sand cruel  and  implacable  enemies,  was  afterwards  pri- 
vately granted  as  a  gratuity  by  this  princess  and  her  con- 
fidant. 

It  is  not  my  design  to  give  a  detail  of  all  the  schemes 
that,  during  this  short  time,  were  set  on  foot  in  the 
council,  nor  of  what  was  said  or  done  to  render  them 
ineffectual;  it  would  be,  in  reality,  to  describe  so  many 
suits,  where,  as  in  law,  they  did  not  fail  to  make  use  of 
all  the  methods  commonly  practised  to  corrupt  a  judge 
too  rigidly  just,  and  against  which  I  was  so  much  the 
more  incited  to  exclaim,  as  they  attempted  likewise  to 
carry  their  point,  either  by  secret  plots  or  by  open  ca- 
bals. I  shall  give  the  reader  one  example,  which  will 
serve  to  show,  that  the  evil  was  great  enough  to  demand 
remedies  no  less  violent  than  those  I  made  use  of  The 
article  relating  to  Villeroi,  or  rather  to  d'Alincourt,  is 
not  the  least  curious  or  important  of  those  which  the 
reader  has  already  had  some  account  of 

When  d'Alincourt  required,  that  a  strong  garrison 
should  be  placed  in  the  city  of  Lyons,  of  which  he  was 
governor,  and  maintained  at  the  king's  expense,  he  had 
two  ends  to  answer  by  it;  one  was,  to  increase  his  in- 
come, by  the  profits  arising  from  this  garrison;  for  in- 
deed he  had  occasion  for  great  riches,  to  enable  him  to 
live  as  he  proposed  to  do,  not  merely  as  a  marshal  of 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  27 

France  (a  dignity  which  he  expected  to  be  raised  to  in 
a  very  little  time)  but  with  the  state  and  retinue  of  a 
prince:  vain  pageantry,  and  doubly  ridiculous  in  one 
who  had  only  large  possessions  to  supply  the  disadvanta- 
ges of  a  mean  birth.  The  other  was,  to  compel  the 
Lyounois,  by  the  terror  with  which  so  many  forces  would 
inspire  them,  to  sacrifice  to  him  their  most  ancient  rights 
and  privileges,  which  he  had  for  a  long  time  designed 
to  invade.  As  for  the  treaty  made  for  the  redemption 
of  the  royal  domain,  w^hich  in  that  province  amounted 
to  twelve  hundred  thousand  li^Tes,  he  was  inclined  to 
demand  the  suppression  of  it,  because  those  who  were 
concerned  in  that  affair  secured  to  him  a  present  of  an 
hundred  thousand  hvres,  if  he  could  by  any  means  hin- 
der that  redemption  from  taking  place. 

His  designs,  however,  were  crossed  by  two  vigilant 
enemies,  these  were,  the  whole  city  of  Lyons,  and  Saint- 
Chaumont,  the  king^s  lieutenant  in  that  province;  but 
to  these  he  opposed  the  chancellor  Sillery,  and  Villeroi 
his  father,  both  very  powerful  in  the  council,  and  in  high 
favour  with  the  queen;  these  he  set  on  to  solicit  for  him, 
and  with  the  more  eagerness,  because  he  found  by  my 
discourse,  when  he  came  to  intreat  me  to  be  favourable 
to  his  pretensions,  that  he  could  not  depend  upon  me  in 
the  council,  before  Avhom  these  demands  were  to  be 
laid;  he  saw  plainly,  that  he  would  have  occasion  for  all 
his  batteries:  but  he  did  not  doubt  of  his  success,  when 
he  was  informed  that  his  father  and  Sillery  had  brought 
over  Conchini  to  his  party,  who  aftei'wards  prevailed 
upon  the  queen  to  espouse  it  hkewise. 

We  were  all  assembled  in  the  great  closet,  where  a 
council  was  to  be  held  upon  this  affair,  when  the  queen 


28  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

came  up  and  spoke  to  me  in  favour  of  d^Alincourt:  I 
told  her  majesty  with  great  frankness,  that  she  must  not 
expect  I  would  give  my  vote  for  a  comphance  with  two 
such  unjust  proposals;  that  it  was  not  reasonable  the 
king  should  lose  twelve  hundred  thousand  livres,  to  put 
one  hundred  thousand  in  the  pocket  of  M.  d'Alincourt; 
that  this  was  to  open  the  way  for  every  one  else  to  get 
the  like  treaties  for  redemption  of  the  domain,  and  other 
parts  of  the  royal  revenue,  (which  amounted  to  near 
fifty  millions,)  revoked  over  all  the  kingdom:  that  I  would 
as  strenuously  oppose  his  other  demand,  although  I  knew 
it  would  be  alleged,  that  the  council  had  no  right  to  take 
cognizance  of  it,  and  that  it  was  only  laid  before  it  to 
get  the  first  authorised;  that  by  these  measures  we  were 
going  to  expose  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  kingdom, 
hitherto  well  affected  and  loyal,  to  the  danger  of  violat- 
ing their  allegiance,  merely  to  gratify  an  unreasonable 
request,  since,  by  the  last  treaty,  which  I  myself  had 
concluded  with  cardinal  Aldobrandini  for  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  his  majesty  being  to  keep  possession  of  Bresse, 
and  of  both  the  borders  of  the  Rhone,  Lyons  was  no 
longer  a  frontier  city,  and  having  no  more  neighbours 
to  fear,  had  no  farther  occasion  for  a  garrison  in  it. 

The  queen  seemed  to  be  satisfied  with  these  reasons, 
and  turned  towards  Villeroi,  as  if  to  make  him  approve 
of  them  likewise;  but  he  was  not  so  easily  repulsed;  he 
gave  her  reasons  in  answer  to  mine,  some  good  and 
some  bad;  and  when  he  came  to  the  article  of  the  gar- 
risen,  he  told  her,  that  it  was  indeed  true,  the  Spaniards 
and  Savoyards  were  not  such  near  neighbours  of  this 
city  as  formerly,  therefore  it  was  not  against  their  at- 
tempts that  it  was  necessary  to  secure  the  city  of  Ly- 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  29 

ons,  since  they  were  moreover  upon  the  point  of  becom- 
ing our  friends  and  allies,  but  that  the  true  enemies  to 
be  feared  were  the  Huguenots,  who  being  now  in  a  bet- 
ter condition,  had  probably  a  greater  inclination  than 
ever  to  make  an  attempt  upon  that  city-  he  named  Lesdi- 
guieres  in  particular,  as  one  from  whom  most  danger 
was  to  be  apprehended. 

Berengueville  overheard  what  Villeroi  said  to  the 
queen,  and  repeated  every  word  to  me:  this  confirmed 
to  me  the  truth  of  what  I  had  heard  concerning  the  se- 
cret council  held  at  the  house  of  Ubaldini,  the  pope^s 
nuncio.  I  saw  with  indignation,  that  the  sole  view  of 
these  gentlemen  was  to  set  the  Catholics  and  Protes- 
tants in  France,  as  well  as  in  all  Europe,  at  variance. 
I  was  no  less  shocked  at  Villeroi's  accusation  of  a  man 
aUied  to  my  family,  and  rising  up  hastily,  I  went  to- 
wards the  queen,  who  was  still  listening  to  him,  and 
told  her,  that  I  had  forgot  to  forewarn  her  of  a  thing 
which  I  was  as  well  assured  of  as  if  I  had  been  a  wit- 
ness of  it,  and  this  was,  that  Villeroi,  in  his  design  of 
rendering  her  favourable  to  his  son's  pretensions,  cared 
but  little  by  what  means  this  was  brought  about;  and 
did  not  scruple  to  make  the  most  false  and  mahgnant 
representations  against  the  Protestants,  without  even  ex- 
cepting one,  whom  a  thousand  great  and  good  services 
ought  to  place  out  of  the  reach  of  suspicion ;  that  his 
malice  went  so  far  as  to  treat  them  as  enemies  whom 
France  had  more  reason  to  fear  than  Spain  itself;  that 
if  her  majest}',  judging  Villeroi's  arguments  and  mine 
to  be  of  equal  weight,  should  resolve  to  view  the  Pro- 
testants and  the  Spaniards  in  the  same  light,  nothing 
remained  for  her  to  do  (and  I  looked  steadfastly  upon 
him)  but  to  exclude  us  both  from  the  council.     This 


30  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

was  a  severe  sti'oke  upon  Villeroi;  but  this  man,  who 
had  neither  abilities  to  speak  in  pubHc,  nor  knew  how 
to  give  his  vote  in  the  council,  had  not  a  single  word  to 
say  in  answer  to  me;  indeed  his  surprise,  and  the  secret 
reproaches  of  his  own  conscience,  might  well  render 
him  dumb  upon  this  occasion:  all  he  did  was  to  go  to 
that  part  of  the  room  where  the  chancellor  and  the  duke 
d'Epernpn  were  conferring  together;  and  the  queen  also, 
quitting  her  place  without  answering  me,  went  to  join 
the  count  of  Soissons  and  marshal  Brissac  who  were 
talking  in  private.  I  foreboded  no  good  from  these  se- 
veral connections. 

Nothing  was  done  this  day  in  d'Alincourt's  affair, 
and  I  sometimes  flattered  myself  that  the  measures  I 
had  taken  would  hinder  it  from  being  resumed ;  but  it 
was  only  put  off  till  his  father  and  himself,  the  chan- 
cellor and  his  brother,  by  new  cabals  with  Conchini 
and  the  counsellors,  secured  all  the  votes  in  their  fa- 
vour, even  that  of  Bethune  my  brother,  who  came  to 
me  with  an  intention  to  make  one  effort  more  to  soften 
me:  he  represented  to  me,  that  my  opposition  was  in 
vain,  and  would  have  no  other  consequence  but  to  bring 
every  body  upon  my  back;  that  I  should  have  the  mor- 
tification to  see  that  my  example  would  not  be  followed 
even  by  my  nearest  relations.  I  rephed,  that  I  never 
expected  any  thing  else  from  him,  but  that  I  was  ab- 
solutely determined  to  continue  to  the  end  faithful  in 
the  performance  of  my  duty;  and  I  kept  my  word;  for 
in  the  first  council  that  was  held  on  this  occasion,  see- 
ing that  the  counsellor  to  whose  charge  it  fell  that  day, 
was  ready  to  make  his  report,  I  asked  him  hastily,  what 
was  the  business.^  he  rephed,  that  it  related  to  some 
proposals  which  were  to  be  made  concerning  the  do- 


1610.]  OP^ULLY.  31 

main  in  Lyonnois.  I  interrupted  him,  saying,  that  I 
was  well  assured  d'Alincourt,  who  was  most  interested 
in  that  affair,  had  formed  so  strong  a  party  for  him  in 
the  council,  by  the  mediation  of  his  friends  and  rela- 
tions, that  it  was  already  resolved  on,  even  before  it  was 
laid  before  it;  but  that  I  protested  against  it,  as  being 
absolutely  contrary  to  his  majesty's  interest;  and  that  I 
desired  a  certificate  of  my  protestation  from  the  clerk, 
to  send  it  to  the  parliament  to  be  registered  there,  in 
order  that  this  writing  might  one  day  serve  to  show  the 
king  the  bad  conduct  pursued  by  his  council  after  the 
death  of  the  king  his  predecessor  * 

*  This  account  perfectly  s^ees  with  what  is  said  in  I'Histoire  de  la  Mere 
et  du  Fils;  "  The  duke  of  Sully,"  says  that  history,  "  continued  to  exercise 
"  his  oflBce  for  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks  after  the  coronation  was  perform- 
*'  ed,  at  which  time  the  disputes  on  account  of  the  Swiss  at  Lyons,  which  I 
"  have  spoke  of  before,  were  renewed,  because  Villeroi  wanted  to  have 
"  their  pay  charged  on  tlie  general  receipts  of  that  city.     The  duke  of 
"  Sully  was  so  much  out  of  temper  on  this  score,  that  not  content  with 
"  maintaining,  it  was  unreasonable  to  load  the  king  with  so  great  an  ex- 
"  pense,  when  the  inhabitants  of  Lyons  were  sufficient  to  keep  guard  them- 
"  selves,  as  they  had  always  been  used  to  do,  he  also  treated  the  chancellor, 
"  who  sided  with  Villeroi,   roughly,  telling  him,  they  were  all   agreed 
"  amongst  themselves  to  ruin  the  king's  affairs.     As  this  was  an  affront  to 
"  all  these  ministers  in  common,  they  joined  their  endeavours  to  ruin  the 
"  duke,  the  harshness  of  whose  temper  was  not  to  be  softened."  This  wri- 
ter afterwards  relates  the  several  steps  that  were  taken  to  unite  the  mi- 
nisters with  the  count  of  Soissons,  the  marquis  d'Ancre,  the  marquis  de 
Coeuvres,  and  others,  against  the  duke  of  Sully.     As  this  author  is  one  of 
the  duke  of  Sully's  enemies,  I  quote  him  on  purpose  to  confirm  the  truth  of 
what  the  duke  says,  that  he  might  have  kept  his  posts,  if  he  would  have 
joined  in  the  measures  of  the  new  council;  and  that  his  perseverance  in  the 
support  of  justice,  the  public  interest,  and  the  late  king's  plan  of  govern- 
ment, was  the  cause  of  his  disgrace.     AU  men  of  sense  have  not,  however, 
given  the  same  judgment  on  his  inflexibility  as  the  author  I  am  speaking  of, 
though  all  the  enemies  of  that  minister  have  agreed  with  him  in  it.  In  the 
appendix  to  the  Merc.  Frang.  for  the  year  1610,  p.  9,  we  find  an  entire  dis- 
course on  this  subject,  which  justifies  him  in  a  manner  extremely  to  his 

VOL.  V.  E 


S2  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

These  last  words,  which,  it  must  be  granted,  were 
very  severe,  liad  no  other  effect,  than  to  suspend,  for  a 
short  time,  the  dehberation  they  were  preparing  for. 
No  one  rephed;  a  general  consternation  seized  all  that 
were  present:  the  chancellor  alone,  without  showing 
any  emotion,  said  to  the  counsellor,  "  Lay  other  papers 
"  before  us,  and  let  us  proceed  to  affairs  of  a  different 
"kind;  we  shall  find  a  time  for  this  when  these  heats 
"  and  animosities  are  over,  as  it  generally  happens  in 
"  things  that  are  most  contested."  The  counsellor 
obeyed;  the  other  matters  were  discussed;  d'Alincourt's 
demand,  when  it  was  next  laid  before  the  council,  was 
granted  without  opposition:  but  this  was  not  till  I  my- 
self was  banished  from  the  board;  which  happened  in 
so  short  a  time  afterwards,  that  it  may  be  said  it  was 
by  this  vigorous  effort  I  finished  my  career. 

I  had  now  no  other  part  to  take  but  to  retire  from 
court.  I  had  given  sufficient  proofs  to  all  France,  that 
it  w^as  not  for  want  of  the  most  strenuous  efforts  on  my 
side  that  the  affairs  of  the  state  were  plunged  into  dis- 
honour. The  Memoires  de  Villeroi,  vol.  III.  p.  259,  also  speak  of  him  in 
the  following  manner:  "  The  change  which  the  said  sieur  de  Sully  made  in 
"  the  condition  of  France,  by  retrieving-  her  from  a  state  of  indigence,  and 
•'  rendering  her  rich  and  opulent,  by  his  economj^  and  industiy,  sufBcient- 
"  ly  proves  his  abilities:  his  free  remonstrances  to  the  king,  and  his  oppo- 
"  sition  to  all  great  men,  discover  his  probity;  and  his  having  been  able  to 
"  stand  his  ground  amongst  so  many  enemies,  without  sinking  under  his 
"  own  apprehensions,  or  their  threats,  shows  how  great  were  his  prudence 
"  and  courage:  even  those  who  envy  him  are  compelled  to  own,  that  he 
"  alone  is  more  useful  to  the  public,  and  has  more  knowledge  of  business, 
"  than  all  the  rest  together;  and  provided  he  would  abate  a  little  of  liis  aus- 
''  terity,  he  would  be  a  servant  worthy  of  your  majesty.  Though  they  en- 
"  deavour  to  keep  him  from  having  any  concern  in  the  management  of  af- 
"  fairs,  yet  they  cannot  stop  him  from  freely  speaking  his  sentiments  of  the 
"little  respect  paid  to  the  memory  of  the  late  king,  and  of  the  small  defer- 
"ence  shown  to  our  young  prince,  &c.?' 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  33 

order:  it  was  become  impossible  for  me  to  apply  any 
remedy  to  the  increasing  evil.  This  no  one  doubted  of: 
I  struggled  to  no  purpose-,  and  all  that  I  had  for  the 
price*  of  my  labours  and  my  good  intentions,  was  the 
hatred  of  those  persons  whose  interest  it  would  have 
been  to  second  them:  Conchini  employed  his  favour, 
the  princes  of  the  blood  their  authority,  the  other  per- 
sons in  office  their  credit,  only  to  render  me  odious.  I 
saw  nothing  preparing  for  me  for  the  future,  but  new 
mortifications  and  other  troubles.  All  my  actions,  my 
words,  nay,  my  silence  itself,  witnessed  against  persons 
who  were  inwardly  struck  with  the  injustice  of  these 
reproaches.  My  post  of  superintendant  of  the  finances 
was  eagerly  coveted  by  two  princes  of  the  blood,  each 
of  whom  was  made  to  hope  that  he  should  gaiu  it  when 
I  was  driven  from  court.  By  staying  there  too  long,  I 
exposed  myself  to  the  danger  of  being  violently  dispos- 
sessed of  all  my  other  employments.  Those  of  my 
friends,  who  were  most  sincere,  and  best  knew  the 
plots  that  were  forming  against  me,  were  continually 
giving  me  counsels  which  I  was  convinced  deserved  to 
have  more  weight  with  me,  than  the  solicitations  of 
some  of  my  relations,  who  were  either  carried  away 
by  a  mistaken  tenderness  for  me,  or  a  regard  to  their 
own  interest.  I  therefore  resolved  to  defer  no  longer 
the  resignation  of  my  two  employments  of  superinten- 
dant of  the  finances,  and  governor  of  the  Bastile,  w  hich 
were  the  most  panted  after,  as  by  them  they  could  dis- 
pose of  the  revenues  and  treasures  of  the  king,  hoping 
to  purchase  by  this  sacrifice,  which  might  have  still 
some  appearance  of  being  voluntary,  the  confirmation 
of  all  my  other  dignities,^  which  it  was  not  in  the  power 

*  The  duke  of  Sully  at  that  time  bore  the  following-  titles:  Maximilian  de 
Bethune,  knight,  duke  of  Sully,  peer  of  France,  sovereign  prince  of  Hen- 


34  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

of  my  enemies  to  deprive  me  of,  especially  if  I  took  the 
precaution  of  removing  for  ever  out  of  their  sight  an 
object  which  could  never  fail  of  re-animating  their  ha- 
tred, by  the  effect  of  an  unavoidable  jealousy,  while  I 
continued  amongst  them;  and,  that  I  might  do  all  at 
once,  I  fixed  myself  in  a  resolution  to  quit  the  court, 
and  Paris  itself,  at  the  same  time  that  I  resigned  all 
further  share  in  the  administration  of  affairs. 

I  prepared  to  execute  this  design  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1611.*     The  queen  appeared  desirous  of  op- 

richemont  and  Boisbelle,  marquis  of  Rosny,  count  of  Dourand,  lord  of 
Orval,  Montrond,  and  St.  Amand,  baron  of  Espienuel,  Bruyeres-le-Chas- 
tel,  Villebon,  La-Chapelle,  Novion,  Baug-y,  and  Bontin,  chancellor  to  the 
king  in  all  the  councils,  captain-lieutenant  of  two  hundred  gens  d'armes 
under  the  queen's  command,  master-general  and  captain-general  of  the 
artillery,  surveyor-general  of  France,  superintendant  of  the  king's  finan- 
ces, fortifications,  and  buildings,  governor,  and  the  king's  lieutenant  gene- 
ral of  the  provinces  of  Poitou,  Chatelleraud,  and  Laudun,  governor  of 
Mante  and  Gergeau,  and  captain  of  the  castle  of  the  Bastile. 

*  Here  follow  several  accounts  of  this  event,  very  difierent  from  each 
other:  "  The  year  1611  was  begun  with  the  retirement  of  M.  de  Sully,  who, 
"at  the  instigation,  and  by  the  intrigues  of  the  two  princes  of  the  blood, 
"  was  drove  from  the  management  of  affairs.  The  superintendance  of  the 
"  finances  and  the  custody  of  the  king's  treasures,  were  taken  from  him. 
"The  queen  also  took  the  bastile  out  of  his  hands,  and  gave  the  custody 
"  thereof  to  M.  de  Chateauneuf  [it  should  be  Chateauvieux.]  The  finan- 
"  ces  were  put  under  tlie  direction  of  messrs.  de  Chateauneuf,  the  presi- 
"  dent  de  Thou,  and  Jeannin:  but  the  last  was  also  made  comptroller  gene- 
"  ral  of  the  finances,  which  threw  the  sole  management  of  them  into  his 
"  hands,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other  two,  who  assisted  only  in  the  direc- 
"  tion."     Bassompierre's  Memoirs,  Vol.  I.  p.  308. 

"  The  24th  of  this  month  (January)  M,  de  Sully  quitted  the  arsenal. 
"  There  is  a  report  that  a  brevet  is  issued  to  appoint  him  marshal  of  France, 
"with  a  grant  of  some  thousands  of  crowns  as  a  recompense  to  him.  He 
"  has  voluntarily  resigned  the  direction  of  the  finances,  tanquam,  e  speculo 
prcevidens  tempestatcm  futuramy     Journal  de  I'Etoile,  page  256. 

"  The  prince  of  Conde  and  the  count  of  Soissons  spoke  the  first  of  it  to 
"  the  queen,  the  ministers  seconded  them,  and  the  marquis  d'Ancre  gave 
"him  the  finishing  stroke.     Thus  he  found  himself  under  the  necessity  ef 


1610.]  OF  SULLY.  35 

posing  it;  but  this  was  only  for  form's  sake.     Here  fol- 
lows the  letter  she  wrote  to  me  upon  this  occasion. 

"retiring  in  the  begiuning'  of  February,  &c."     Hist,  dc  la  Mere  et  du 
Fils,  Vol.  I.  p.  235. 

"  Some  liave  written  that  the  duke  of  Sully  shortly  after  the  reconcilia- 
"  tion  of  the  count  of  Soissons  and  the  duke  of  Guise,  voluntarily  resigned 
"  into  the  queen's  hands,  as  well  the  bastile,  as  the  superintendancy  of  the 
"  finances.  Others  say,  that  making  an  offer  to  the  queen  to  give  up  all 
'*  his  posts,  he  was  taken  at  his  word:  othei's  have  spoken  differently  of  it. 
"  He  himself  says  the  contrary  in  the  letter  he  wrote  to  the  queen,  which 
*'  was  printed  shortly  after."     Merc.  Frang.  anno  1611. 

This  letter  is  afterwards  recited,  but  is  not  mentioned  in  Sully's  Me- 
moirs. The  memoirs  of  the  Regency  of  Mar)'  de  Medicis,  Vol.  I.  p.  57, 
differ  also  from  the  foregoing  accounts,  asserting  that  the  duke  of  Sully 
earnestly  solicited  the  queen  to  dismiss  him,  which  she  with  great  reluc- 
tance consented  to. 

There  may  possibly  be  some  truth  in  botli  these  opinions:  namelj',  that 
the  duke  of  Sully  would,  doubtless,  have  freely  consented  to  keep  his  posts, 
provided  he  could  have  enjoyed  them  with  the  same  authority,  though  not 
with  the  same  satisfaction,  as  under  the  late  king:  but  the  efforts  he  made 
for  that  purpose  alienated  thv<;  queen,  the  great  men,  and  the  ministers  from 
him,  and  at  last  increased  his  disgust,  as  he  found  all  his  endeavours  would 
be  in  vain.  There  is  nothing  in  Matthieu's  account  discordant  with  this 
notion:  on  the  contrary,  he  agrees  with  what  is  said  in  these  Memoirs. 
"  The  duke  of  Sully,"  says  he,  "  after  the  death  of  Henr}^  the  Great,  im- 
"  mediately  saw  he  should  not  possess  the  same  authority  under  the  new 
"  reign  as  he  did  under  the  last;  and  that  the  enmity  of  the  count  of  Sois- 
"  sons  would  bring  on  his  ruin.  As  the  direction  of  the  finances  had  already 
"  been  taken  from  him,  the  queen  was  advised  to  deprive  him  also  of  the 
"  bastile.  This  was  esteemed  so  bold  a  step,  that  it  was  said  Henry  the 
"  Great  would  not  have  dared  to  have  taken  it,  for  fear  of  stirring  up  those 
"of  the  duke's  religion  to  resent  it.  She,  nevertheless,  saw  him  readily 
"  obey  her  command  to  resign  the  bastile  to  Chateauvieux,  one  of  her 
"  knights  of  honour.  Had  he  made  any  opposition,  some  of  the  great  men 
"  at  court,  who  were  afraid  his  steadiness  might  be  drawn  into  precedent, 
"  would  have  rendered  this  dismission  more  difficult.  As  soon  as  he  was 
"  stript  of  his  oflSce,  he  saw  the  prejudice  resulting  from  his  having  so  easily 
"  submitted;  and  desired  the  queen's  permission  to  go  to  Rosny,  saj  ing  he 
"  would  not  stay  there  above  three  days.  When  he  was  there  those  of  his 
"  reUgion  cautioned  him  not  to  go  back  to  court,  where  he  had  been  so  ill 
"  treated.  His  wife  and  brother,  on  the  contrary,  urged  him  to  return,  and 
"he  did  so  accordingly:  but  those  who  had  been  of  the  opposite  opinion 


36  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

"  Cousin, 

"  I  hear,  with  concern,  that  you  have  taken  a  reso- 
"  lution  to  discharge  yourself  of  the  care  of  the  king  my 
"  son's  affairs,  particulai'ly  of  those  relating  to  the  finan- 
"  ces,  contrary  to  the  hope  I  had  conceived,  that  you 
"  woiild  continue  to  perform  the  duties  of  that  employ- 
"  ment  as  you  did  in  the  time  of  the  late  king  my  lord. 
"  I  intreat  you  to  think  well  of  this  design  before  you 
"  put  it  in  execution,  and  let  me  know  your  last  determi- 
"  nation,  that  I  may  regulate  mine  upon  it.  So  beseech- 
"  ing  God,  &Lc/' 

Paris,  Jan.  24,  1611. 

]My  answer  to  this  letter  being  such  as  the  queen 
probably  expected,  she  sent  Bullion  to  me  two  days  af- 
terwards with  the  brevets  of  discharge  from  my  two  em- 
ployments, of  superintendant  of  the  finances  and  gover- 
nor of  the  bastile,  in  the  most  authentic  and,  at  the  same 
time,  most  advantageous  form,  for  me  Her  majesty  in 
these  brevets  declared,  that  it  was  at  my  repeated  so- 
licitation she  had  granted  me  leave  to  resign  these  pla- 

"  witlidrew  themselves  from  him,  esteeming  it  a  meanness  in  him  not  to 
"  show  a  greater  resentment  for  such  ill  usage.  The  queen  received  him 
"  favourably;  but  the  count  of  Soissons  caused  him  to  be  kept  from  having 
"  any  concern  in  business,  which  had  been  so  much  under  his  immediate 
"management  in  the  late  king's  reign.  Seeing  himself  thus  fallen  both 
"  from  his  credit  and  employments,  he  went  to  Sully;  and  not  thinking  him- 
"  self  in  safety  enough  there,  he  retired  into  the  province  of  Bourbon." 
This  writer  adds,  tliat  one  of  tlie  principal  motives  whicli  induced  the  Pro- 
testants to  endeavour  to  increase  his  discontent,  was  their  desire  of  having 
his  great  fortune  engaged  for  the  advantage  of  the  common  cause:  but  that 
he  submitted  to  the  prudent  advice  given  him  by  la  Valloe,  the  Ucutenant- 
general  of  the  artillery,  who  has  been  mentioned  before,  to  keep  Iiimself 
quite  retired  without  having  any  concern  in  the  quarrels  which  soon  after 
happened.  lb.  p.  22. 


1611]  OF    SULLY.  37 

ces;  and  that  I  should  not  hereafter,  upon  any  pretence 
whatever,  be  questioned  concerning  my  conduct  while 
I  held  them. 

To  these  brevets  was  added  another,  dated  January 
27,  by  which  her  majesty,  in  consideration  of  the  servi- 
ces the  late  king  had  received  from  me  during  a  long 
course  of  years,  and  of  which  she  made  a  most  honoura- 
ble mention,  granted  me  a  donation  of  three  hundred 
thousand  livres,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  royal  treasuiy,  free 
from  the  duty  of  the  fifth  and  tenth  penny,  and  the  duty 
given  to  the  order  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  from  which  his 
majesty  was  desirous  I  should  be  exempted.  The  let- 
ters I  received  the  following  days  from  their  majesties, 
either  contained  orders  to  give  up  the  castle  of  the  bas- 
tile  to  the  sieur  de  Chateauvieux^,  whom  they  had  made 
king's  heutenant  of  it,  or  acquittals  for  some  jewels  of 
the  crown  which  I  had  delivered  back  into  their  hands, 
part  of  which  consisted  of  a  jewel  called  the  licorne,  and 
some  other  rings  and  jewels,  for  which  a  promissory 
note  of  mine  for  ten  thousand  livres  was  lodged  with 
Puget,  who  now  returned  it  to  me,  and  part  of  three  large 
rubies,  for  which  I  had  given  my  receipt  to  madam  le 
Grand,  when  I  took  them  out  of  her  hands,  where  they 
were  mortgaged. 

I  employed  the  remainder  of  the  time  I  staid  in  Paris 
in  regulating  my  domestic  affairs,  in  a  detail  of  which 
the  reader  would  find  nothing  to  merit  his  attention,  ex- 
cept probably  the  counsels  I  gave  to  my  secretaries.  I 
had  generally  six  principal  ones,  as  well  for  the  business 
of  my  four  chief  offices  of  the  crown,  as  for  any  ex- 
traordinary affairs  I  might  have  to  ti^ansact  with  the  court, 
and  I  found  it  necessary  to  have  a  great  many  other  clerks 


38  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

or  transcribers  under  them;  but  those  I  shall  mention 
here  were  my  chief  secretaries,  whose  abilities  and  ex- 
act discharge  of  their  several  duties  well  deserved  that 
I  should  give  them  a  share  in  affairs  of  importance,  and 
my  confidence  in  nice  and  delicate  conjunctures;  among 
these,  the  four  brothers  of  the  name  of  Arnaud  were 
favoured  in  a  particular  manner  by  me.  The  eldest  died 
while  he  was  yet  young,  many  years  before  the  king  was 
assassinated.  I  had  so  great  a  regard  for  the  second, 
that,  from  being  my  secretary  only,  I  procured  him  to 
be  made  counsellor  of  state,  and  intendant  of  the  finan- 
ces: the  third  went  into  the  army,  and  was  made  a  colo- 
nel of  a  regiment  of  horse:  and  to  the  last  I  gave  the 
post  of  treasurer  of  France,  and  that  of  overseer  of  the 
highways.  All  my  other  secretaries  were  provided  for 
in  proportion.  I  beheve  I  shall  not  be  accused  of  having 
broken  one  of  the  laws  of  nature,  which  directs  that  the 
adherents  to  us,  or,  perhaps,  we  say  more  properly,  to 
our  places,  should  not  be  disappointed  of  those  rewards, 
which  it  is  in  our  power  to  bestow  upon  them  according 
to  their  merit.  Duret  was  preferred  to  be  a  treasurer  of 
France,  president  of  the  chamber  of  accounts,  and  comp- 
troller-general of  the  finances;  Renouard  was  made  au- 
ditor of  accounts;  la  Clavelle  overseer  of  the  bridges  and 
causeways;  du  Maurier,  who  had  quitted  the  duke  of 
Bouillon's  service  for  mine,  was  employed  in  public  af- 
fairs, to  which  his  genius  and  inclination  led  him,  and 
has  been  since  ambassador  to  Holland;  Murat  was  made 
treasurer  of  the  extraordinary  of  wars;  la  Fond,  whom 
I  have  often  mentioned  in  these  Memoirs,  acquired  the 
favour  and  confidence  of  the  late  king,  who,  among  other 
benefits  that  he  bestowed  upon  him,  made  him  overseer 


1611.]  OP  SULLY.  ^ 

of  his  furniture;  Gillot  was  made  secretary  of  the  d:'- 
nance.  All  these  men  were  truly  sensible  how  much 
they  were  going  to  lose  by  my  retreat,  and  they  omitted 
no  sort  of  entreaties  or  methods  to  prevail  upon  me  to 
alter  my  resolution.  I  will  do  most  of  them  the  justice 
to  declare,  that  I  believe,  by  acting  thus,  they  thought 
they  were  serving  my  interest  at  least  as  much  as  their 
own;  but  as  for  the  two  Aruauds,  the  eldest  especially, 
and  two  or  three  others,  they  were  but  little  affected  with 
my  purpose.  They  would  even  have  been  grieved  if  I 
had  altered  my  opinion;  yet  it  was  they  who  opposed  it 
most.  Arnaud  the  elder  added,  on  this  occasion,  hy- 
pocrisy to  avarice  and  ingratitude:  meanly  as  he  thought 
of  Jeannin's  abilities  for  the  office  of  superintendant  of 
the  finances,  for  which  he  looked  upon  himself  as  much 
better  qualified,  he  was  one  of  those  who  solicited  Con- 
chini  most  earnestly  to  procure  it  for  that  minister,  who, 
he  flattered  himself,  would  leave  the  chief  management 
of  it  to  him. 

I  penetrated  into  the  inmost  recesses  of  their  hearts; 
I  discovered  views  and  designs  which  they  pro' 'ably  ima- 
gined were  sufficiently  concealed;  but  I  suppressed  a 
resentment  unworthy  of  me;  and,  taking  them  aside  one 
after  the  other,  I  gave  them  such  advice  as,  from  the 
present  conjuncture  of  the  times,  and  the  knowledge  I 
had  of  their  dispositions,  was  most  likely  to  advance  their 
fortunes:  I  told  the  elder  Arnaud,  that  he  had  it  in  his 
power  to  make  his  court  very  successfully  to  the  queen, 
by  the  great  number  of  excellent  memoirs  upon  the  most 
important  affairs  of  the  finances,  which  were  lodged  in 
his  hands,  and  that  this  sacrifice  might  lose  no  part  of 
its  merit,  I  advised  him  to  offer  it  by  madam  de  Con- 

VOL.    V.  F 


40  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

c\ym,  seriously  recommending  it  to  him,  at  the  same 
time,  to  devote  himself  faithfully  to  her  service;  I  advi- 
sed his  brother  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  to  obtain 
tlie  favour  of  the  chancellor,  of  Villeroi,  Jeannin,  and, 
above  all,  of  Conch ini,  who  was  the  only  oracle  which 
it  was  necessary  for  him  to  consult  in  the  exercise  of  his 
employment;  and  I  desired  the  colonel  himself  to  make 
his  court  to  those  very  persons. 

Duret,  besides  all  those,  might  apply  himself  to  the 
commander*  and  to  Dolle;  and  this  I  recommended  to 
him  to  do.  Du  Maurier  was  scarcely  known  to  any  but 
Villeroi;  by  carefully  cultivating  his  friendship,  which  I 
assured  him  would  be  sufficient,  and  with  the  know- 
ledge he  had  of  foreign  affairs,  joined  to  the  talents  he 
possessed  of  speaking  well,  and  of  writing  still  better,  he 
might  easily  obtain  of  the  queen  and  the  favourite,  some 
honourable  employment.  To  Murat,  who  w  as  account- 
able for  his  conduct  to  the  secretary  of  state,  I  recom- 
mended my  interests  at  court;  but  to  discharge  this  trust 
cautiously,  and  not  without  first  asking  Villeroi^s  con- 
sent. As  for  la  Clavelle,  his  subtle  wit,  and  proneness 
to  flattery,  secured  him  all  possible  success  with  the  min- 
isters, and  even  with  d'Escures,  who  had  more  power 
than  any  body  else  to  block  up  his  way  in  the  discharge 
of  his  office.  La  Fond's  employment  subjecting  him 
wholly  to  the  queen's  will,  or  rather  to  Conchini's,  he 
had  but  one  path  to  follow,  which  I  pointed  out  to  him. 
The  advice  I  gave  to  Renouard,  was  not  to  seek  any 
other  recommendation  from  his  own  court,  except  the 
importance  which  the  force  of  his  understanding  might 
give  him  amongst  his  associates;  and  I  desired  he  would 

*  Noel  de  Sillery,  brother  to  the  chancellor. 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  41 

add  to  this  employment,  that  of  taking  care  of  my  do- 
mestic affairs  at  Paris.  Gillot  I  placed  with  my  son,  to 
superintend  the  affairs  of  the  ordnance;  and,  that  every 
thing  might  be  kept  in  the  same  order  in  which  I  had 
left  it,  I  gave  to  my  inferior  secretaries  and  clerks  such 
advice  as  I  thought  most  suitable  to  their  Immbler  sta- 
tion, and  obliged  those  who  showed  most  reluctance  to 
comply  with  my  measures,  to  confess,  at  length,  that,  in 
what  I  had  recommended  to  them,  I  had  a  particular 
view  to  that  necessity'  which  sooner  or  later  would  force 
them  to  follow  the  rules  I  had  prescribed.  This  I  ac- 
companied with  a  comphment  to  each,  and  an  obliging 
command  to  follow  my  directions,  which  had  such  an 
appearance  of  sincerity,  that  they  yielded  to  my  argu- 
ments ;  and  they  have  not  repented.  I  had  no  intention, 
however,  to  keep  no  more  secretaries  in  my  service;  but, 
being  now  out  of  place  myself,  I  had  no  occasion  for 
men  that  were  in,  for  this  employment.  I  therefore 
took  two  new  secretaries  into  my  family,  whose  chief 
business,  in  a  cabinet  no  longer  occupied  with  the  affairs 
of  state,  was  collecting  and  preparmg  these  Memoirs 
for  the  pubhc. 

This  done,  and  burying  in  eternal  oblivion  those  hopes, 
desires,  resentments,  and  regrets,  which  any  other  in 
toy  situation  might  have  formed,  I  bid  a  lasting  adieu 
to  the  court,  and  with  the  same  indifference  as  if  it  had 
Tiot  for  so  long  a  course  of  years  been  to  me  the  theatre 
of  glory,  wealth  and  happiness.*    I  lost  at  one  stroke  a 

*  "  On  Saturday,  the  5th  of  February,  the  duke  of  Sully  left  Paris, 
"after  returning  the  grant  he  had  received  of  100,000  crowns.  The 
"dutches  of  Sully  blamed  his  hai^ghtiness  and  pride  in  doing  so."  L' 
^^e,  ib.  p.  257. 


42  MEMoiRb  [Book  XXIX. 

king  who  wag  my  benefactor  and  my  support,  and  with 
him  my  fortune,  my  friends,  and  my  favour.  This  loss 
generally  brings  along  with  it  so  many  other  mortifica- 
tions, that,  to  those  who  have  suifered  it,  it  appears  but 
the  least  part  of  their  unhappiness.  If  this  additional 
ill-lbrtune  is  always  the  effect  of  particular  enmities, 
certainly  no  one  was  more  exposed  to  them  than  myself; 
yet  history  can  furnish  but  few  examples  of  ministers 
and  favourites  in  disgrace  who  were  as  much  honoured 
and  respected  in  their  fall  as  I  was;  for  it  sometimes 
happens  that  public  esteem  succeeds  to  private  favour 
in  supporting  those  who  are  unfortunate  only,  and  when 
it  does  not  form  a  counterpoise  strong  enough  to  incline 
the  balance  to  their  side,  it  is  because  these  supposed 
oppressed  persons  have  always  some  weak  place  by 
which  they  may  be  attacked,  and  which  they  find  it  very 
difficult  to  defend.  Acknowledged  probity  and  inno- 
cence will  always  have  the  advantage  over  envy,  even 
at  the  very  time  when  she  seems  most  to  triumph.  My 
enemies,  therefore  (for  I  have  a  right  to  apply  this  max- 
im to  myself,)  could  satisfy  but  a  small  part  of  their  rage 
against  me,  because  the  victory  they  had  gained  was  one 
of  those  shameful  advantages  which  it  is  thought  neces- 
sary to  conceal,  and  which  is  not  enjoyed  wholly  without 
remorse;  nor  did  the  satisfaction  my  enemies  felt  for  my 
disgrace,  hinder  some  true  Frenchmen,  who  eagerly  em- 
braced every  occasion  of  showing  their  respect  for  the 
memory  of  the  late  king,  from  honouring  a  man  who  ex- 
pected no  more  than  to  set  out  on  his  exile  in  privacy 
and  peace.  I  was  attended  at  my  leaving  Paris  by  more 
than  three  hundred  horse. 

It  was  not  while  I  was  present,  and  in  a  condition  to 
defend  myself,  that  I  expected  to  see  my  enemies  use 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  43 

their  utmost  efforts  against  me:  envy  is  a  passion  whose 
characteristic  is  cowardice,  no  less  than  malice  and  de- 
traction: 1  was  always  persuaded  that  they  would  seize 
eagerly  the  advantages  my  absence  afforded  them.  In 
effect,  a  few  days  were  scarce  elapsed  after  my  arrival 
at  Sully,  when  the  whole  court  was  filled  with  reports 
which  tended  not  only  to  give  a  bad  impression  of  my 
conduct  in  public  affairs,  but  also  to  render  me  sufficient- 
ly suspected  to  afford  them  some  pretence  for  commenc- 
ing a  prosecution  against  me,  the  shame  and  grief  of 
which  was  all  they  desired  I  should  suffer.*  On  this  oc- 
casion I  took  such  measures  as  I  thought  every  wise 
man  ought  to  take,  which  was  to  disarm  envy  the  most 
effectual  way,  by  preventing,  with  frequent  letters,  the 
minds  of  tlieir  majesties  from  being  prejudiced  to  my 
disadvantage. 

In  the  first  letter,  which  I  addressed  to  the  king  and 
queen,  I  complained  that  bad  designs  were  formed 
against  me:  I  offered  to  justify  my  conduct  by  every  me- 
thod they  could  propose,  and  even,  if  necessary,  by  new 
services:  and,  after  giving  their  majesties  the  strongest 
assurances  of  obedience,  fidelity,  and  innocence,  I  re- 
presented to  them  with  some  freedom,  that,  if  they  had 
been  as  well  persuaded  of  that  innocence  as  they  had 
given  nje  room  to  believe,  I  should  have  received  proofs 
of  it  ere  now,  by  the  orders  they  would  have  been  pleas- 

*  "  He  had  no  sooner  retired,"  says  the  Histoire  de  la  Mere  et  du  Fils, 
p.  128,  "  but  many  prepared  to  pursue  the  victory  over  him,  in  order  to 
"  come  in  for  a  share  of  his  spoils. — But  the  queen  at  last,  with  great  rea- 
"  son,  changed  her  measures,  it  not  being  held  reasonable  to  treat  with  ill 
"  usage  a  person  whose  services  had  been  so  advantageous  to  France, 
"  without  any  other  pretext,  than  that,  by  his  having  been  useful  to  the 
'*  public,  he  had  at  the  same  time  been  so  to  himself." 


44  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

ed  to  give  for  the  performances  of  the  several  promises 
they  had  made  me,  with  respect  to  my  places,  and  to  the 
gratuities  which  the  king  had  granted  me:  that  the  first 
artifice  practised  by  my  enemies,  had  been  to  defer,  and 
afterwards  to  hinder,  if  they  could,  the  effect  of  those 
promises,  which,  being  so  manyproofs  of  their  majesties' 
good  opinion  of  me,  while  they  subsisted,  it  was  danger- 
ous to  attempt  any  thing  against  me ;  and  it  was  for  this 
reason  that  I  was  so  solicitous  for  their  being  accom- 
plished. 

To  this  letter  I  received  an  answer  from  the  queen 
such  as  I  could  have  wished:  she  observed  in  it,  that 
my  past  services,  and  my  present  inchnations,  were  so 
well  known  to  the  king  and  to  her,  that  it  was  not  in 
the  power  of  any  person  whatever  to  alter  their  senti- 
ments with  respect  to  me:  that  hitherto  she  had  not  per- 
ceived it  had  been  attempted;  but,  if  it  should,  it  would 
be  to  no  purpose:  she  assured  me  it  was  not  owing  to 
any  ill-will  towards  me,  but  to  chance  alone,  that  some 
little  difficulties  had  been  found  in  performing  the  agree- 
ments between  his  majesty  and  me;  but  that  they  should 
be  observed  with  the  utmost  exactness.  This  letter  is 
dated,  March  7,  1611. 

It  was  not  long  before  I  sent  the  queen  another  let- 
ter, of  which  I  cannot  dispense  with  myself  from  giving 
the  reader  some  account,  because  what  I  there  declar- 
ed concerning  the  state  of  my  private  affairs,  was  ex- 
actly conformable  to  the  situation  I  found  myself  in  up- 
on my  retiring  from  public  business.  I  began  with  re- 
calling to  her  remembrance  the  open  profession  I  had 
always  made  of  attachment  to  her  person,  and  the 
proofs  I  had  given  of  it,  as  well  before  as  since  her 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  45 

marriage;  and  here  I  mentioned  certain  particular  cir- 
cumstances, when  I  drew  upon  myself  some  reproaches 
from  the  late  king  for  supporting  her  against  him  on 
occasions  when  I  thought  I  was  labouring  equally  for 
both  their  interests.  This  led  me  to  an  eulogium  on  the 
good  qualities  of  the  queen-regent,  on  which  I  founded 
the  opinion  I  was,  in  this  letter,  to  appear  to  have  en- 
tertained, that  she  had  no  part  in  the  persecutions  rais- 
ed against  me  at  court. 

This  article  I  treated  at  great  length,  it  being  that 
for  which  the  letter  was  chiefly  written.     I  gave  the 
queen  to  understand  that  I  was  well  informed  of  the 
disadvantageous  reports  which  were  spread  against  me 
in  court;  of  the  obstacles  my  enemies  were  incessantly 
raising  to  hinder  me  from  setthng  peaceably  my  private 
affairs;  and,  in  a  word,  of  the  perquisites  which  their 
majesties  proposed  to  allow  me  in  the  offices,  of  which 
I  could  not  be  deprived.     I  assumed  a  right  from  the 
good  intentions  which  I  supposed  this  princess  had  to»- 
wards  me,  founded  upon  the  repeated  assurances  she 
had  given  me  of  her  esteem,  to  complain  to  her  of  those 
persons  who  rendered  these  intentions  ineffectual.  I  in- 
sisted particularly  upon  the  favour  and  protection  I  had 
reason  to  expect  from  their  majesties  while  I  was  mak- 
ing that  disposition  of  my  affairs,  to  which,  for  the  sake 
of  peace,  I  had  sacrificed  my  interest,  when  it  would 
have  been  so  much  the  easier  to  have  disputed  the 
ground  with  my  adversaries,  as  the  motives  by  which 
they  acted  being  almost  generally  known,  I  had  every 
advantage  over  them  which  I  could  desire.  I  here  laid 
down  concisely  the  principal  points  of  my  management, 
and  my  share  of  that  wealth  with  which,  by  my  labours 


46  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

and  economy,  I  had  enriched  the  kingdom  till  th6  year 
1610,  when  I  saw  all  the  measures  I  had  taken  to 
keep  every  thing  in  the  same  state  of  order  and  regu- 
larity at  once  overturned  and  destroyed;  adding,  that 
time  would  show  whether  the  kingdom  owed  most  obli- 
gations to  my  enemies  or  to  me. 

I  took  this  opportunity  to  obviate  some  of  their  most 
specious  accusations:  I  represented  to  the  queen  the 
great  folly  and  absurdity  they  were  guilty  of  in  exclaim- 
ing against  me  for  the  vast  riches  they  said  I  had  acquir- 
ed during  the  course  of  my  favour  with  the  late  king, 
when,  in  their  hearts,  they  despised  me  for  not  making 
greater  advantages  of  so  fair  an  opportunity,  and  were 
fully  resolved  not  to  follow  my  example.  The  narrow 
bounds  of  a  letter  would  not  permit  me  to  say  all  I  could 
in  my  own  justification:  I  only  observed  to  the  queen, 
that  it  was  easy  for  me  to  prove  that  I  had  acquired  that 
wealth,  which  they  imputed  to  me  as  a  crime,  either  by 
frugality  and  economy,  or  by  the  bounty  of  a  master  too 
generous  and  too  grateful  to  leave  a  minister  unreward- 
ed who  devoted  himself  with  an  assiduity,  rarely  seen  in 
a  superintendant,  to  continual  labours  for  the  public 
good:*  that  it  was  sufficient  for  me  that  all  the  gratuities 
I  had  received  from  my  master  only,  which  he  laid  his 
commands  upon  me  to  accept;  and  this  I  could  prove 
as  clearly  as  the  use  to  which  I  had  applied  them,  which 
was  more,  I  believed,  than  those  who  were  going  to  suc- 

*  He  retired  loaded  with  riches,  which  the  time  he  had  been  in  "  the 
"  ministry  had  enabled  him  to  acquire. — It  may  be  said  with  great  truth, 
*'  that  the  first  years  of  his  administration  were  very  profitable  to  him;  and 
"  if  any  should  say;  the  last  were  no  less  so,  it  must  be  allowed  that,  if  they 
"  were  advantageous  to  him,  they  were  greatly  so  to  the  public."  Hist, 
de  la  Mere  et  du  Fils,  p.  1 28.  One  single  proof  from  an  enemy,  such  as  the 
author  of  this  history,  will  counterbalance  a  thousand  others. 


1611.]  OP   SULLY.  47 

ceed  me  would  be  able  to  say  at  the  close  of  their  ad- 
ministration. I  told  the  queen  that  I  hoped  I  should  not 
be  charged  either  with  vanity  or  malice,  if  I  affirmed 
that  the  wrong  they  were  now  attempting  to  do  me,  was 
a  real  injury  to  the  state:  that  I  never  desired  to  be  con- 
tinued in  the  direction  of  the  finances,  but  for  the  king^s 
advantage;  and  that  having  their  majesties  for  judges  of 
my  actions,  upon  whose  equity  and  goodness  I  relied 
to  hinder  my  enemies  from  commencing  a  prosecution 
against  me,  the  privacy  1  was  going  to  enjoy  would  no 
longer  appear  dangerous  to  me:  but,  on  the  contrary,  I 
should  find  it  so  much  the  more  pleasing,  as  it  began 
now  to  be  suitable  to  my  age,  and  would  be  interrupted 
with  no  reproaches,  nor  embittered  by  any  remorse. 

Towards  the  close  of  this  letter,  through  which  I  had 
occasionally  interspersed  many  offers  of  service,  assu- 
rances of  fidelity,  and  all  those  expressions  of  respect 
and  obedience,  which  I  thought  I  owed  to  the  queen,  I 
told  her,  that  before  I  set  out  for  my  government,  whither 
my  affairs  called  me,  I  would  give  her  notice  of  it,  and 
receive  her  orders:  and,  if  she  thought  I  could  be  of  any 
use  to  her  in  the  assembly  of  the  Protestants,  to  which 
I  was  summoned,  I  would  go  thither  with  the  same  dis- 
position and  readiness  to  serve  her  as  the  late  king  my 
master  Such  was  the  purport  of  this  long  letter,  which 
the  queen  answered  by  another,  dated  April  24.  It  was 
conceived  almost  in  the  same  terms  as  her  former  letter: 
she  left  me  at  liberty  to  go  to  Poitou,  or  to  the  assembly 
of  the  Protestants,  and  to  act  there  as  I  should  judge 
proper,  kno^ving  better  than  any  other  (those  were  her 
words)  how  I  could  be  most  useful  to  the  king  in  either 
of  those  places, 

VOL.  v.  G 


48  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

But  what  completely  secured  me  against  all  reverses 
of  fortune  was,  that  her  majesty  being  desirous  to  give 
a  public  proof  of  her  esteem  for  me,  and  how  little  it 
was  in  the  power  of  my  enemies  to  hurt  me,  granted  me 
an  augmentation  of  my  pension,  for  which  the  brevet 
was  expedited  in  less  than  a  month  after  the  date  of  her 
last  letter.  This  augmentation  was  twenty-four  thousand 
livres ;  so  that  altogether  my  pensions  at  that  time  amount- 
ed to  forty-eight  thousand  ibur  hundred  livres  a  year. 
It  was  expressed  in  the  brevet,  that  this  additional  pen- 
sion commenced  on  the  first  of  Januaiy,  1611,  although 
it  was  dated  the  20th  of  May;  and  that  her  majesty 
thought  herself  under  an  obligation  to  grant  it  to  me,  as 
well  in  acknowledgment  for  my  past  services,  of  which 
the  most  honourable  mention  was  made,  as  to  enable 
me  to  continue  them  for  the  future. 

Notwitlistanding  this,  I  do  not  think  myself  dispensed 
with  from  proving  that  article  of  the  foregoing  letter 
which  regards  my  wealth.  A  superintendant  of  the  fi- 
nances, and  any  man  to  whom  the  management  of  the 
treasures  of  the  kingdom  has  been  entrusted,  is  accounta- 
ble to  the  public  for  all  his  actions;  nor  would  I  refuse, 
if  called  upon,  to  lay  before  it  my  most  secret  thoughts, 
since  it  has  been  always  my  study  to  regulate  them  in 
such  a  manner,  that  they  w  ould,  if  known,  not  only  sub- 
ject me  to  no  censure,  for  this  is  an  indispensible  obli- 
gation upon  all  men,  but  also  that  they  might  in  some 
respect  seem  worthy  to  serve  for  a  model  to  those  who, 
succeeding  to  my  place,  would  have  the  same  engage- 
ments to  fulfil.  Happy  if  I  could  have  reason  to  hope 
that  this  model  would  be  effaced  with  one  more  perfect. 
I  shall  continue  therefore  to  give  the  public  such  an  ex- 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  49 

act  statement  of  my  domestic  affairs,  following  the  me- 
thod I  began  a  few  pages  above,  that  any  other  person 
may  be  as  well  acquainted  with  them  as  I  am  myself 
To  spare  my  readers  the  trouble  of  collecting  together 
at  too  great  a  distance  the  articles  of  a  broken  calcula- 
tion, and  that  they  may  view  the  whole  at  one  single 
glance,  I  shall  here  lay  before  them  all  that  has  been  said 
on  that  subject  in  different  parts  of  these  Memoirs,  be- 
ginning with  a  faithful  account  of  my  whole  yearly  reve- 
nue, according  to  the  order  of  time  when  I  was  invested 
with  those  offices,  from  whence  the  greatest  part  of  it 
arose.* 

I  was,  in  the  first  place,  while  Henry  the  great  was 
yet  but  king  of  Navarre,  preferred  to  the  post  of  first 
gentleman  of  his  bed-chamber,  together  with  that  of 
counsellor  of  Navarre:  the  salaries  of  both  amounted  to 
two  thousand  livres  a  year.  When  he  became  king  of 
France,  he  made  me  counsellor  of  state,  for  which  I  had 
a  like  allowance,  which,  with  a  pension  of  three  thousand 
six  hundred  livres,  increased  my  income  with  the  yearly 
sum  of  five  thousand  six  hundred  livres.  My  company 
of  men  at  arms  brought  me  in  fourthousand  livres  a  year. 
The  king  giving  me  afterwards  two  brevets,  one  for 

*  The  following-  memoir  is  an  unanswerable  refutation  of  a  reflection  cast 
en  the  duke  of  Sully  by  the  Histoire  de  la  Mere  et  du  Fils,  p.  1 30;  and  ex- 
pressed in  these  words:  "  In  fine,  if  during  his  administration,  he  had  mana- 
*'  ged  the  king's  affairs  well,  he  had  not  forgot  to  take  care  of  his  own.  This 
"  appieared  more  evidently  from  his  having  come  into  office  with  only  six 
"  thousand  livres  a  year,  and  going  out  with  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty 
"  thousand  livres,  wliich  had  obliged  him  to  withdraw  out  of  the  exchequer 
"  the  rent-roll  and  inventory  of  his  estate  and  effects,  which  had  been  re- 
"  gistered  there,  when  he  came  into  the  management  of  the  fiiiancea,  that 
"  it  might  not  appear  against  him,  under  his  own  hand  and  seal,  how  much 
"he  h;d  enriched  himself  out  of  the  king's  money.'" 


50  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX 

counsellor  of  parliament,  without  salary,  and  the  other 
for  counsellor  of  the  finances,  three  thousand  six  hun- 
dred livres  were  on  this  occasion  added  to  my  pensions. 
His  mtgesty  having  thought  proper  to  fix  the  gratuities, 
pensions,  giftSj  &.c.  which  he  designed  to  bestow  upon 
me  as  superintendant  of  the  finances,  to  a  certain  sum, 
which  should  be  all  comprehended  in  one  article,  this 
sum,  which  amounted  to  twenty  thousand  crowns,  en- 
creased  my  revenue  with  ten  thousand  eight  hundred  li- 
vres a  year  more:  add  to  this  the  produce  of  all  my  other 
dignities  and  employments;  the  office  of  surveyor-general 
of  the  roads  of  France,  and  surveyor  in  particular  of  tlie 
isle  of  France,  brought  me  in  ten  thousand  livres  a  year; 
that  of  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  comprehending 
the  salary,  profits,  and  pensions  annexed  to  it,  twenty- 
four  thousand  livres.  I  always  placed  under  one  ai'ticle 
the  sums  arising  from  the  government  of  Foitou,  the 
superintendanceofthe  buildings,  that  of  the  fortifications^ 
ports,  &:c.  which  altogether  amounted  to  eighteen  thou- 
sand livres  a  year.  The  government  of  Mante  and  Ger- 
geau  brought  me  in  twelve  thousand  livres;  the  queen's 
company  of  gensdarmes,  of  which  I  was  captain-lieu- 
tenant, five  thousand  livres;  and  the  government  of  the 
bastile  two  thousand  two  hundred  livres  a  year.  All 
these  articles  put  together  make  up  the  sum  of  ninety- 
seven  thousand  two  hundred  livres  a  year. 

Each  of  these  articles  have  been  already  mentioned 
in  different  parts  of  these  iMemoirs.  What  remains  to 
be  added  to  them  are  as  follows:  Forty-five  thousand  li- 
vres in  church  benefices,  which  his  holiness  was  so  w^ell 
satisfied  that  I  should  enjoy  under  the  borrowed  name 
of  some  ecclesiastics,  that  he  generally  expedited  the 


1611.]  OP  SULLY.  51 

bulls  gratis,  when  he  was  told  that  the  abbeys  were  for 
me.  I  lost  no  part  of  this  income,  when  it  was  decreed 
that  the  ecclesiastics  should  withdraw  all  their  benefices 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Protestants,  because,  by  the  pope's 
bulls,  in  which  this  regulation  was  expressed,  the  ec- 
clesiastics on  whom  they  were  bestowed  were  to  give 
the  full  value  of  them  to  the  first  possessor.  My  own 
lands  and  possessions  compose  a  second  article,  which, 
I  believe,  I  estimate  justly,  by  making  them  amount  to 
sixty  thousand  livres  a  year  These  two  last  sums,  added 
to  that  of  ninety-seven  thousand  two  hundred  livres,  make 
a  total  of  two  hundred  and  two  thousand  two  hundred 
livres  a  year. 

I  shall  anticipate  the  explanation  which  may  be  de- 
manded of  me,  with  respect  to  the  article  of  twenty 
thousand  crowns  in  lands:  and,  in  the  first  place,  I  de- 
sire it  may  be  remembered  that  there  was  a  kind  of 
agi'eement  made  between  the  king  and  myself  in  the 
}ear  1601,  by  which  that  prince,  who  did  not  think  my 
labours  in  his  service  sufficiently  rewarded  by  my  or- 
dinary gratuities  and  pensions,  and  who  likewise  was 
apprehensive  as  well  as  I  that  those  sums,  which  his 
generosity  led  him  to  give  me  in  exti'aordinary  presents 
and  gratuities,  would  produce  bad  consequences  here- 
after, by  that  appearance  of  profusion  they  might  have, 
again  settled  his  gifts  and  gratuities  in  a  new  sum  of 
sixty  thousand  livres  a  year,  which  was  to  include  all 
that  I  was  to  expect  merely  from  his  bounty.  This 
donation  was  expedited  by  letters  patent,  that,  being 
known  to  the  whole  kingdom,  I  might  not  be  one  day 
subjected  to  any  dishonourable  imputation  on  account 
of  it.  I  enjoyed  this  extraordinary  gratuit}'  for  eight 
years,  wliich  produced  me  the  smii  of  four  hundred 


52  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

and  twenty-foar  thousand  livres,  which  I  laid  out,  ac- 
cording to  the  king's  desire,  in  making  acquisitions  in 
proportion.  I  made  the  same  use  of  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  hvres  arising  from  the  fol- 
lowing articles:  From  money  which  I  have  received, 
but  which  is  subject  to  be  repaid,  on  the  marriage  of 
my  son,  two  hundred  thousand  livres;  a  hundred  thou- 
sand livres  which  I  received  with  my  wife;  a  hundred 
thousand  paid  me  by  la  Borde;  as  much  by  M.  Schom- 
berg;  and  thirty  thousand  which  his  majesty  gave  me 
for  my  son  d'Orval  *  These  sums,  I  say,  which,  added 
to  the  above,  make  one  million  and  ten  thousand  livres, 
I  laid  out  in  the  following  manner: 

I  purchased  one  half  of  the  estate  of  Rosny  with 
two  hundred  and  ten  thousand  livres.  The  estate  of 
Dourdan,  which  I  bought  of  Sancy,  who  held  it  of  the 

*  Francis  de  Bethune,  the  founder  of  the  branch  of  the  counts  d'Orva]» 
was  knight  of  tlie  king's  orders,  master  of  the  horse  to  the  queen,  survey- 
or-general of  France,  superintendant  of  the  royal  buildings,  governor  of 
St.  Maixant,  camp-master  of  tlie  regiment  of  Picardy  lieutenant-gene- 
ral of  the  king's  armies.  After  the  death  of  Ccesar  de  Bethune,  his  bro- 
ther of  the  whole  blood,  who  died  unmarried,  the  estates  and  lordships 
which  the  duke  of  Sully  their  father  had  settled  upon  the  cljildren  of  his 
second  marriage  (as  we  shall  relate  hereafter)  became  united  in  him. 
They  were  erected  into  a  dutchy  and  peerage,  under  the  title  of  de  Be- 
thune, which  was  done  in  consideration  of  his  signal  services  to  the  crown 
and  particularly  in  having  raised,  at  his  own  expense,  a  considerable  body 
of  forces,  both  foot  and  horse,  at  a  time  when  the  king  stood  in  great  need 
of  them,  to  carry  on  the  war,  in  which  he  was  then  engaged,  v.'itli  the 
Spaniards,  duke  Charles  of  Lorraine,  the  prince  of  Conde,  and  others  of 
his  rebelhous  subjects.  U  is  in  these  terms  the  letters  patent  for  Uiis  pur- 
pose are  expressed,  which  are  dated  at  Melun  in  the  month  of  June  1652. 
The  dutchy  of  Sully  devolved  on  this  branch  of  tlie  family,  in  1730,  on 
the  death  of  Maximilian  the  fifih  duke  of  Sully,  in  the  person  of  Lewis 
Peter  Maximihan  de  Betliune,  grandson  of  this  Francis  count  d'Orval,  to 
whom  it  was  adjudged  by  the  council  of  state,  he  paying  the  value  of  it  to 
the  Abbe  Armand  de  Bethune,  his  great  uncle,  afterwards  count  d'Orval. 


1611.]  OP  SULLY.  53 

Swiss  cantons,  cost  me,  beside  the  money  he  owed  me, 
one  hundred  thousand  livres.     1  liad  the  lands  of  Sully 
from  the  duke  de  la  Tremouille  for  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  livres;  and  Villebon,  by  an  ordinance,  for  one 
hundred  thousand.     The  three  contracts  I  made  with 
the.  duke  of  Nevers  amounted  to  two  hundred  and  ten 
thousand  livres:  namely,  for  Montrond  a  hundred  thou- 
sand; la  Chapelle  fifty-six  thousand;  and  for  Ilenriche- 
mont  fifty-four  thousand.     I  bought  the  estate  of  Chatc- 
let  of  the  duke  of  Montpensier  for  sixty  thousand  livres; 
that  of  Culand,  by  an  ordinance,  for  eight  thousand;  and 
des  Is,  in  Beauce,  for  seventy-five  thousand  livres.  The 
whole  of  these  purchases,  which  amount  to  eleven  hun- 
dred and  ninety  thousand  livres,  exceeding,  as  appears, 
that  of  the  two  sums  received  above  by  a  hundred  and 
nine  thousand  livres,  this  sum  will  be  found  charged  in 
the  articles  of  receipt,  which  are  placed  after;  for  I  am 
desirous  of  giving  the  reader  full  satisfaction,  by  carry- 
ing this  detail  even  farther  than  he  has  a  right  to  expect, 
and  for  this  purpose  I  must  step  a  little  aside  from  the 
subject  I  am  treating  ofj  and  give  an  account  of  the 
several  sums  I  received  after  the  death  of  Henry  the 
Great,  as  an  equivalent  for  my  charges,  in  gratuities 
from  the  young  king,  &c.  even  to  the  time  that  I  resolv- 
ed to  dispose  of  almost  all  the  employments  with  which 
I  had  been  invested. 

The  three  hundred  thousand  livres  which  his  majes- 
ty granted  me  by  letters  patent,  were  at  once  a  gift  from 
this  prince,  and  a  kind  of  recompense  for  the  superin- 
tendence of  the  finances,  and  government  of  the  Bas„ 
tile,  which  I  resigned  into  his  hands.  He  gave  me  sixty 
thousand  livres  for  my  company  of  gensdarmes,  for 
w^hich  I  had  refused  two  hundred  thousand.     I  agreed 


54  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

with  Foiiixy  to  resign  to  him  the  superintendence  of 
tlie  buildings  for  fifty  thousand  Hvres,  which  was  the 
price  set  upon  it  by  his  majesty:  I  refused  to  take  more. 
I  was  offered  three  hundred  thousand  hvres  for  the  go- 
vernment of  Poitou,  which  I  yielded  to  Rohan,  who  ob- 
tained the  king's  consent  that  he  should  purchase  it  for 
two  hundred  thousand.  I  lost  in  the  same  manner  one 
hundred  thousand  livres  upon  the  offices  of  surveyor- 
general  of  the  roads,  and  hereditary  master  of  the  ca- 
nals and  navigation  of  rivers.  The  treasurer  of  France 
paid  me  only  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  for  them. 
His  majesty  likewise  caused  me  to  be  paid  again  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  livres  for  the 
estate  of  Dourdau,  and  I  agreed  with  the  prince  of 
Conde  to  give  him  back  the  lands  of  Villebon  for  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  livres,  which  he  has  since  paid 
me.  I  destined  these  two  last  sums  for  the  portion  of 
my  youngest  daughter,  for  whom  it  was  more  difficult 
to  procure  an  establishment  than  her  eldest  sister.  To 
these  sums  I  add  those  which  arose  from  the  sale  of 
my  benefices;  for  I  thought  it  was  equally  allowable  for 
me  to  take  money  for  them,  as  for  the  ecclesiastics,  by 
whom  they  were  purchased,  to  give  it  me;  or  for  the 
pope  to  permit  it,  as  he  did,  by  his  bulls.  1  therefore 
took,  without  making  any  scruples,  an  allowance  of 
eighty  thousand  livres  of  an  abbe  who  was  recommend- 
ed to  me  by  the  prince  of  Conde,  for  my  abbey  of  Cou- 
lon.  Bethune,  who,  as  well  as  his  son,  was  the  most 
scrupulous  Roman  Catholic  I  ever  knew,  purchased, 
under  the  sanction  of  these  bulls,  the  abbey  of  Jard  of 
me  for  forty  thousand  livres;  an  abbe,  a  friend  of  the 
duke  of  Rohan,  bought  that  of  lOr  at  Poiters  of  me  for 
seventy  thousand:  and  fArgentier  Vaucemain,  or  rath- 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  55 

er  his  son,  that  of  I'Absie,  for  fifty  thousand  livres.  All 
these  sums  together  make  a  total  of  thirteen  hundred 
thousand  livres.  Let  us  now  see  to  what  use  it  was 
applied. 

I  bought  of  M.  de  Lavardin  the  estate  of  Montricoux, 
and  that  of  Caussade,  from  the  sieur  Palliers,  both  for 
a  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  livres.  My  youngest 
daughter*  having,  on  account  of  some  personal  disad- 
vantages, as  I  observed  before,  occasion  for  a  larger 
portion  than  her  sister,  to  marry  her  suitable  to  her  birth, 
I  gave  with  her  to  M.  de  Mirepoix  four  hundred  and  fif- 
ty thousand  livres  in  specie:  the  other  expenses  of  this 
marriage,  in  jewels,  furniture,  &c.  formed  an  article  of 
fifty  thousand  livres  more,  which  in  all  makes  up  the 
sum  of  five  hundred  thousand  livres.  I  shall  only  slightly 
observe  here,  that  such  distinguishing  proofs  of  paternal 
tenderness  were  repaid  both  by  my  daughter  and  her 
husband  with  the  most  striking  instances  of  ingratitude. 
I  lent  to  several  cities,  and  to  that  of  Rochelle  in  parti- 
cular, more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  livres, 
which,  by  the  siege  and  reduction  of  this  city,  and  the 
wars  raised  against  the  Protestants,  I  have  almost  whol- 
ly lost.  The  money  I  lent,  at  different  times,  to  the  mar- 
quis of  Rosny,  and  the  debts  I  paid  for  him,  amount  at 
least  to  three  hundred  thousand  livres;  the  yearly  in- 
comes which  came  to  me  from  Languedoc  and  Guyen- 
ne,  by  the  purchase  I  made  of  certain  registries  and 
rents  there,  cost  me  four  hundred  thousand  livres;  and 
the  house  I  bought  in  Paris  two  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  livres.     By  calculating  iny  accounts  of  the 

*  Louisa  de  Bethune.     She  was  married  on  the  29th  of  May,  1620,  t» 
Alexander  de  Levis,  marquis  of  Mirepoix. 
VOL.  V.  H 


56  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

money  I  laid  out  in  buildings  and  other  works,  in  furni- 
ture, in  journies,  and  other  expenses  of  that  kind,  I  find 
a  capital  of  seven  hundred  thousand  livres.  The  sum 
total  of  all  these  several  articles,  amounts  to  two  millions 
five  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  livres,  which  make  it 
superior  to  the  total  of  receipt,  which  preceeds  it,  by 
twelve  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  livres. 

Tile  reader  may  have  observed,  from  the  beginning 
of  these  Memoirs,  that  my  application  to  my  domestic 
economy  extended  itself  to  things  which  it  might  be  na- 
turally expected  would  have  been  excepted  from  it;  I 
mean  in  the  military  profits,  arising  either  from  prison- 
ers I  had  taken,  from  ransoms,  or  at  the  sacking  of 
towns  taken  by  assault,  and  on  other  occasions  of  the 
same  kind,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  give  a  minute 
account  of  here.  When  the  peace  of  Vervins  was  con- 
cluded, I  found  that  these  profits,  which,  when  consid- 
ered separately,  appear  so  slight  that  they  scarce  deserve 
to  be  mentioned,  yet  made  a  total  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  or  thereabouts.  The  war  of  Savoy,  which 
broke  out  afterwards,  was  worth  as  much  more  to  me 
in  cannon,  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  taken  from  the  ene- 
my, of  which  I  had  a  large  portion  as  master-general 
of  the  ordnance.  Of  all  this  I  make  an  article  of  three 
hundred  thousand  livi'es.  By  calculating  the  value  of 
all  those  presents  that  were  made  me  on  different  oc- 
casions, I  found  the  whole  amount  to  a  sum  nearly  equal 
to  the  former.  It  must  be  observed,  that  I  mean  only 
such  presents  as  I  received  in  the  character  of  a  public 
person,  and  in  occurrences  when  it  would  not  have  been 
decent  for  me  to  have  refused  them,  as  in  my  embassies 
and  negociations;  upon  the  king's  marriage,  from  the 
queen  and  the  grand  duke;  on  the  man'iage  of  the 


1611.]  OP  SULLY.  57 

princess  Catherine  with  the  duke  of  Lorrain;  on  every 
new-year's  day  from  their  majesties  and  queen  Marga- 
ret.   It  would  have  been  a  ridiculous  affectation  to  show 
myself  as  scrupulously  nice  about  these  presents,  and 
others  of  the  same  nature,  as  I  did  when  they  were  of- 
fered to  me  with  interested  views.     However,  I  would 
not  receive  any  thing  in  this  manner  without  its  being 
expressed  in  a  brevet,  which  I  entreated  his  majesty  to 
grant  me  for  each  of  these  g"ifts,  which,  though  in  jewels 
and  trinkets,  composed  a  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand 
crowns.     I  sold  again  the  lands  of  Dourdan  for  an  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  livres,  before  my  gratuities  were 
settled  of  twenty  thousand  crowns,  as  I  have  already 
mentioned,  and  which  did  not  happen  till  the  year  1601. 
The  late  king  hstening  only  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
generous  mind,  and  to  the  friendship  with  which  he 
honoured  me,  obliged  me  to  accept  many  other  dona- 
tions which  have  not  been  particularized  here,  and 
which,  I  believe,  do  not  amount  to  less  than  tw  o  hun- 
dred thousand  livres.     Lastly,  since  my  income  was 
become  so  considerable  as  the  reader  has  seen,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  by  strictly  observing  a  maxim,  which 
from  my  earliest  years  I  had  laid  down  as  absolutely  ne. 
cessary  for  the  advantage  of  my  domestic  affairs;  name- 
ly, that  one  ought  never  to  spend  the  whole  extent  of 
one^s  income,  I  should  at  the  end  of  a  certain  number  of 
years  have  laid  by  a  very  considerable  sum.     If  we  sup- 
pose this  sum  to  amount  to  three  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand livres,  and  add  it  to  the  four  former  ones,  we  shall 
find  that  it  will,  within  a  very  little  matter,  make  up  the 
twelve  hundred  thousand  livres,  which  is  wanting  to  pro- 
duce a  perfect  equality  between  the  receipt  and  expense. 


58  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

I  think  it  unnecessary  to  repeat  here  what  I  have  for- 
merly said,  with  respect  to  the  current  expenses  of  my 
house. 

What  I  am  going  to  relate  concerning  my  transac- 
tions with  the  prince  of  Conde^,  may  appear  as  a  matter 
of  mere  curiosity  only;  but  I  was  not  willing  to  omit  it. 
as  it  has  some  connection  with  the  subject  I  am  on  at 
present.  When  the  war  broke  out  against  the  Protes- 
tants under  the  new  reign,  the  prince  of  Conde  being 
solicitous  to  remove  me  from  his  governments,  where  I 
had  several  very  fine  estates,  and  some  strong  castles, 
proposed  to  me  to  sell  them  all  to  him.  I  was  apprehen- 
sive that,  if  I  refused  to  comply  with  this  proposal,  the 
war  would  furnish  him  with  pretences  to  drive  me  from 
thence,  which  force  would  have  rendered  valid.  I  was 
sensible  that  his  councils  had  not  a  little  contributed  to 
that  resolution  they  had  lately  taken  against  us,  and  I 
was  forewarned  that  he  was  meditating  something  worse 
with  regard  to  me.  I  therefore  agreed  with  him  for  the 
lands  of  Villebon,  Montrond,  Orval,  Culand,  and  le 
Chatelet,  and  with  the  greater  willingness,  as  he  offered 
me  more  than  they  had  cost  me,  and  indeed  more  than 
they  were  worth.  Accordingly  a  contract  was  signed 
by  us  both,  in  which  the  prince  of  Conde  obliged  him- 
self to  give  me  twelve  hundred  thousand  hvres  for  those 
estates:  he  did  not  pay  me  the  money  down  indeed;  but 
I  readily  consented  to  wait  till  it  suited  his  own  conve- 
niency. 

However,  I  did  not  expect  that,  at  the  expiration  of 
a  certain  time,  this  prince  would  find  out  an  easy  me- 
thod of  discharging  at  once  both  the  principal  and  inter- 
est, by  demanding  of  the  king  that  my  estates  should  br 


1611.]  OF  SULLY.  5S 

confiscated,  a  practice  which  the  war  made  then  very 
common.  His  majesty  was  so  good  as  to  remember 
me  on  this  occasion,  and  rejected  with  a  kind  of  horror 
so  infamous  a  request.  When  the  peace  was  conclud- 
ed, the  prince  found  himself  obliged  to  come  to  an  ac- 
count with  me.  His  inclination  for  the  estate  of  Baugy 
increasing,  there  was  a  necessity  for  yielding  him  that 
likewise,  as  well  as  all  the  others,  in  order  that  I  might 
not  on  any  side  be  his  neighbour.  He  took  a  dishke  to 
the  lands  of  Villebon,  which,  together  with  those  of  Mu- 
ret,  he  restored  to  me  as  an  equivalent  for  the  estate 
which  he  so  eagerly  coveted.  The  exchange  was  not  dis- 
advantageous to  me.  This  method  of  paying  me  being 
most  convenient  for  this  prince,  he  made  over  to  me, 
one  after  the  other,  the  lands  of  Nogent,  Montigny, 
Chanrond,  Vitrai,  the  marquisate  of  Conty,  Breteuil, 
Francatel,  and  la  Falaise,  invested  with  the  same  rights 
as  the  lands  that  I  had  exchanged,  the  principal  of  which, 
in  my  eyes,  was  the  liberty  of  calling  them  according  to 
the  king's  patent,  a  possession  which  I  held  by  the  hbe- 
rality  and  the  immediate  grant  of  the  king  my  master.* 

*  Amongst  the  papers  containing  the  proofs  of  what  M.  de  Sully  here  re- 
lates of  his  disputes  with  the  prince  of  Conde,  which  the  present  duke  of 
Sully  has  done  rae  the  honour  to  communicate  to  me,  I  find  two-  letters, 
which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  insert  here:  one  is  from  the  prince  of 
Conde  to  the  first  duke  of  SuUy;  the  other  from  the  prince  of  Conty  to  the 
marquis  de  Bethune  (Maximilian  Alpinus)  grandfather  of  tlie  duke  of  Sully 
now  living. 

Letter  from  the  prince  of  Conde  to  the  then  duke  of  Sullf. 
•«  Sib, 

"  I  hope  to  have  the  honour  of  seeing  you  soon,  the  bearer  hereof  will 
inform  you  from  whence  this  comes,  and  explain  the  contents  of  it  to  you. 
You  will  find,  from  my  actions,  how  much  I  have  at  heart  the  king's  ser- 
vice, the  public  good,  and  your  friendship  in  particular,  which  I  passion- 


60  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXIX. 

Thus  I  got  out  of  the  dispute  with  the  prince,  who,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  guilty  of  a  double  injustice  in 
endeavouring  to  get  possession  of  my  estates  by  procur- 
ing them  to  be  confiscated. 

I  have  been  a  witness  of  very  miserable  times  since 
the  death  of  the  king  my  master.  The  war  which  I  saw- 
kindled  against  the  Protestants  filled  me  with  grief:  I 
was  incited  by  a  thousand  different  motives  to  take  part 
in  it;  but  I  courageously  resisted  this  snare:  I  never  gave 

ately  covet.  I  beg'  you  will  assuredly  rely  on  the  truth  of  these  professions. 
I  am  preparing,  in  performance  of  our  mutual  engagements,  to  conclude 
our  bargain  for  Villebon,  and  will  let  you  know  (begging  you  will  meet 
me  for  that  purpose)  in  what  place  I  can  have  the  honour  of  conversing 
with  you. 

I  am,  Monsieur, 

Your  cousin,  and 

most  humble  servant, 

HENRY  de  BOURBON.  * 

Letter  from  the  prince  of  Gonty  to  the  marquis  of  ,Bethune. 
"  Sill, 

"  I  am  extremely  pressed  by  the  count  d'Orval  to  consent  to  the  agree- 
ment he  is  desirous  of  making  with  the  viscount  of  Meaux,  for  the  estate  of 
Chanrond;  and  he  even  offers  to  give  me  security  to  indemnify  me  against 
the  warranty  my  late  father  entered  into.  I  would  not  however  make  him 
any  promise,  after  having  engaged  to  your  mother-in-law  not  to  do  any 
thing  in  this  affair  without  acquainting  you  with  it;  and,  as  it  is  for  the  bene- 
fit of  all  parties,  that  this  matter  should  be  settled,  and  made  an  end  of  as 
soon  as  possible,  I  am  willing  to  refer  my  pretentions  to  the  judgment  of 
the  count  de  Bethune  your  kinsman,  and  beg  you  will  do  so  too,  and  submit 
to  what  he  shall  direct.  The  count  d'Orval  and  the  viscount  of  Meaux  are 
content  to  submit  their  claims  to  him,  and  abide  by  his  determination,  i 
make  no  doubt  of  your  consenting  to  this  proposal,  as  otherwise  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  do  what  is  desired  of  me,  and  accept  of  the  proposed  security.  I 
earnestly  beseech  you  not  to  make  any  difficulty  of  coming  into  this  agree- 
ment. In  the  mean  time,  I  am 

Your  most  affectionate  servant, 

ARMAND  de  BOURBON." 
Toulouse,  19th  of  October,  1656.  ♦ 


1611.]  OP  SULLY.  61 

the  king  the  least  reason  to  look  upon  me  as  a  rebel, 
or  an  abettor  of  rebels.  I  have  punctually  obeyed  all  his 
majesty's  commands:  am  always  ready  to  present  my- 
self at  court  whenever  he  is  pleased  to  require  it:  in  a 
word,  I  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  continue  as  faith- 
ful in  the  performance  of  those  promises  I  made  to  the 
king  my  benefactor,  as  in  that  of  the  duties  of  a  good 
citizen. 


62  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 


BOOK  XXX. 

Discussion  of  tlie  Political  Scheme  comraonly  called, 

THE  GREAT  DESIGN  OF  HENRY  IV. 

Preliminary  considerations  upon  the  Roman  empire,  the  establishment  of 
the  French  monarchy,  the  different  g-overnments  of  the  three  races  of 
our  king's,  &:c.  The  possibility  of  the  great  design  proved:  Henry  with 
difficulty  makes  Sully  approve  of  it:  in  what  manner  Elizabeth  and  this 
prince  formed  it.  Favourable  and  unfavourable  events.  The  advantage 
of  this  scheme  to  all  Europe.  That  part  of  the  political  scheme  which 
regards  religion,  consistingin  peaceably  maintaining  the  religions  receiv- 
ed in  Europe,  and  in  driving  the  infidels  from  thence.  The  pohtical  pait, 
which  consists  in  establishing  fifteen  equal  monarchies;  in  reducing  the 
power  of  the  house  of  Austria:  and  dividing  what  it  should  be  deprived 
of  among  the  princes  and  republics  of  Europe.  Means  of  indemnifying 
himself,  and  of  proving  the  equity  of  his  proceedings.  The  moderation 
and  disinterestedness  of  France  in  this  division.  Establishment  of  a 
general  council  of  the  christian  republics.  Negociations  and  other  means 
employed  to  induce  the  princes  and  states  of  Europe  to  engage  in  the 
great  design.  Account  of  the  forces,  and  the  expenses  necessary  for  the 
execution  of  it.  The  march  and  disposition  of  the  armies  of  the  confede- 
rate princes:  the  probable  result  of  it. 

A  S  this  part  of  these  Memoirs  will  be  entirely  taken  up 
with  an  account  of  the  great  design  of  Henry  IV,  or  the 
political  scheme,  by  which  he  proposed  to  govern,  not 
only  France,  but  all  Europe,  it  may  not  be  improper  to 
begin  it  with  some  more  general  reflections  on  this  mon- 
archy, and  on  the  Roman  empire,  upon  whose  ruins  we 
know  it  has  been  formed,  as  well  as  all  the  other  powers 
which  at  this  day  compose  the  christian  world. 

If  we  consider  all  those  successive  changes  which 
Rome  has  suffered  from  the  year  of  the  world  3064. 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  63 

which  is  that  of  its  foundation,*  its  infancy,  youth,  and 
virility,  its  declension,  fall,  and  final  ruin;  those  vicissi- 
tudes, which  it  experienced  in  common  with  the  great 
monarchies  by  which  it  was  preceded  would  almost  in- 
cline one  to  believe,  that  empires,  like  all  other  sublu- 
nary things,  are  subject  to  be  the  sport,  and  at  last  to 
sink  under  tlie  pressure,  of  time.  And  if  we  extend  this 
idea  still  farther,  we  shall  perhaps  perceive,  that  they 
are  all  liable  to  be  disturbed  or  interrupted  in  their  cour- 
ses, by  certain  extraordinary  incidents;  which,  for  any 
thing  that  we  can  discover  to  the  contrary,  may  be  term- 
ed epidemical  distempers,  that  very  frequently  hasten 
their  destruction ;  and  their  cure  by  this  discoveiy  becom- 
ing easier,  we  may  at  least  save  some  of  them  from  those 
catastrophes  which  are  so  fatal  to  them. 

But  if  w^e  endeavour  to  discover  more  visible  and  natu- 
ral causes  of  the  ruin  of  this  vast  and  formidable  empire, 
we  shall  perhaps  soon  perceive  they  were  produced  by 
a  deviation  from  those  wise  laws,  and  that  simplicity  of 
manners,  which  were  the  original  of  all  its  grandeur, 
into  luxury,  avarice,  and  ambition;  yet  there  was,  finally, 
another  cause,  the  effect  of  which  could  hardly  have  been 
prevented  or  foreseen  by  the  utmost  human  wisdom;  I 
mean,  the  irruptions  of  those  vast  bodies  of  barbarous 
people,  Goths,  Vandals,  Huns,  Herulians,  Rugians, 
Lombards,  &c.  from  whom,  both  separately  and  united, 
the  Roman  empire  received  such  violent  shocks,  that  it 
was  at  last  overthrown  by  them:  Rome  w^as  three  times 
sacked  by  tbese  barbarians;  in  414,  under  Honorius,  by 
Alaric,  chief  of  the  Goths;  in  455,  by  Genseric,  king  of 

*  The  opinion  now  most  g-encrally  received  is  that  of  Varro,  who  places 
the  time  of  the  foundation  of  Rome  near  200  years  later. 
VOL.  V.  I 


64  MEMOIRS  [BookXXX» 

the  Vandals,  under  Martian;  and  in  546,  under  Justi- 
nian, by  Totila  and  the  Goths.*  Now,  if  it  be  true,  that 
after  this,  the  city  retained  the  shadow  of  what  she  had 
been,  if  we  must  regard  her  as  divested  of  the  empire 
of  the  world,  when  her  w  eakness  and  the  abuses  of  her 
government  made  this  event  to  be  looked  upon,  not  sim- 
ply as  inevitable,  but  as  veiy  near,  and,  in  fact,  already 
arrived;  the  epocha  of  her  fall  may  then  be  marked  long 
before  the  reign  of  Valentinian  III,  to  whom  it  will  be 
doing  a  favour,  to  call  the  last  emperor  of  the  West;f 
for  several  of  those  emperors  whom  he  succeeded,  were, 
in  reality,  no  better  than  tyrants,  by  whom  the  empire 
was  torn  and  divided,  and  the  shattered  remnants  left  to 
be  the  spoil  of  the  barbarians,  who,  indeed,  by  their  con- 
quests, acquired  an  equal  right  to  them. 

Rome,  nevertheless,  still  beheld,  at  intervals,  some 
faint  appearances  of  a  revival;  those  of  which  she  was 
most  sensible  were  under  the  reign  of  the  great  Con- 
stantine,  whose  victories  once  more  united  this  vast  body 
under  one  head;  but  when  he  transported  the  seat  of  his 
empire  from  Rome  to  Constantinople,  he,  by  that  step, 
without  being  sensible  of  it,  contributed  more  to  the  de- 
struction of  a  work  which  had  cost  him  so  much  labour, 
than  all  the  ill  conduct  of  his  predecessors  had  been 
able  to  effect;  and  this  even  he  rendered  irremediable, 
-by  dividing  his  empire  equally  between  his  three  sons. 

*  These  three  epochas  are  not  quite  just;  the  first  was  in  410,  instead  of 
414;  the  second  in  455,  or  456;  and  the  third  in  524,  under  Tegas,  succes- 
sor of  Totila,  and  the  last  kin^  of  the  Goths;  the  sacking'  the  city  this  last 
time  lasted  forty  days. 

f  It  w6u\d  be  unjust,  surely,  to  refuse  the  title  of  emperors  of  tlie  West 
(0  Valentinian  III,  to  Honorius,  &c.  The  expressions  here  used  by  our 
author  should  not  be  understood  in  their  most  rigorous  sense,  but  only  as 
meaning:  an  empire  weakening-,  and  approaching'  to  its  final  destruction. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  65 

Theodosiiis,  who  by  his  good  fortune,  or  from  an  effect  of 
liis  great  valour,  found  himself  in  the  same  circumstan- 
ces with  Constantine,  would  not  perhaps  have  committed 
the  same  fault,  had  he  not  been  influenced  by  the  force 
of  Constantine's  example;  but  this,  in  a  manner,  neces- 
sarily obliged  him  to  divide  his  empire  in  two;  Arcadius 
had  the  East,  Honorius  the  West:  and  from  that  time 
there  never  was  any  hopes  or  opportunity  of  reuniting 
them. 

According  to  the  order  of  nature,  by  which  the  de^- 
struction  of  one  thing  contributes  to  the  production  of 
others;  so,  in  proportion,  as  the  most  distant  members 
of  the  empire  of  the  West  fell  off  from  it,  from  thence 
there  arose  kingdoms;  though  indeed  they  did  not  at 
first  bear  that  rank.  The  most  ancient  of  these  (its 
origin  appearing  to  have  been  in  the  eighth  year  of  the 
empire  of  Honorius)  is,  undobtedly,  that  which  was 
founded  in  Gaul  by  the  French,  so  called  from  Fran- 
conia,  from  whence  they  were  invited  by  the  Gauls, 
who  inhabited  the  countries  about  the  Moselle,  to  assist 
them  in  their  deliverance  from  the  oppression  of  the 
Roman  armies.  It  being  a  custom  among  these  Franl^s, 
or  French,  to  confer  the  title  of  king  upon  whatever 
person  they  chose  to  be  their  leader;  if  the  first  or  se- 
cond of  these  chiefs  did  not  bear  it,  it  is  certain,  at  least, 
that  the  third,  which  was  Merovius,  and  more  particu- 
larly Clovis,  who  was  the  fifth,  were  invested  with  it,* 

*  The  wliole  of  what  is  here  said,  may  be  allowed  to  be  right:  according- 
1.0  Petau  and  Sinnond,  the  chiefs  of  the  French  bore  the  tiUe  of  kings  from 
tlie  reign  of  Valentinian  II,  which  was  long  before  the  year  445,  when 
Claudian,  by  the  taking  of  Cambray,  &c-  first  established  himself  on  this 
side  of  tlie  Rhine.  They  first  established  themselves  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Rhine  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  and  extended  tlieraselves, 
nearly  from  the  Texel,  as  far  as  Francfort.     This  revolt  of  a  part  of  Gaul 


66  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

and  some  of  them  supported  it  with  so  much  glory; 
among  others,  Pepin  and  Charles  Martel^  to  whom  it 
would  be  doing  an  injustice  to  refuse  them  this  dignity; 
that  their  worthy  successor  Charlemagne,  revived  in 
Gaul  an  imperfect  image  of  the  now  extinguished  em- 
pire in  the  West:  this  indeed  was  facilitated  by  those 
natural  advantages  France  enjoys  of  numerous  inhabi- 
tants trained  to  war;  and  a  great  plenty  of  all  things 
serving  the  different  necessities  of  life,  joined  to  a  very 
great  conveniency  for  commerce,  arising  from  its  situa- 
tion, which  renders  it  the  centre  of  four  of  the  princi- 
pal powers  of  Europe;  Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  and  Bri- 
tain, with  the  Low  Countries. 

Let  us  here  just  say  one  word  upon  the  three  races 
which  compose  the  succession  of  our  kings:  in  the  first 
of  them  I  find  only  Merovius,  Clovis  I,  and  Clotharius 
II,  Charles  Martel,  Pepin  le  Bref,  and  Charlemagne, 
in  the  second,  who  have  raised  themselves  above  the 
common  level  of  their  race.  Take  aw  ay  these  six  from 
the  thirty-fivje,  which  Ave  compute  in  these  two  races, 
and  all  the  rest,  from  their  vices  or  their  incapacity,  ap- 
pear to  have  been  either  wicked  kings,  or  but  the  sha- 
dow- of  kings;  though  among  them  we  may  distinguish 
some  good  qualities  in  Sigibert  and  Dagobert,  and  a 
very  great  devotion  in  Louis  le  Debonnaire,  which, 
however,  ended  in  his  repenting  the  loss  of  empire  and 
his  kingdom,  together  with  his  liberty,  in  a  cloister. 

against  the  Romans,  happened  in  434,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reig-n  of 
Vaientinian  III,  and  the  author's  opinion  on  the  establishment  of  the  French 
in  Gaul,  is  confirmed  by  a  learned  academician,  who  has  cleared  up  this 
critical  point  as  much  as  it  was  possible  (the  late  abbe  Du  Bois.)  Hist. 
Crit.  de  I'Etab.  de  la  Monarchic  Franc,  dans  les  Gaules.  Tom.  I.  liv.  i.  ch, 
17,  liv.  ii.  ch.  7,  8. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  67 

The  Cailovingian  race  having  reigned  obscurely, 
and  ended  so  too,  the  crown  then  descended  upon  a 
third  race;  the  four  first  kings  of  which,  in  my  opinion, 
appear  to  have  been  perfect  models  of  wise  and  good 
government.     The  kingdom  which  came  under  their 
dominion  had  lost  much  of  its  original  splendour,  for 
from  its  immense  extent  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  it 
was  reduced  to  very  nearly  the  same  bounds  which  it 
has  at  this  day;  with  this  difference,  that  though  they 
might  have  been  desirous  to  restore  its  ancient  limits, 
the  form  of  the  government,  which  rendered  the  kings 
subject  to  the  great  men  and  people  of  the  kingdom, 
who  had  a  right  to  choose,  and  even  to  govern  their 
sovereigns,  left  them  no  means  by  which  they  could 
succeed  in  such  an  attempt.     The  conduct,  therefore, 
which  they  pursued  was,  to  condemn  arbitrary  power 
to  an  absolute  silence;  and,  in  its  place,  to  substitute 
equity  itself;  a  kind  of  dominion  which  never  excites 
envy.     Nothing  now  was  done  without  the  consent  of 
the  great  men  and  the  principal  cities,  and  almost  al- 
ways in  consequence  of  the  decision  of  an  assembly  of 
the  states.    A  conduct  so  moderate  and  prudent  put  an 
end  to  all  factions,  and  stifled  all  conspiracies,  which 
are  fatal  to  the  state  or  the  so\  ereign.  Regularity,  eco- 
nomy, a  distinction  of  merit,  strict  observance  of  jus- 
tice, all  the  virtues  which  we  suppose  necessary  quali- 
fications for  the  good  of  a  family,  were  what  charac- 
terized this  new  government,  and  produced  what  was 
never  before  beheld,  and  what,  perhaps,  we  may  never 
see  again,  an  uninterrupted  peace  for  one  hundred  and 
twenty-tw^o  years:  what  these  princes  gained  by  it  for 
themselves  in  particular,  and  which  all  the  authority  of 
the  Salique  law  could  never  have  procured  them,  was, 
the  advantage  of  introducing  into  this  house  an  heredi- 


68  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

tary  right  to  the  crown.  But  they,  nevertheless,  thought 
it  a  necessary  precaution,  not  to  declare  their  eldest 
sons  their  successors  till  they  had  modestly  asked  the 
consent  of  the  people,  preceded  it  by  a  kind  of  election^ 
and  usually  by  having  them  crowned  in  their  own  life- 
time, and  seated  with  them  upon  the  throne. 

Philip  II,  whom  Lewis  VII,  his  father,  caused  to  be 
crowned,  and  to  reign  wilh  him  in  this  manner,  was  the 
first  who  neglected  to  observe  this  ceremony  between 
the  sovereign  and  his  people:  several  victories,  obtained 
over  his  neighbours  and  over  his  own  subjects,  which 
gained  him  the  surname  of  Augustus,  served  to  open 
him  a  passage  to  absolute  power:  and  a  notion  of  the 
fitness  and  legality  of  this  power,  by  the  assistance  of 
favourites,  ministers,  and  others,  became  afterwards  so 
strongly  imprinted  in  his  successors,  that  they  looked 
upon  it  as  a  mark  of  the  most  profound  good  policy,  to 
act  contrary  to  those  maxims,  the  general  and  particu- 
lar utility  of  which  had  been  so  effectually  confirmed  by 
experience.  And  thi  •  they  did  without  any  fear,  or  per- 
haps without  any  conception  of  the  fatal  consequences 
which  such  a  proceeding,  against  a  nation  that  adored 
its  liberty,  might,  and  even  necessarily  would,  incur; 
of  which  they  might  easily  have  become  sensible,  from 
the  means  to  which  the  people  had  immediate  recourse, 
to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  tyranny  with  which  they  saw 
themselves  menaced.  The  kings  could  never  obtain  of 
their  people  any  other  than  that  kind  of  constrained  obe- 
dience, which  always  inclines  them  to  embrace  with 
eagerness,  all  opportunities  of  mutiny.  This  was  the 
source  of  a  thousand  bloody  wars:  that  by  which  almost 
all  France  was  ravaged  by  the  English;  that  which  we 
carried  on  with  Italy,  Burgundy,  and  Spain ;  all  of  them 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  69 

can  be  attributed  to  no  other  causes,  than  the  civil  dis- 
sentions  by  which  they  were  preceded:  and  here  the 
weakest  side,  stifling  the  voice  of  honour,  and  the  in- 
terest of  the  nation,  constantly  called  in  foreigners  to 
assist  them  in  the  support  of  their  tottering  liberties. 
These  were  shameful  and  fatal  remedies;  but  from  that 
time  they  were  constantly  employed,  and  even  to  our 
days  by  the  house  of  Lorrain,  in  a  league,  for  which 
religion  was  nothing  more  than  the  pretence.  Another 
evil,  which  may  at  first  appear  to  be  of  a  different  kind, 
but  which,  in  my  opinion,  proceeds  fromthe  same  source, 
was  a  general  corruption  of  manners,  a  thirst  for  rich- 
es, and  a  most  shameful  degree  of  luxury:  these,  some- 
times separately,  and  sometimes  united,  were  alternate 
causes  and  effects  of  many  of  our  miseries. 

Thus,  in  a  few  words,  I  have  exposed  the  various 
species  of  our  bad  policy,  with  respect  both  to  the  form 
of  the  government,  successively  subjected  to  the  will  of 
the  people,  the  soldiers,  the  nobles,  the  states,  and  the 
kings;  and  in  regard  to  the  persons  likewise  of  these 
last,  whether  dependant,  elective,  hereditaiy,  or  absolute. 

From  the  picture  here  laid  before  us,  we  may  be  en- 
abled to  form  our  judgment  upon  the  third  race  of  our 
kings:  we  may  find  a  thousand  things  to  admire  in  Phi- 
lip Augustus,  Saint  Louis,  Philip  le  Bel,  Charles  le  Sage, 
Charles  VII,  and  Louis  XII.  But  it  is  to  be  lamented, 
that  so  many  virtues,  or  great  qualities  have  been  ex- 
ercised upon  no  better  principles;  with  what  pleasure 
might  we  bestow  upon  them  the  titles  of  great  kings, 
could  we  but  conceal  that  their  people  were  miserable: 
what  might  we  not,  in  particular,  say  of  Louis  IX  .'^  of 
the  forty-four  years  whicii  he  reigned,  the  first  twent}'' 
of  them  exhibits  a  scene  not  unworthy  to  be  compared 


70  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

with  the  eleven  last  of  Henry  the  Great.  But  I  am 
afraid  all  their  glory  will  appear  to  have  been  destroyed 
in  the  twenty-four  following;  wherein  it  appears,  that 
the  excessive  taxes  upon  the  subjects,  to  satisfy  an  ill- 
judged  and  destructive  devotion ;  immense  sums  trans- 
ported into  the  most  distant  countries,  for  the  ransom 
of  prisoners;  so  many  thousand  subjects  sacrificed;  so 
many  illustrious  houses  extinguished;  caused  a  univer- 
sal mourning  throughout  France,  and  all  together,  a 
general  calamity. 

Let  us  for  once,  if  it  be  possible,  fix  our  principles; 
and  being,  from  long  experience,  convinced,  that  the 
happiness  of  mankind  can  never  arise  from  war,  of 
which  we  ought  to  have  been  persuaded  long  ago;  let 
us,  upon  this  principle,  take  a  cursory  view  of  the  his- 
tory of  our  monarchy.     We  will  pass  by  the  wars  of 
Clovis  and  his  predecessors,  because  they  seem  to  have 
been,  in  some  degree,  necessary  to  confirm  the  recent 
foundations  of  the  monarchy:  but  what  shall  we  say  of 
those  wars,  in  which  the  four  sons  of  Clovis,  the  four 
sons  of  Clotharius  II,  and  their  descendants,  were  en- 
gaged, during  the  uninterrupted  course  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  years?  and  of  those  also,  by  which,  for  the 
space  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-two  other  years,  com- 
mencing with  Lewis  le  Debonnaire,  the  kingdom  was 
harrassed  and  torn?     What  follows  is  still  worse:  the 
slightest  knowledge  of  our  history  is  sufficient  to  con- 
vince any  one,  that  there  was  no  real  tranquillity  in  the 
kingdom  from  Henry  VIII,  to  the  peace  of  Vervins:  and, 
in  short,  all  this  long  period  may  be  called  a  war  of  near 
four  hundred  years  duration.  After  this  examination, 
from  whence  it  incontestably  appears,  that  our  kings 
have  seldom  thought  of  any  thing  but  how  to  carry  on 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  71 

their  wars,  we  cannot  but  be  scrupulous  in  bestowing 
on  them  the  title  of  truly  great  kings;  thougli  we  shall, 
nevertheless,  render  them  all  the  justice  which  ap{)ears 
to  have  been  their  due:  for  I  confess  (as  indeed  it  would 
be  unjust  to  attribute  to  them  only,  a  crime  which  was 
properly  that  of  all  Europe)  that  several  of  these  prin- 
ces were  sometimes  in  such  circumstances  as  rendered 
the  wars  just,  and  even  necessary;  and  from  hence,  when 
indeed  there  was  no  other  means  to  obtain  it,  they  ac- 
quired a  true  and  lasting  glory.  For  herein,  from  the 
manner  in  which  several  of  these  wars  were  foreseen, 
prepared  for,  and  conducted,  we  may  in  their  councils 
.discover  such  master-strokes  of  policy,  and  in  their  per- 
sons such  noble  instances  of  courage,  as  are  deserving 
of  our  highest  praises.  From  whence  then  can  pro- 
ceed the  error  of  so  many  exploits,  in  appearance  so 
glorious,  though  the  effect  of  them  has  generally  been 
the  devastation  both  of  l^rance  and  all  Europe?  I  re- 
peat it  again,  of  all  Europe,  which  even  yet  seems  scarce 
sensible,  that  in  her  present  situation,  a  situation  in 
which  she  has  been,  for  several  centuries,  every  attempt 
which  shall  tend  to  her  subjection,  or  only  to  the  too 
considerably  augmenting  of  any  one  of  her  principal 
monarchies,  at  the  expense  of  the  others,  can  never  be 
any  other  than  a  chimerical  and  impossible  enterprise. 
There  are  none  of  these  monarchies,  whose  destruction 
will  not  require  a  concurrence  of  causes  infinitely 
superior  to  all  human  force.  The  whole,  therefore,  of 
what  seems  proper  and  necessary  to  be  done,  is  to  sup- 
port them  all  in  a  kind  of  equilibrium;  and  whatever 
prince  thinks,  and  in  consequence  acts  otherwise,  may 
indeed  cause  torrents  of  blood  to  flow  through  all  Eu- 
rope, but  he  will  never  be  able  to  change  her  form 

VOL.  V.  K 


72  MEMOIRS  (;B00K  XXX. 

When  I  observed  that  the  extent  of  France  is  not 
now  so  considerable  as  it  was  in  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, my  intention,  most  certainly,  was,  not  that  this 
diminution  should  be  considered  as  a  misfortune.  In 
an  age  when  we  feel  the  sad  effects  of  having  had  am- 
bitious princes,  fi'om  time  to  time,  for  our  kings,  were 
all  to  concur  in  flattering  this  fatal  ambition,  it  would 
be  the  cause  of  still  greater  evils;  and  it  may  be  gene- 
rally observed,  that  the  larger  the  extent  of  kingdoms, 
the  more  they  are  subject  to  great  revolutions  and  mis- 
fortunes. The  basis  of  the  tranquillity  of  our  own,  in 
particular,  depends  upon  preserving  it  within  its  pre- 
sent limits.  A  climate,  laws,  manners,  and  language, 
different  from  our  own;  seas,  and  chains  of  mountains 
almost  inaccessible,  are  all  so  many  barriers,  which  we 
may  consider  as  fixed  even  by  naiurc.  Besides,  what 
is  it  that  France  wants  .^  will  she  not  always  be  the 
richest  and  most  powerful  kingdom  in  Europe?  It 
must  be  granted.  All  therefore  which  the  French  have 
to  wish  or  desire  is,  that  heaven  may  grant  them  pious, 
good,  and  wise  kings;  and  that  these  king's  may  employ 
their  power  in  preserving  the  peace  of  Europe;  lor  no 
other  enterprise  can,  truly,  be  to  them  either  profitable 
or  successful. 

And  this  explains  to  us  the  nature  of  the  design  which 
Henry  IV  was  on  the  point  of  putting  in  execution, 
when  it  pleased  God  to  take  him  to  himself,  too  soon 
by  some  years  for  the  happiness  of  the  world.  From 
hence  likewise  we  may  perceive  the  motives  for  his  pur- 
suing a  conduct  so  opposite  to  any  thing  that  had  hith- 
erto been  undertaken  by  crowned  heads;  and  here  wo 
piay  behold  what  it  was  that  acquired  him  the  title  of 
Qreat.     His  designs  were  not  inspired  by  a  mean  and 


Book  XXX.]  or  sully.  73^ 

despicable  ambition,  nor  guided  by  base  and  partial  in- 
terests: to  render  France  happy  for  ever  was  his  de- 
sire; and  as  slie  cannot  perfectly  enjoy  this  felicity,  un- 
less all  Europe  likewise  partakes  of  it;  so  it  was  the  hap- 
piness of  Europe  in  general  which  he  laboured  to  pro- 
cure, and  this  in  a  manner  so  solid  and  durable,  that  no- 
thing should  afterwards  be  able  to  shake  its  foundations. 
I  must  confess  I  am  under  some  apprehensions,  lest 
this  scheme*  should  at  first  be  considered  as  one  of  those 

*  The  Memoirs  of  Sully  are  the  only  monumeot  which  has  preserved  to 
posterity  an  account  of  the  great  design  of  Henry  IV^.  We  find  no  traces 
of  it  in  an^'  of  the  historians,  authors  of  memoirs,  or  other  writers,  wha 
were  cotemporary  with  that  prince;  their  silence  in  this  matter  proceeded, 
no  doubt,  from  their  not  knowing  enough  of  it  to  say  any  thing  with  cer- 
tainty about  it.  The  world  did  not  begin  to  descant  upon  it  till  the  Me- 
moirs qfSulli/,  wherein  it  is  so  cleaily  described,  were  published;  and  among 
all  those  who  have  considered  it  ever  since  about  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  I  find  scarce  any  wlio  have  questioned  the  possibility 
of  executing  it;  doubtless,  because  they  lived  near  enough,  to  thje  times  in 
which  it  was  formed,  to  be  convinced,  even  from  the  mouths  of  those  who 
had  been  witnesses  of  the  preparations  and  dispositions  which  were  made, 
that  all  the  measures  had  been  taken  precisely  in  the  same  manner  as  rela- 
ted by  the  duke  of  Sully;  and  consequently,  that  it  would  have  had  but  few 
of  those  obstacles  to  encounter  which  have  since  been  raised  against  it. 

The  author  of  a  manuscript  discourse  in  the  king's  library,  which  to  me 
appears  to  be  the  most  ancient  memoir  we  have  of  that  time,  seems  not  in 
tiie  least  to  have  doubted  of  success  in  its  execution.  And  M.  de  Pereflxe, 
who  in  the  third  part  of  his  history  of  Henry  the  Great,  has  given  a  short 
but  verj'  accurate  account  of  the  scheme,  says  positively  that  it  would  have 
succeeded;  and  farther  confirms  his  assertion  by  proofs,  which  he  gives,  p. 
388,  and  the  following.  The  continuator  of  Thuanus,  in  what  little  he  has 
said  of  it,  annolG09,  10,  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  of  a  dilFerent  senti-- 
ment.  The  marshal  dc  Bassompierre  also,  in  his  Journal,  tom.  L  seems  to 
be  in  its  favour.  To  these  authorities  we  may  also  join  that  of  the  author 
of  the  life  of  the  duke  d'Epernon,  and  some  others,  who  all  seem  to  be  oC 
the  same  opinion.  Indeed,  till  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  all 
authors  appear  to  have  been  unanimous  in  this  point;  and  several  of  otfr 
modem  historians  have  joined  them  herein. 


74  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

darling  chimeras,  or  idle  political  speculations,  in  which 
a  mind  susceptible  of  strange  and  singular  ideas,  may 

Vittorio  Siri  (Mem.  Recond.  torn.  I.  p.  29,  514.  torn.  11.  p.  45.  kc.)  is  tlie 
first  that  I  know  of,  by  whom  this  great  enterprize  has  been  treated  as  ab- 
surd and  impossible:  but  the  ignorance  which  he  shows  in  the  whole  affair, 
even  in  those  points  which  are  the  least  contested;  his  attachment  to  the 
Spanish  politics,  and  his  distance  from  the  persons  of  Henry  IV  and  his 
minister,  which  is  every  way  apparent  in  all  he  says  on  the  subject,  render 
bim,  in  this  respect,  very  justly  exceptionable;  his  sentiments  have  been 
adopted,  by  the  author  of  the  History  of  the  Mother  and  Son,  tom.  I.  p. 
44.  and  for  a  similar  reason  of  attachment  to  the  queen,  mother  of  Lewis 
XIII.  But  tltis  writer,  such  as  he  is,  producing  no  better  authority  for  his 
opinion,  than  the  age  of  Henry  iV,  who  was  then  near  sixty,  appears  also 
to  have  been  so  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  affair,  that  we  may,  without 
scruple,  pronounce,  he  was  ignorant  of  the  disposition  which  had  been  made 
for  the  complete  execution  of  it  within  the  space  of  three  years,  and  that 
he  condemns  the  design  without  understanding  it. 

I  have  much  g-reacer  reverence  for  the  authority  of  some  modern  politi- 
cians, who  consider  it  as  a  kind  of  impossibility,  thus  to  change  the  face 
of  aU  Europe,  in  the  manner  proposed  by  Henry  IV,  and  who  imagine,  that 
in  our  days  a  much  more  happy  expedient  has  been  discovered,  whereby  to 
obtain  tlje  equilibrium  of  Europe,  than  by  reviving  the  ancient  council  of 
the  Amphyctions:  what  I  mean,  is  the  precaution  now  observed,  of  having' 
aU  the  principal  powers  of  Europe  accede  to,  and  become  the  guarantees 
of  every  particular  treaty.  But  all  those  calamities  which  we  have  suff- 
ered in  consequence  cf  war,  do  but  too  plainly  evince  its  insutficiency.  In 
regai'd  to  the  main  stress  of  the  question,  I  agree  with  them,  that  Europe 
could  not  now,  but  with  great  difficulty,  be  constituted  in  the  manner  pro- 
posed by  Henry  the  Great;  nevertheless  I  believe,  without  pretending  to 
subject  any  one  to  my  opinion,  that  those  who  treat  this  prince's  design  as 
a  chimera,  do  not  pay  all  the  necessary  attention  to  the  circumstances  of 
those  times,  wherein  Europe,  from  her  frequent  dangers  of  being  subjected 
to  the  house  of  Austria,  and  by  the  bloody  wars  which  a  difference  of  reli- 
gion had  excited,  and  continued  daily  to  excite,  found  herself  in  a  manner 
compelled  to  have  recourse  to  extraordinary  means  to  put  a  period  to  her 
miseries. 

I  cannot  finish  this  remark  better,  than  in  the  words  of  M.  I'Abbe  de 
Saint-Pierre,  in  his  Discours  sur  le  Grand  Homme:  "  From  hence  weiray 
"  perceive,  that  if  Henry  IV,  king  of  France,  had  executed  his  celebrated 
"  and  well-projected  design,  whereby  to  render  peace  perpetual  and  uni- 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  75 

be  so  easily  engaged;  those  who  shall  thus  think  of  it, 
must  be  of  that  sort  of  people  on  whom  the  first  impres- 
sions upon  a  prejudiced  imagination,  have  the  force  of 
truth;  or  those,  who  by  their  distance  from  the  times, 
and  their  ignorance  of  the  circumstances,  confound  the 
wisest  and  noblest  enterprises  that  have  ever  been  form- 
ed, vv  ith  those  chimerical  projects  which  princes,  intoxi- 
cated with  their  power,  have  in  all  ages  amused  them- 
selves in  forming.  I  confess,  that  if  we  attentively  ex- 
amine the  designs  whichhave  been  planned  from  motives 
of  vanity,  confidence  in  good  fortune,  ignorance,  nay, 
from  sloth,  and  even  timidity  itself,  we  must  be  surprised 
to  behold  sovereigns  plunged  bhndly  into  schemes,  spe- 
cious perhaps  in  appearance,  but  which,  at  bottom,  have 
not  the  least  degree  of  possibility.  The  mind  of  man 
pursues  with  so  much  complacency,  nay,  even  with  so 
much  ardour,  whatever  it  fancies  great  or  beautiful,  that 
it  is  sorry  to  be  made  sensible,  that  these  objects  have 

"  versal  amon^  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  he  would  have  procured  the 
"  gi-eatest  possible  benefit,  not  only  to  his  own  subjects,  but  to  all  the  chris- 
"  tian  kingdoms:  and  even,  by  a  necessary  consequence,  to  the  world  in 
"  general:  a  benefit  of  which  all  generations,  present  and  to  come,  would 
"  have  participated  down  to  the  latest  time:  a  benefit,  by  which  we  should 
"  have  been  exempted  from  those  terrible  and  numerous  evils,  which  are 
"  the  effects  of  foreign  and  domestic  wars;  a  benefit,  which  would  have 
"  been  the  source  of  all  those  sweets  which  naturally  flow  from  an  uninter- 
•'  rupted  and  universal  tranquillity:  if,  I  say,  he  had  been  so  happy  as  to  have 
"  executed  this  great  design,  it  would  have  rendered  him,  beyond  all  com- 
"  parison,  the  greatest  man  the  world  ever  has,  or  probably  ever  will  pro- 
"  duce."  After  some  farther  reflections  upon  the  means  still  more  practi- 
cable, this  judicious  author  adds:  "  This  prince,  however,  has  always  had 
*'  the  honour  of  being  considered  as  the  author  of  the  most  important  inven- 
"  tion,  and  most  useful  discovery,  for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  that  has  yet 
"  appeared  in  the  world;  the  execution  of  which  may,  perhaps,  be  reserved 
"  by  Providence,  for  the  greatest  and  most  capable  of  his  successors." 


76  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

frequently  nothing  real  or  solid  in  them.  But  in  this,  as 
well  as  in  other  things,  there  is  an  opposite  extreme  to 
be  avoided;  vrhich  is,  that  as  we  usually  fail  in  the  exe- 
cution of  great  designs,  from  not  commencing  and  con- 
tinuing them  with  sufficient  vigour  and  spirit;  so  likewise 
we  are  defective  in  the  knowledge  of  their  true  wortb 
and  tendency,  because  we  do  not  thoroughly  and  pro- 
perly consider  them  in  all  their  dependencies  and  conse- 
quences. I  have  myself  been  more  difficult  to  persuade 
in  this  matter,  than  perhaps  any  of  those  who  shall  read 
these  Memoirs:  and  this  I  consider  as  an  effect  of  that 
cold,  cautious,  and  unenterprising  temper,  which  makes 
so  considerable  a  part  of  my  character. 

I  remember  the  first  time  the  king  spoke  to  me  of  a 
political  system,  by  which  all  Europe  might  be  regulated 
and  governed  as  one  great  family,  I  scarce  paid  any  at- 
tention to  what  he  said,  imagining  that  he  meant  no  more 
by  it  than  merely  to  divert  himself,  or  perhaps  to  show, 
that  his  thoughts  on  political  subjects  were  greater,  and 
penetrated  deeper,  than  most  others:  my  reply  was  a 
mixture  of  pleasantry  and  compliment.  Henry  said  no 
more  at  that  time.  He  often  confessed  to  me  afterwards, 
that  he  had  long  concealed  from  me  what  he  meditated 
on  this  subject,  from  a  principle  of  shame,  which  many 
labour  under,  lest  they  should  disclose  designs  which 
might  appear  ridiculous  or  impossible.  I  was  astonished 
when,  some  time  after,  he  renewed  our  conversation  on 
this  head,  and  continued  from  year  to  year,  to  entertain 
me  with  new  regulations  and  new  improvements  in  his 
scheme. 

I  had  been  veiy  far  from  thinking  seriously  about  it. 
If  by  accident  it  came  into  my  thoughts  for  a  moment, 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  77 

the  first  view  of  the  design,  which  supposed  a  reunion 
of  all  the  different  states  of  Europe;  immense  expenses, 
at  a  time  when  France  could  scarcely  supply  her  own 
necessities;  a  concatenation  of  events  which  to  me  ap- 
peared infinite:  these  were  considerations  which  had  al- 
ways made  me  reject  the  thought  as  vain;  I  even  appre- 
hended there  was  some  illusion  in  it:  I  recollected  some 
of  those  enterprises  in  which  we  had  endeavoured  to 
engage  Europe.  I  considered  those  in  particular  which 
had  been  formed  by  some  of  our  kings,  from  much  less 
considerable  motives,  and  I  felt  myself"  disgusted  with 
this,  from  the  bad  success  of  all  the  former.  The  dispo- 
sition of  the  princes  of  Europe  to  take  umbrage  against 
France,  when  she  would  have  assisted  them  to  dissipate 
their  fears  from  the  too  great  power  of  Spain,  this  alone 
appeared  to  me  an  insurmountable  obstacle. 

Strongly  prejudiced  by  this  opinion,  I  used  my  utmost 
efforts  to  undeceive  Henry,  who,  on  his  side,  sui'prised 
not  to  find  me  of  his  opinion  in  any  one  point,  immedi- 
ately undertook  and  readily  succeeded  in  convincing  me, 
that  my  thus  indiscriminately  condemning  all  parts  of 
his  project,  in  which  he  was  certain  that  every  thing  at 
least  was  not  blameable,  could  proceed  from  nothing 
but  strong  prejudices.  I  could  not  refuse,  at  his  solici- 
tations, to  use  my  endeavours  to  gain  a  thorough  com- 
prehension of  it:  I  formed  a  clearer  plan  of  it  in  my 
mind:  I  collected  and  united  all  its  different  branches: 
I  studied  all  its  proportions  and  dhnensions,  if  I  may  say 
so;  and  I  discovered  in  them  a  regularity  and  mutual 
dependance,  of  w  hich,  when  I  only  considered  the  de- 
sign in  a  confused  and  careless  manner,  I  had  not  been 
at  all  sensible.  The  benefit  which  would  manifestly  arise 


78  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

from  it  to  all  Europe,  was  what  most  immediately  struck 
me,  as  being  in  effect  the  plainest  and  most  evident;  but 
the  means  to  effect  so  good  a  design  were,  therefore, 
what  I  hesitated  at  the  longest.  The  general  situation 
of  the  affairs  of  Europe,  and  of  our  own  in  particular, 
appeared  to  me  every  way  contrary  to  the  execution:  I 
did  not  consider  that,  as  the  execution  of  it  might  be 
deferred  till  a  proper  opportunity,  we  had  all  those  re- 
sources whereby  to  prepare  ourselves,  which  time  af- 
fords those  who  know  how  to  make  the  best  use  of  it 
I  was  at  last  convinced,  that  however  disproportionate 
the  means  might  appear  to  the  effect,  a  course  of  years, 
during  which  every  thing  should  as  much  as  possible  be 
made  subservient  to  the  great  object  in  view,  would  sur- 
mount many  difficulties.  It  is  indeed  somewhat  extra- 
ordinary, that  this  point,  which  appeared  to  be,  and  real- 
ly was,  the  most  difficult  of  any,  should  at  last  become 
the  most  easy. 

Having  thus  seen  all  parts  of  the  design  in  their  just 
points  of  view,  having  thoroughly  considered  and  cal- 
culated, and  from  thence  discovered  and  prepared  for 
all  events  which  might  happen,  I  found  myself  confirm- 
ed in  the  opinion,  that  the  design  of  Henry  the  Great 
was,  upon  the  whole,  just  in  its  intention,  possible,  and 
even  practicable  in  all  its  parts,  and  infinitely  glorious 
in  all  its  effects:  so  that,  upon  all  occasions,  I  was  the 
first  to  recall  the  king  to  his  engagements,  and  some- 
times to  convince  him  by  those  very  arguments  which 
he  himself  had  taught  me. 

The  constant  attention  this  prince  paid  to  all  affairs 
transacted  around  him,  from  an  effect  of  those  singular- 
ly mihappy  circumstances^  by  which,  in  almost  every 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  79 

instant  of  his  life,  he  found  himself  embarrassed,  had 
been  the  cause  of  his  forming  this  design,  even  from 
the  time  when,  being  called  to  the  crown  by  the 
death  of  Henry  III,  he  considered  the  humbling  of  the 
house  of  Austi'ia  as  what  was  absolutely  necessary  for 
his  security;  yet,  if  he  was  not  beholden  to  Elizabath* 
for  his  thought  of  the  design,  it  is,  however,  certain  that 
this  great  queen  had  herself  conceived  it  long  before, 
as  a  means  to  revenge  Europe  for  the  attempts  of  its 
common  enemy.  The  troubles  in  which  all  the  follow- 
ing years  were  engaged,  the  war  which  succeeded  in 
1595,  and  that  against  Savoy  after  the  peace  of  Vervins, 
forced  Henry  into  difficulties  which  obliged  him  to  lay 
aside  all  thoughts  of  other  affairs;  and  it  was  not  till 
after  his  marriage,  and  the  firm  re-establishment  of 
peace,  that  he  renewed  his  thoughts  upon  his  first  de- 
sign, to  execute  which,  appeared  then  more  impossible, 
or  at  least  more  improbable,  than  ever. 

He,  nevertheless,  communicated  it  by  letters  to  Eliza- 
beth,! sind  this  was  what  inspired  them  with  so  strong 

*  The  present  duke  of  Sully  is  possessed  of  the  original  of  sn  excellent 
letter  of  Henry  the  Great,  supposed  to  have  been  wrote  by  him  to  queen 
Elizabeth,  tliough  this  princess  is  not  named,  neither  in  the  body  of  the  let- 
ter, nor  in  the  superscription,  which  is  in  these  words:  To  her  who  merits 
immortal  praise.  The  terms  in  wliich  Henry  herein  speaks  of  a  certain 
political  project,  which  he  calls  The  most  excellent  and  rare  enterprize  that 
ever  the  human  mind  conceived — a  thought  rather  divine  than  human:  the 
praises  which  he  bestows  upon  this  discourse  so  well  connected  and  demon- 
strative of  what  would  be  necessary  for  the  government  of  empires  and 
kingdoms — on  those  conceptions  and  resolutions  from  which  nothing  less 
may  be  hoped  than  most  remarkable  issues  both  of  honour  and  glory.  All 
these  passages  can  relate  to  none  but  Elizabeth,  nor  mean  any  other  than 
the  great  design  in  question,  concerning  which  it  evidently  appears,  from 
hence  that  the  queen  of  England  had  by  letters  disclosed  her  thoughts  to 
Henry.  The  letter  from  which  these  extracts  are  taken,  is  dated  from 
Paris,  the  llth  of  July;  but  without  the  date  of  the  year.  Lettres  d'Henry 
}e  Grand. 

t  Compare  the  above  with  what  is  said  in  vol.  II.  p.  432 

VOL.  V.  L 


3Q  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

an  iuclination  to  confer  together  in  1601,  when  this 
princess  came  to  Dover,  and  Henry  to  Calais.  What 
the  ceremony  of  an  intervew  would  not  have  permitted 
them  to  do,  I  at  last  begun  by  the  voyage  which  I  made 
to  this  princess.  I  found  her  deeply  engaged  in  the 
means  by  which  this  great  design  might  be  successful- 
ly executed;  and,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  which 
she  apprehended  in  its  two  principal  points,  namely,  the 
agreement  of  religions,  and  the  equality  of  the  powers, 
she  did  not  appear  to  me  at  all  to  doubt  of  its  success, 
which  she  chiefly  expected,  for  a  reason  the  justness  of 
which  I  have  since  been  well  convinced  of;  and  this  was, 
that,  as  the  plan  was  really  only  contrary  to  the  design 
of  some  princes,  whose  ambitious  views  were  sufficient- 
ly known  to  Europe,  this  difficulty,  from  which  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  design  more  evidently  appeared,  would 
rather  promote  than  retard  its  success.  She  farther  said, 
that  its  execution  by  any  other  means  than  that  of  arms 
would  be  very  desirable,  as  this  had  always  something 
odious  in  it:  but  she  confessed  that  indeed  it  would  be 
hardly  possible  to  begin  it  any  otherwise.  A  very  great 
number  of  the  articles,  conditions,  and  different  dispo- 
sitions, is  due  to  this  queen;  and  sufficiently  show,  that, 
in  respect  of  wisdom,  penetration,  and  all  the  other  per- 
fections of  the  mind,  she  was  not  inferior  to  any  king, 
the  most  truly  deserving  of  that  title. 

It  must  indeed  be  considered  as  a  very  great  misfor- 
tune, that  Henry  could  not  at  this  time  second  the  in- 
tentions of  the  queen  of  England,  who  wished  to  have 
the  design  put  in  immediate  execution;  but  when  he 
thus  laid  the  foundation  of  the  edifice,  he  scarce  hoped 
to  see  the  time  when  the  finishing  hand  would  be  put  to 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  81 

it.  The  recovery  of  his  own  kingdom  from  the  various 
maladies  by  which  it  was  afflicted,  was  a  work  of  sever- 
al years;  and  unhappily  he  had  himself  seen  forty-eight 
when  he  began  it;  he  pursued  it,  nevertheless,  with  the 
greatest  vigour.  The  edict  of  Nantes  had  been  publish- 
ed with  this  view,  and  every  other  means  was  used 
which  might  gain  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the 
princes  of  Europe.  Henry  and  I,  at  the  same  time  appli- 
ed ourselves  with  indefatigable  labour  to  regulate  the  in- 
terior affairs  of  the  kingdom.  We  considered  the  death 
of  the  king  of  Spain  as  the  most  favourable  event  that 
could  happen  for  our  design;  but  it  received  so  violent 
a  shock  by  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  as  had  like  to  have 
made  us  abandon  all  our  hopes.  Hemy  had  no  expec- 
tation that  the  powers  of  the  north,  nor  king  James,  the 
successor  of  Elizabeth,  (when  he  was  acquainted  with 
his  character,)  would  any  of  them  so  readily  consent  to 
support  him  in  his  design,  as  this  princess  had  done. 
However,  the  new  allies  which  he  daily  gained  in  Ger- 
many, and  even  in  Italy,  consoled  him  a  little  for  the 
loss  of  Elizabeth.  The  truce  between  Spain  and  the 
Low  Countries  may  also  be  numbered  among  incidents 
favourable  to  it. 

Yet,  if  we  consider  all  the  obstacles  which  afterwards 
arose  in  his  own  kingdom,  from  the  Protestants,  the 
Cathohcs,  the  clergy,  nay  even  from  his  own  council,  it 
will  appear  as  if  all  things  conspired  against  it.  Will  it 
be  believed  that  Henry  could  not  find  in  his  whole  coun- 
cil one  person,  besides  myself,  to  whom  he  could,  with- 
out danger,  disclose  the  whole  of  his  designs.'*  and  that 
the  respect  due  to  him,  could  scarce  restrain  those  who 
appeared  most  devoted  to  his  service,  from  treating  as 


82  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX 

wild  and  extravagant  chimera  what  he  had  entrusted 
to  them  with  the  greatest  circumspection.  But  nothing 
discouraged  him:  he  was  an  abler  politician  and  a  bet- 
ter judge  than  all  his  council,  and  all  his  kingdom;  and 
when  he  perceived  that,  notwithstanding  all  these  obsta- 
cles, affairs  began,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  to  appeal' 
in  a  favourable  situation,  he  then  considered  the  success 
as  infallible. 

Nor  will  this  his  judgment,  when  thoroughly  con- 
sidered, be  found  so  presumptuous  as,  from  a  slight  ex- 
amination, it  may  appear  to  some.  For  what  did  he 
hereby  require  of  Europe.^  Nothing  more  than  that  it 
should  promote  the  means  by  whith  he  proposed  to  fix 
it  in  the  position,  towards  which,  by  his  efforts,  it  had 
for  some  time  tended.  These  means  he  rendered  so 
easy  of  execution  that  it  would  scarce  require  what 
many  of  the  princes  of  Europe  would  voluntary  sacri- 
fice, for  advantages  much  less  real,  less  certain,  and  less 
durable.  What  they  would  gain  by  it,  besides  the  ines- 
timable benefits  raising  from  peace,  would  greatly  ex- 
ceed all  the  expenses  they  would  be  at.  What  reason 
then  could  any  of  them  have  to  oppose  it.'^  and  if  they 
did  not  oppose  it,  how  could  the  house  of  Austria  sup- 
port itself  against  powers,  in  whom  the  desire  and  plea- 
sure of  depriving  it  of  that  strength  which  it  had  used 
only  to  oppress  them,  would  have  raised  against  it  as 
many  open  as  it  had  secret  enemies.-^  that  is,  the  whole 
of  Europe.^  Nor  would  these  princes  have  any  reason 
to  be  jealous  of  the  restorer  of  their  liberty;  for  he  was 
so  far  from  seeking  to  re-imburse  himself  for  all  the  ex- 
penses which  his  generosity  would  hereby  engage  him 
in,  that  his  intention  was  to  reliuquish  voluntarily  and 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  8$ 

for  ever  all  power  of  augmenting  his  dominions;  not  only 
by  conquest,  but  by  every  other  just  and  lawful  means. 
By  this  he  would  have  discovered  the  secret  of  convinc- 
ing all  his  neighbours  that  his  whole  design  was  to  save 
both  himself  and  them  those  immense  sums  which  the 
maintenance  of  so  many  thousand  soldiers,  so  many 
fortified  places,  and  so  many  military  expenses  require; 
to  free  them  for  ever  from  the  fear  of  those  bloody  ca- 
tastrophes so  common  in  Europe:  to  procure  them  an 
uninterrupted  repose;  and  finally,  to  unite  them  all  in  an 
indissoluble  bond  of  security  and  friendship,  after  which 
they  might  live  together  like  brethren,  and  reciprocally 
visit  like  good  neighbours,  without  the  trouble  of  cere- 
mony, and  without  the  expense  of  a  train  of  attendants, 
which  princes  use  at  best  only  for  ostentation,  and  fre- 
quently to  conceal  their  miser)".  Does  it  not  indeed  re- 
flect shame  and  reproach  on  a  people  who  affect  to  be 
so  polished  and  refined  in  their  manners,  that  all  their 
pretended  wisdom  has  not  yet  (I  will  not  say  procured 
them  tranquillity,  but  only)  guarded  them  from  those 
barbarities  which  they  detest  in  nations  the  most  savage 
and  uncultivated?  and  to  desti'oy  these  pernicious  seeds 
of  confusion  and  disorder,  and  to  prevent  the  barbarities 
of  which  they  are  the  cause,  could  any  scheme  have 
been  more  happily  and  perfectly  contrived  than  that  of 
Henry  the  great.'' 

Here  then  is  all  that  could  be  reasonably  expected 
or  required.  It  is  only  in  the  power  of  man  to  prepare 
and  act;  success  is  the  work  of  a  more  mighty  hand. 
Sensible  people  cannot  be  blamed  for  being  prejudiced 
in  favour  of  the  scheme  in  question,  from  this  circum- 
stance only,  that  it  was  formed  by  the  two  potentates 


84  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

whom  posterity  will  always  consider  as  the  most  perfect 
models  of  the  art  of  governing.  In  regard  to  Henry  in 
particular,  I  insist  that  it  belongs  only  to  princes,  who, 
like  him,  have  had  a  constant  succession  of  obstacles  to 
encounter,  in  all  their  designs.  These,  I  say,  are  the 
princes  who  alone  are  privileged  to  judge  what  are  real 
obstacles;  and,  when  we  behold  them  wilHng  to  lay 
down  their  lives  in  support  of  their  opinions,  surely  we 
may  abide  by  their  sentiments,  without  fear  of  being 
deceived.  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  always  think  with 
regret,  that  France,  by  the  blow  which  it  received  by 
the  loss  of  this  great  prince,  was  deprived  of  a  glory  far 
superior  to  that  which  his  reign  had  acquired.*  There 
remains  only  to  explain  the  several  parts  of  the  design, 
and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  to  be  executed. 
We  will  begin  with  what  relates  to  religion. 

Two  religions  principally  prevail  in  Christendom,  the 
Roman  and  the  Reformed;  but,  as  this  latter  has  ad- 
mitted of  several  modifications  in  its  worship,  which 
render  it,  if  not  as  different  from  itself  as  from  the  Ro- 
man, at  least  as  far  from  being  reunited,  it  is  therefore 
necessary  to  divide  it  into  two,  one  of  which  may  be 
called  the  reformed,  and  the  other  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion. The  manner  in  which  these  three  religions  pre- 
vail in  Europe  is  extremely  different.  Italy  and  Spain 
remain  in  possession  of  the  Roman  religion,  pure  and 
without  mixture  of  any  other.     The  reformed  religion 

*  From  hence  we  may  discover  what  credit  should  be  given  to  Siri,wheD 
he  says,  that  the  sole  passion  of  Henry  the  Great  was  to  amass  riches;  that 
his  minister  forced  him  into  the  design  against  his  inchnation;  and  that  the 
duke  of  Sully,  whomhe  believes  to  be  the  sole  author  of  it,  was  himself  pre- 
possessed in  its  favour  only  from  mere  obstinacy,  or  perhaps  from  motives 
•jfself-iateresl. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  85 

subsists  ill  France  with  the  Roman,  only  under  favour 
of  the  edicts,  and  is  the  weakest.  England,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  the  Low  Countries,  and  Switzerland,  have  also 
a  mixture  of  the  same  kind,  but  with  this  difference, 
that  in  them  the  Protestant  is  the  governing  religion,  the 
others  are  only  tolerated.  Germany  unites  all  these, 
and  even  in  several  of  its  circles,  as  well  as  in  Poland, 
shows  them  equal  favour.  I  say  nothing  of  Muscovy  or 
Russia:  tliese  vast  countries,  which  are  not  less  than  six 
hundred  leagues  in  length,  and  four  hundred  in  breadth, 
being  in  great  part  still  idolaters,  and  in  part  schisma- 
tics, such  as  Greeks  and  Arminians,  who  have  intro- 
duced so  many  superstitious  practices  in  their  w  orship, 
that  there  scarce  remains  any  conformity  with  us  among 
them ;  besides,  that  they  belong  to  Asia  at  least  as  much 
as  to  Europe,  we  may  indeed  almost  consider  them  as 
a  barbarous  country,  and  place  them  in  the  same  class 
with  Turkey,  though  for  these  five  hundred  years,  we 
have  ranked  them  among  the  Christian  powers. 

Each  of  these  three  religions  being  now  established 
in  Europe,  in  such  a  manner  that  there  is  not  the  least 
appearance  that  any  of  them  can  be  destroyed,  and  ex- 
perience having  sufficiently  demonstrated  the  inutility 
and  danger  of  such  an  enterprise,  the  best  therefore 
that  can  be  done,  is  to  preserve,  and  even  strengthen 
all  of  them  in  such  a  manner,  nevertheless,  that  this  in- 
dulgence may  not  become  an  encouragement  to  the  pro- 
duction of  new  sects  or  opinions,  which  should  carefully 
be  suppressed  on  their  first  appearance.  God  himself, 
bymanifestly  supporting  what  the  Cathohcs  were  pleased 
to  call  the  new  religion,  has  taught  us  this  conduct, 
which  is  not  less  conformable  to  the  Holy  Scriptures 
than  confirmed  by  its  examples;  and,  besides,  the  in- 


86  MEMoiRb  [Book  XXX. 

surmountable  difficulty  of  forcing  the  pope's  authority 
to  be  received  in  those  places  where  it  is  now  no  longer 
acknowledged,  renders  what  is  here  proposed  absolute- 
ly necessary.  Several  cardinals  equally  sagacious  and 
zealous,  and  even  some  popes,  as  Clement  VIII  and 
Paul  V,  w^ere  of  this  opinion. 

All,  therefore,  that  remains  now  to  be  done,  is  to 
strengthen  the  nations,  who  have  made  choice  of  one  of 
these  religions,  in  the  principles  they  profess,  as  there 
is  nothing  in  all  respects  so  pernicious  as  a  liberty  in 
belief;  and  those  nations,  whose  inhabitants  profess  se- 
veral, or  all  these  religions,  should  be  careful  to  observe 
those  rules  which  they  find  necessary  to  remedy  the  or- 
dinary inconveniences  of  a  toleration,  which,  in  other 
respects,  they  probably  experience  to  be  beneficial.  Ita- 
ly, therefore,  professing  the  Roman  religion,  and  being 
moreover  the  residence  of  the  popes,  should  preserve 
this  religion  in  all  its  purity,  and  there  would  be  no 
hardship  in  obliging  all  its  inhabitants,  either  to  con- 
form to  it,  or  to  quit  the  country.  The  same  regula- 
tion, very  nearly,  might  be  observed  in  regard  to  Spain. 
In  such  states  as  that  of  France,  where  there  is  at  least 
a  governing  religion,  whoever  should  think  the  regula- 
tion too  severe,  by  which  Calvinism  would  be  always 
subordinate  to  the  religion  of  the  prince,  might  be  per- 
mitted to  depart  the  country.  No  new  regulation  would 
be  necessary  in  any  of  the  other  nations;  no  violence 
on  this  account,  but  liberty  unrestrained,  seeing  this  li- 
berty is  become  even  a  fundamental  principle  in  their 
governments. 

Thus  we  may  perceive  that  every  thing  on  this  head 
might  be  reduced  to  a  very  few  maxims,  so  much  the 
more  certain  and  inv?iriable,  as  they  were  not  contrary 


Book  XXX.]  of  sullv.  8? 

to  the  sentiments  of  any  one.  The  Protestants  are  very 
far  from  pretending  to  force  their  religion  upon  any  of 
their  neighbours,  by  whom  it  is  not  voluntarily  em- 
braced. The  Catholics,  doubtless,  are  of  the  same  sen- 
timents, and  the  pope  would  receive  no  injury  in  being 
deprived  of  what  he  confesses  himself  not  to  have  pos- 
sessed for  a  long  time.  His  sacrificing  tiicse  chimeri- 
cal rights  would  be  abundantly  compensated  by  the  re- 
gal dignity  with  which  it  would  be  proper  to  invest  him, 
and  by  the  honour  of  being  afterwards  the  common  me- 
diator between  all  the  Christian  princes,  a  dignity  which 
he  would  then  enjoy  without  jealousy,  and  for  wliich 
it  must  be  confessed  this  court,  by  its  sagacious  con- 
duct, has  shown  itself  the  most  proper  of  any. 

Another  point  of  the  political  scheme,  which  also  con- 
cerns religion,  relates  to  the  infidel  princes  of  Europe, 
and  consists  in  forcing  those  entirely  out  of  it  who  re- 
fuse to  conform  to  any  of  the  Christian  doctrines  of  re- 
ligion. Should  the  grand  duke  of  Muscovy,  or  czar  of 
Russia,  who  is  believed  to  be  the  ancient  khan  of  Scy- 
thia,  refuse  to  enter  into  the  association  after  it  is  pro- 
posed to  him,  he  ought  to  be  treated  like  the  sultan  of 
Turkey,  deprived  of  his  possessions  in  Europe,  and  con- 
fined to  Asia  only,  where  he  might,  as  long  as  he  pleased, 
without  any  interruption  from  us,  continue  the  wars  in 
which  he  is  almost  constantly  engaged  against  tbe 
Turks  and  Persians. 

To  succeed  in  the  execution  of  this,  which  will  not 
appear  difficult,  if  we  suppose  that  all  Christian  princes 
unanimously  concurred  in  it,  it  would  only  be  necessary 
for  each  of  them  to  contribute,  in  proportion  to  their 
several  abilities,  towards  the  support  of  the  forces,  and 
all  the  other  incidental  expenses,  which  the  success  of 

VOL.    V,  M 


88  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

such  an  enterprise  might  require.     These  respective 
quotas  were  to  have  been  determined  by  a  general  coun- 
cil, of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter.     The  following- 
is  what  Heniy  the  Great  had  himself  conceived  on  this 
head.     The  pope,  for  this  expedition,  should  furnish 
eight  thousand  foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  ten  cannons, 
and  ten  gallies;  the  emperor  and  the  circles  of  Germa- 
ny, sixty  thousand  foot,  twenty  thousand  horse,  five 
large  cannons,  and  ten  gallies  or  other  vessels;  the  king 
of  France  twenty  thousand  foot,  four  thousand  horse, 
twenty  cannons,  and  ten  ships  or  gallies;  Spain,  Britain^ 
Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Poland,  the  like  number  with 
France,  observing  only,  that  these  powers  should  to- 
gether supply  what  belonged  to  the  sea  service  in  the 
manner  most  suitable  to  their  respective  conveniences 
and  abilities  therein;  the  king  of  Bohemia  five  thousand 
foot,  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  five  cannons;  the  king 
of  Hungary  twelve  thousand  foot,  five  thousand  horse, 
twenty  cannons,  and  six  ships;  the  duke  of  Savoy,  or 
king  of  Lombardy,  eight  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred 
horse,  eight  cannons,  and  six  gallies;  the  republic  of 
Venice  ten  thousand  foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  ten 
cannons,  and  twenty-five  gallies;  the  republic  of  the 
Swiss  cantons  fifteen  thousand  foot,  five  thousand  horse, 
and  twelve  cannons;  the  republic  of  Holland  twelve 
tr^ousand  foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  twelve  cannons, 
and  twelve  ships;  the  Italian  republics  ten  thousand 
foot,  twelve  hundred  horse,  ten  cannons,  and  eight  gal- 
lies; the  whole  together  amounting  to  about  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  thousand  foot,  fifty  thousand  horse., 
two  hundred  cannons,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty 
ships  or  gallies,  equipped  and  maintained  at  the  expense 
of  all  those  powers,  each  contributing  according  to  his 
particular  proportion. 


Book  XXX. j  of  sully.  89 

This  arniament  of  the  princes  and  states  of  Europe 
appears  so  inconsiderable  and  so  Httle  burdensome, 
when  compared  with  the  forces  which  tliey  usually  keep 
on  foot  to  awe  their  neighbours,  or  perhaps  their  own 
subjects,  that  were  it  to  have  subsisted,  even  perpetu- 
ally, it  would  not  have  occasioned  any  inconvenience, 
and  would  have  been  an  excellent  military  academy: 
but,  besides  that  the  enterprises  for  which  it  was  des- 
tined, would  not  always  have  continued;  the  number 
and  expense  of  it  might  have  been  diminished  in  pro- 
portion to  the  necessities,  which  would  always  have 
been  the  same.  Though  I  am  persuaded  such  an  ar- 
mament would  have  been  so  highly  approved  of  by  all 
these  princes,  that,  after  they  had  conquered  with  it 
whatever  they  would  not  suffer  any  sti'anger  should  share 
with  them  in  Europe,  they  would  have  sought  to  join  to 
it  such  parts  of  Asia  as  were  most  commodiously  situ- 
ated, and  particularly  the  whole  coast  of  Africa,  which 
is  too  near  to  our  own  territories  for  us  not  to  be  fre- 
quently incommoded  by  it.  The  only  precaution  to  he 
observed  in  regard  to  these  additional  countries,  would 
liave  been  to  form  them  into  ne"w  kingdoms,  declare 
them  united  with  the  rest  of  the  Christian  powers,  and 
bestow  them  on  different  princes;  carefully  observing  to 
exclude  those  who  before  bore  rank  among  the  sove- 
reigns of  Europe. 

That  part  of  the  design  which  may  be  considered  as 
purely  political,  turned  almost  entirely  on  a  first  preli- 
minary, which,  I  think,  would  not  have  met  with  more 
difficulty  than  the  preceding  article.  This  was  to  di- 
vest the  house  of  Austria  of  the  empire,  and  of  all  the 
possessions  in  Germany,  Italy,  and  the  Low-Countries: 
in  a  word,  to  reduce  it  to  the  sole  kingdom  of  Spain, 


^0  MEMOIRS  PBOOK  XXX. 

bounded  by  the  ocean,  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  Py- 
reneean  mountams.  But  that  it  might,  nevertheless, 
be  equally  powerful  with  the  other  sovereignties  of  Eu- 
rope, it  should  have  Sardinia,  Majorca,  Minorca,  and 
the  other  islands  on  its  own  coasts;  the  Canaries,  the 
Azores,  and  Cape-Verd,  with  its  possessions  in  Africa; 
Mexico,  and  the  American  islands  which  belong  to  it, 
countries  which  alone  might  suffice  to  found  great  king- 
doms; finally,  the  Philippines,  Goa,  the  Moluccas,  and 
its  other  possessions  in  Asia. 

From  hence  a  method  seems  to  present  itself,  by  which 
the  house  of  Austria  might  be  indemnified  for  what  it 
would  be  deprived  of  in  Europe,  which  is  to  increase 
its  dominions  in  the  three  other  parts  of  the  world,  by 
assisting  it  to  obtain,  and  by  declaring  it  the  sole  pro- 
prietor, both  of  what  we  do  know,  and  what  we  may 
hereafter  discover  in  those  parts.  We  may  suppose, 
that  on  this  occasion  it  would  not  have  been  necessary 
to  use  force  to  bring  this  house  to  concur  in  such  a  de- 
sign; and,  indeed,  even  on  this  supposition,  it  wsls  not 
the  prince  of  this  house  reigning  in  Spain,  to  whom 
these  parts  of  the  world  were  to  be  subjected,  but  to 
different  princes  of  the  same,  or  of  different  branches, 
who,  in  acknowledgment  of  their  possessions,  should 
only  have  rendered  homage  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  or, 
at  most,  a  tribute,  as  due  to  the  original  conquerors. 
This  house,  which  is  so  very  desirous  of  being  the  most 
powerful  in  the  world,  might  hereby  have  continued  to 
flatter  itself  with  so  pleasing  a  pre-eminence,  without 
the  other  powers  being  endangered  by  its  pretended 
grandeur. 

The  steps  taken  by  the  house  of  Austria  to  arrive  at 
universal  monarchy,  which  evidently  appears  from  the 
whole  conduct  of  Charles  V  and  his  son,  have  render- 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  91 

ed  this  severity  as  just  as  it  is  necessary;  and  I  will 
venture  to  say,  tliat  this  house  would  not  have  had  any 
reasonable  cause  to  complain  of  it.     It  is  true,  it  w  ould 
be  deprived  of  the  enipiie:  but  when  impartially  consi- 
dered, it  will  appear  that  all  the  other  princes  of  Ger- 
many, and  even  of  Europe,  have  an  equal  right  to  it. 
Were  it  necessary  to  prove*  this,  we  need  only  recollect 
on  what  conditions  Charles  V  himself,  the  most  pow- 
erful of  them  all,  was  acknowledged  emperor;  conditions 
which,  at  Smalkalde,  he  solemnly  swore  to  observe,  in 
presence  of  seven  princes  or  electors,  and  the  deputies 
of  twenty-four  Protestant  towns;  the  landgrave  of  Hesse 
and  the  prince  of  Anhalt  being  speakers  for  all  of  them. 
He  swore,  I  say,  never  to  act  contrary  to  the  establish- 
ed laws  of  the  empire,  particularly  the  famous  golden 
bull,  obtain  under  Charles  IV,  unless  it  were  to  anjplify 
them,  and  even  that  only  with  the  express  consent  and 
advice  of  the  sovereign  princes  of  Germany:  not  to  in- 
fringe nor  deprive  them  of  any  of  their  priveleges;  not 
to  introduce  foreigners  into  their  council;  not  to  make 
either  war  or  peace  without  their  consent;  not  to  bestow 
honours  and  employments  but  on  natives  of  Germany, 
not  to  use  any  other  but  the  German  language  in  all 
writings;  not  to  levy  any  taxes  by  his  own  authority, 
nor  apply  any  conquests  which  might  be  made,  to  his 
own  particular  profit.     He,  in  particular,  formally  re- 
nounced all  pretensions  to  hereditary  right  in  his  house 
to  the  imperial  dignity;  and,  according  to  the  second 
article  of  the  golden  bull  he  swore  never  in  his  Hfetime 
to  recognize  a  king  of  the  Romans.     When  the  Pro- 
testants of  Germany,  after  they  had  in  a  manner  driven 
Ferdinand  out  of  it,  consented  that  the  imperial  crown 
should  be  placed  on  his  head,  they  were  careful  to  make 
him  renew  his  engagements  in  regard  to  all  these  arti- 


93  xMEMoiRs  [Book  XXX. 

cles,  and  to  all  these  new  regulations  relative  to  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion. 

As  to  the  possessions  of  the  house  of  Austria  in  Ger- 
many, Italy,  and  the  Low  Countries,  of  which  it  was  to 
be  deprived,  not  to  mention  here  how  much  it  is  indebt- 
ed for  them  to  a  tyrannical  usurpation,  it  would,  after 
all,  be  only  depriving  it  of  Iterritories  which  it  keeps  at 
so  prodigious  an  expense  (I  speak,  in  particular,  of  Italy 
and  the  Low  Countries)  as  all  its  treasures  of  the  Indies 
have  not  been  able  to  defray;  and  besides,  by  investing  it 
with  the  exclusive  privilege  above  mentioned,  of  gaining 
new  establishments,  and  appropriating  to  its  own  use  the 
mines  and  treasures  of  the  three  other  parts  of  the  world 
it  would  be  abundantly  indemnified;  for  these  new  ac- 
quisitions would  be  at  least  as  considerable,  and  un- 
doubtedly far  more  rich,  than  those.  But  what  is  here 
proposed  must  not  be  understood  as  if  the  other  nations 
of  Europe  were  excluded  from  all  commerce  to  those 
countries;  on  the  contrary,  it  should  be  free  and  open  to 
every  one,  and  the  house  of  Austria,  instead  of  consi- 
dering this  stipulation,  which  is  of  the  greatest  conse- 
quence, as  an  infringement  of  its  privileges,  would  ra- 
ther have  reason  to  regard  it  as  a  farther  advantage. 

From  a  farther  examination  and  consideration  of  these 
dispositions,  I  do  not  doubt  but  the  house  of  Austi'ia 
would  have  accepted  the  proposed  conditions  without 
being  forced  to  it:  but,  supposing  the  contrary,  what 
would  a  resistance  have  signified?  The  promise  made 
to  all  the  princes  of  Europe,  of  enriching  themselves  by 
the  territories  of  which  this  house  was  to  be  divested, 
would  deprive  it  of  all  hopes  of  assistance  from  any  of 
them. 

Upon  the  whole  then  it  appears,  that  all  parties  would 
have  been  gainers  by  it,  and  this  was  what  assured  Hen- 


Book  XXX;]  of  sully.  93 

ry  the  Great  of  the  success  of  his  design:  the  empire 
would  again  become  a  dignity  to  which  all  princes,  but 
particularly  those  of  Germany,  might  aspire:  and  this 
dignity  would  be  so  much  the  more  desirable,  though, 
according  to  its  original  institution,  no  revenues  would 
be  annexed  to  it,  as  the  emperor  would  be  declared  the 
first  and  chief  magistrate  of  the  whole  Christian  repub- 
lic; as  we  may  suppose  this  honour  would  afterwards  be 
conferred  only  on  the  most  worthy,  all  his  privileges  in 
this  respect,  instead  of  being  diminished,  would  be  en- 
larged, his  authority  over  the  Belgic  and  Helvetic  re- 
publics would  be  more  considerable,  and  upon  every  new 
election  they  would  be  obliged  to  render  him  a  respect- 
ful homage.     The  electors  would  still  continue  to  enjoy 
the  right  of  electing  the  emperor,  as  well  as  of  nomi- 
nating the  king  of  the  Romans;  with  this  restriction  only, 
That  the  election  should  not  be  made  twice  successive- 
ly, out  of  the  same  family.     The  first  to  have  been  elec- 
ted in  this  manner,  was  the  elector  of  Bavaria,  who  was 
also,  in  consequence  of  the  partition,  to  have  had  those 
territories  possessed  by  the  house  of  Austria  which  join- 
ed to  his  own  on  the  side  of  Italy. 

The  rest  of  these  territories  were  to  have  been  di- 
vided and  equally  distributed  by  the  kings  of  France, 
England,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  among  the  Vene- 
tians, the  Grisons,  the  duke  of  Wirtemberg,  and  the 
marquis  of  Baden,  Anspach,  and  Dourlach.  Bohemia 
was  to  have  been  constituted  an  elective  kingdom,  by 
annexing  it  to  Moravia,  Silesia,  and  Lusatia.  Hungary 
was  also  to  have  been  an  elective  kingdom,  and  the 
pope,  the  emperor,  the  kings  of  France,  England,  Den- 
mark, Sweden,  and  Lombardy,  were  to  have  had  the 
right  of  nomination  to  it:  and  because  this  kingdom  may 


94  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

be  considered  as  the  barrier  of  Christendom  against  the 
infidels,  it  was  to  have  been  rendered  the  most  power- 
ful and  able  to  resist  them;  and  this  was  to  have  been 
done  by  immediately  adding  to  it  the  archdutchy  of 
Austria,  Styria,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola;  and  by  after- 
wards incorporating  with  it  whatever  might  be  acquired 
in  Transilvania,  Bosnia,  Sclavonia,  and  Croatia.  The 
same  electors  were  to  have  obliged  themselves,  by  oath, 
to  assist  it  upon  all  occasions;  and  they  were  to  havie 
been  particularly  careful  never  to  grant  their  suffrages 
from  partiality,  artifice,  or  intrigue;  but  always  to  con- 
fer the  dignity  on  a  prince,  who,  by  his  great  qualifica- 
tions, particularly  for  war,  should  be  generally  acknow- 
ledged as  most  proper.     Poland  being,  from  its  near- 
ness to  Turkey,  Muscovy,  and  Tartary,  in  the  same 
situation  with  Hungary,  was  also  to  have  been  an  elec- 
tive kingdom,  by  the  same  eight  potentates;  and  its 
power  was  to  have  been  augmented,  by  annexing  to  it 
whatever  should  be  conquered  from  the  infidels  ad- 
joining to  its  own  frontiers,  and  by  determining  in  its 
favour  those  disputes  which  it  had  with  all  its  other 
neighbours.  Switzerland,  when  augmented  by  Franche- 
comte,  Alsace,  the  Tirol,  and  other  territories,  was  to 
have  been  united  into  a  sovereign  republic,  governed  by 
a  council  or  senate,  of  which  the  emperor,  the  princes 
of  Germany,  and  the  Venetians,  were  to  have  been  um- 
pires. 

The  changes  to  be  made  in  Italy  were,  that  the  pope 
should  be  declared  a  secular  prince,  and  bear  rank 
among  the  monarchs  of  Europe,  and  under  this  title 
should  possess  Naples,  Apulia,  Calabria,  and  all  their 
dependencies,  which  should  be  indissolubly  united  to 
St.  Peter's  patrimony;  but  in  case  the  holy  father  had 
opposed  this,  which  indeed  could  scarce  have  been  sup- 


Book  XXX.]  op  sullv.  95 

posed,  the  disposition  must  then  have  been  changed, 
and  the  kingdom  of  Naples  would  have  been  divided 
and  disposed  of  as  the  electoral  kings  should  have  de- 
termined. Sicily  was  to  have  been  ceded  to  the  republic 
of  Venice,  by  letters  from  the  same  eight  principal  poten- 
tates, upon  condition  that  it  should  render  homage  for  it 
to  every  pope,  who  should  bear  the  title  of  Immediate 
Chief  of  the  whole  Italian  republic;  otherwise,  for  this 
reason,  called  the  Republic  of  the  Church.  The  other 
members  of  this  republic  were  to  have  been  Genoa, 
Florence,  Mantua,  Modena,  Parma,  and  Lucca,  without 
any  alterations  in  their  government:  Bologna  and  Fer- 
rara  were  to  have  been  made  free  cities;  and  all  these 
governments  were  every  twenty  years  to  have  rendered 
homage  to  the  pope  their  chief,  by  the  gift  of  a  crucifix 
of  the  value  of  ten  thousand  crowns. 

Of  the  three  great  republics  of  Europe,  it  appears, 
upon  the  first  glance,  that  tiiis  would  have  been  the  most 
brilliant  and  the  richest.  Nevertheless,  it  would  not 
have  been  so;  for  what  belonged  to  the  duke  of  Savoy 
was  not  comprised  herein.  His  territories  were  to 
have  been  constituted  one  of  the  great  monarchies  of 
Europe,  hereditary  to  males  and  lemales,  and  to  have 
borne  the  title  of  the  kingdom  of  Lombardy;  wherein, 
beside  the  territoiy  so  called,  the  Milanese  and  Mont- 
ferrat  would  also  have  been  comprised;  and  the  duke 
of  Mantua,  in  exchange  for  these,  was  to  have  thedutchy 
of  Cremona.  An  authentic  testimony  of  the  institution 
would  have  been  given  by  the  pope,  the  emperor,  and 
the  other  sovereigns  of  the  Christian  republic. 

Among  all  these  different  dismemberings,  we  may 
observe  that  France  received  nothing  for  itself,  but  the 
glory  of  distributing  them  with  equity.    Henry  had  de- 

VOL.  v.  N 


96  MEiMoiRs  [Book  XXX. 

clared  this  to  be  his  intention  long  before.  He  even 
sometimes  said,  with  equal  moderation  and  good  sense, 
that  were  these  dispositions  once  firmly  established,  he 
would  have  voluntarily  consented  to  have  the  extent  of 
France  determined  by  a  majority  of  suffrages.*  Never- 
theless, as  the  districts  of  Artois,  Hainault,  Cambray, 
Cambresis,  Tournay,  Namur,  and  Luxembourg,  might 
more  suitably  be  annexed  to  France  than  to  any  other 
nation,  they  were  to  have  been  ceded  to  Henry;  but  to 
have  been  divided  into  ten  distinct  governments,  and 
bestowed  on  so  many  French  princes  or  lords,  all  of 
them  bearing  rank  as  sovereigns. 

In  regard  to  England  it  was  precisely  the  same:  this 
was  a  determined  point  between  Elizabeth  and  Henry-, 
the  two  princes  who  were  authors  of  the  scheme,  pro- 
bably from  an  observation  made  by  this  queen,  that  the 
Britannic  isles,  in  all  the  different  states  through  which 
they  had  passed,  whether  under  one  or  several  mo- 
narchs,  elective  or  hereditary,  as  well  in  the  male  as 
female  line,  and  in  all  the  variations  of  their  laws  and 
policy,  had  never  experienced  any  great  disappoint- 
ments or  misfortunes,  but  when  their  sovereigns  had 
meddled  in  affairs  out  of  their  little  continent.  It  seems, 
indeed,  as  if  they  were  concentred  in  it  even  by:  nature, 
and  their  happiness  appears  to  depend  entirely  on  them- 
selves, without  having  any  concerns  with  their  neigh- 
bours, provided  that  they  seek  only  to  maintaiji  peace 
in  the  three  nations  subject  to  them,  by  governing  each 

*  Wliat  then  dix  s  Fin  mean,  whon  he  eiitertaiiis  us  with  the  design 
which  he  falsely  liffirms  Henry  the  Great  had  to  join  Lorrain  to  France? 
(Tom.  I.  p.  555,)  and  to  get  Savoy  ceded  to  liim?  (Tom.  II.'  p.  61.)  What 
he  says  of  the  disposition?,  in  regard  to  the  Pope  and  the  Venetians,  &c. 
(Tom.  If.  p.  180.)  is  equally  false.  This  writer  seems  indeed  to'have  been 
m  the  pay  oi  llie  house  of  Austria.  ' 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  97 

according  to  its  own  laws  and  customs.  To  render 
every  thing  equal  between  France  and  England,  Bra- 
bant from  the  dutchy  of  Limbourg,  the  jurisdiction  of 
Malines,  and  the  other  dependencies  on  Flemish  Flan- 
ders, Gallican  or  imperial,  were  to  have  been  formed 
into  eight  sovereign  fiefs,  to  be  given  to  so  many  princes 
or  lords  of  this  nation. 

These  two  parts  excepted,  all  the  rest  of  the  seven- 
teen United  Provinces,  whether  belonging  to  Spain  or 
not,  were  to  have  been  erected  into  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent state,  under  the  title  of  the  Belgic  republic; 
though  there  was  one  other  fief  to  be  formed  from 
them,  bearing  the  title  of  a  principality,  to  be  granted 
to  the  prince  of  Orange;  also  some  other  inconsidera- 
ble indemnities  lor  three  or  four  other  persons.  The 
succession  of  Gieves  was  to  have  been  divided  among 
those  princes  whom  the  emperor  would  have  deprived 
of  it,  as  the  means  of  gratifying  them  at  the  expense 
of  the  house  of  Austria,  as  well  as  some  other  princes 
of  the  same  district,  to  whom  the  imperial  towns  situa- 
ted therein,  would  have  been  granted.  Even  Sweden 
and  Denmark,  though  they  were  to  be  considered  as 
under  the  influence  of  the  same  law  which  England 
and  France  had  imposed  on  themselves,  would,  by  this 
distribution,  have  enlarged  their  territories,  and  acquir- 
ed other  considerable  advantages.  An  end  would  have 
been  put  to  the  perpetual  troubles  w  hich  agitated  these 
two  kingdoms;  and  this,  I  think,  would  have  been  ren- 
dering them  no  inconsiderable  service.  All  these  ces- 
sions,  exchanges,  and  transpositions  towards  the  north 
of  Germany,  were  to  have  been  determined  by  the 
kings  of  France,  England,  and  Lombardy,  and  the  re- 
public of  Venice. 


98  MEMOIRS  ['Book  XXX. 

And  now,  perhaps,  the  purport  of  the  design  may  be 
perceived,  which  was  to  divide  Europe  equally  among 
a  certain  number  of  powers,  in  such  a  manner  that 
none  of  them  might  have  cause  either  of  envy  or  fear, 
from  the  possessions  or  power  of  the  others.  The  num- 
ber of  them  was  reduced  to  fifteen;  and  they  were  of 
three  kinds:  six  great  hereditary  monarchies,  five  elec- 
tive monarchies,  and  four  sovereign  republics.  The  six 
hereditary  monarchies  were  France,  Spain,  England 
or  Britain,  Denmark,  Sweden,  andLombardy;  the  five 
elective  monarchies  were  the  Empire,  tlie  Papacy  or 
Pontificate,  Poland,  Hungary,  and  Bohemia;  the  four 
republics  were  the  Venetian,  the  Italian,  or  what,  from 
its  dukes,  may  be  called  the  Ducal,  the  Swiss,  Helvetic, 
or  Confederate,  and  the  Belgic,  or  Provincial  republic. 

The  laws  and  ordinances  proper  to  cement  an  union 
between  all  these  princes,  and  to  maintain  that  harmony 
which  should  be  once  established  among  them,  the  re- 
ciprocal oaths  and  engagements  in  regard  both  to  re- 
ligion and  policy,  the  mutual  assurances  in  respect  to 
the  freedom  of  commerce,  and  the  measures  to  be  taken 
to  make  all  these  partitions  with  equity  and  to  the  ge- 
neral content  and  satisfaction  of  the  parties:  all  these 
matters  are  to  be  understood;  nor  is  it  necessary  to  say 
any  thing  of  the  precaution  taken  by  Henry  in  regard 
to  them.  The  most  that  could  have  happened  would 
have  been  some  trifling  difficulties,  which  would  easily 
have  been  obviated  in  the  general  council,  representing 
all  the  states  of  Europe;  the  establishment  of  which 
was  certainly  the  happiest  invention  that  could  have 
been  conceived,  to  prevent  those  innovations  which 
time  often  introduces  in  the  wisest  and  most  useful 
institutions. 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  99 

The  model  of  this  general  council  of  Europe  had 
been  formed  on  that  of  the  ancient  Amphyctions  of 
Greece,  with  such  alterations  only  as  rendered  it  suita- 
able  to  our  customs,  climate,  and  policy.    It  consisted 
of  a  certain  number  of  conmiissioners,  ministers,  or 
plenipotentiaries  from  all  the  governments  of  the  Chris- 
tian republic,  who  were  to  be  constantly  assembled  as 
a  senate,  to  deliberate  on  any  affairs  which  might  oc- 
cur; to  discuss  the  different  interests,  pacify  the  quar- 
rels, clear  up  and  determine  all  the  civil,  political,  and 
religious  affairs  of  Europe,  whether  within  itself  or 
with  its  neighbours.  The  form  and  manner  of  proceed- 
ing in  the  senate  would  have  been  more  particularly 
determined  by  the  suffrages  of  the  senate  itself  Henry 
was  of  opinion  that  it  should  be  composed  of  four  com- 
missioners from  each  of  the  following  potentates:  the 
emperor,  the  pope,  the  kings  of  France,  Spain,  England, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  Lombardy,  Poland,  and  the  repub- 
hc  of  Venice;  and  of  two  only  from  the  other  republics 
and  inferior  powers,  which  altogether  would  have  com- 
posed a  senate  of  about  sixty-six  persons,  who  should 
have  been  re-chosen  every  three  years. 

In  regard  to  the  place  of  meeting,  it  lemained  to  be 
determined,  whether  it  w  ould  be  be'tter  for  the  council 
to  be  fixed  or  ambulatory,  divided  into  three,  or  united 
in  one.  If  it  were  divided  into  three,  each  containing 
twenty-two  magistrates,  then  each  of  them  must  have 
been  fixed  in  such  a  centre  as  should  appear  to  be  most 
commodious,  as  Paris  or  Bourges  for  one,  and  some- 
where about  Trente  and  Cracovia  for  the  two  others. 
If  it  w^ere  judged  more  expedient  not  to  divide  their  as- 
sembly, whether  fixed  or  ambulatory,  it  must  have  been 
nearly  in  the  centre  of  Europe,  and  would  consequently 
have  been  fixed  in  some  one  of  the  fourteen  cities  fol- 


100  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

lowing:  Metz,  Luxembourg,  Nancy,  Cologne,  Mayence, 
Treves,  Franckfort,  Wirtzbourg,  Heidelberg,  Spire, 
Worms,  Strasbourg,  Basle,  or  Besan^on. 

Besides  this  general  council,  it  would  perhaps  have 
been  proper  to  have  constituted  some  others,  of  an  in- 
ferior degree,  for  the  particular  convenience  of  different 
districts.  For  example^  were  six  such  created  they 
might  have  been  placed  at  Dantzick,  Nuremberg,  Vien- 
na, Bologna,  Constance;  and  the  last,  wherever  it  should 
be  judged  most  convenient  for  the  kingdoms  of  France, 
Spain,  England  and  the  Belgic  republic.  But  whatever 
the  number  or  form  of  these  particular  councils  might 
have  been,  it  would  have  been  absolutely  necessaiy,  that 
they  should  be  subordinate,  and  recur,  by  appeal,  to  the 
great  general  council,  whose  decisions,  when  considered 
as  proceeding  from  the  united  authority  of  all  the  sove- 
reigns pronounced  in  a  manner  equally  free  and  abso- 
lute, must  have  been  regarded  as  so  many  final  and  ir- 
revocable decrees.  • 

But  let  us  quit  these  speculative  designs,  in  which 
practice  and  experience  would  perhaps  have  caused 
many  alterations:  and  let  us  come  to  the  means  actually 
employed  by  Henry  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  his 
great  design. 

To  gain  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes  of  Europe, 
with  whom  to  concert  all  his  designs,  was  what  Henry 
always  considered  as  of  the  utmost  consequence:  and 
this  was  the  reason,  that  after  the  death  of  Elizabeth, 
who  had  indissolubly  united  the  interests  of  the  two 
crowns  of  France  and  England,  every  means  was  used 
which  might  inspire  her  successor,  king  James,  with  all 
her  sentiments.  Had  I  but  succeeded  in  the  solemn 
embassy,  the  particulars  of  which  I  have  related  already. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sullv.  101 

so  far  as  to  have  gained  this  princess  consent  to  have 
his  name  appear  openly  with  Heniy's,  this  niihtary  con- 
federacy, especially  if  it  had,  in  like  manner,  been 
strengthened  with  the  names  ot  the  kings  of  Denmark 
and  Sweden,  would  have  prevented  the  troubles  and 
difficulties  of  many  negociations:  but  nothing  farther 
could  be  obtained  of  the  king  of  England  than  the  same 
promises  which  were  required  of  the  other  courts;  name- 
ly, that  he  would  not  only  not  oppose  the  confederacy, 
but,  when  Henry  had  made  his  designs  pubUc,  would 
declare  himself  in  his  favour,  and  contribute  towards  it 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  other  powers  interested  there- 
in.    A  means  was,  indeed,  afterwards  found  to  obtain 
the  execution  of  this  promise,  in  a  manner  so  much  the 
more  easy,  as  it  did  not  disturb  the  natural  indolence 
of  this  prince;  and  this  was,  by  getting  what  he  hesitated 
to  undertake  in  his  own  name,  executed  by  his  son,  the 
prince  of  Wales,  who,  as  soon  as  he  had  obtained  his 
father's  promise,  that  he  would  at  least  not  obstruct  his 
proceedings,  anticipated  Henry's  utmost  wishes;  being 
animated  with  a  thirst  of  glory,  and  desire  to  render 
himself  worthy  the  esteem  and  alliance  of  Henry;  for  he 
was  to  marry  the  eldest  of  the  daughters  of  France.    He 
wrote  me  several  letters  upon  this  subject,  and  expres- 
sed himself  in  the  manner  I  have  mentioned.    He  also 
farther  said,  that  the  king  of  France  might  depend  upon 
having  six  thousand  foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse, 
which  he  would  oblige  himself  to  bring  into  his  service 
whenever  they  should  be  required:  and  this  number  was 
afterwards  augmented  by  two  thousand  more  foot,  and 
eight  cannons,  maintained  in  all  respects  at  the  expense 
of  England  for  three  years  at  least.  The  king  of  Sweden 
did  not  show  himself  less  zealous  for  the  common  cause; 


102  '  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX 

and  the  king  of  Denmark  also  appeared  to  be  equally 
well  disposed  in  its  favour. 

In  the  mean  time  we  were  indefatigable  in  our  ne- 
gociations  in  the  different  courts  of  Europe,  particularly 
in  the  circles  of  Germany  and  the  United  Provinces, 
where  the  king,  for  this  purpose,  had  sent  Boissise,  Fres- 
ne-Canaye,  Baugy,  Ancel,  and  Bongars.    The  council 
of  the  States  were  very  soon  unanimous  in  their  deter- 
minations: the  prince  of  Orange  sent  the  sieurs  Malde- 
ret  and  Bred  erode  from  them  to  offer  the  king  fifteen 
thousand  foot,  and  three  thousand  horse.     They  were 
soon  followed  by  the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  the  prince 
of  Anhalt,  to  whom,  as  well  as  to  the  prince  of  Orange, 
the  confederacy  was  obliged  for  being  increased  by  the 
duke  of  Savoy;  by  all  of  the  reformed  religion  in  Hun- 
gary, Bohemia,  and  Lower  Austria;  by  many  Protestant 
princes  and  towns  in  Germany;  in  fine,  by  all  the  Swiss 
Cantons  of  this  religion.     And  when  the  succession  of 
Cleves,  which  the  emperor  showed  himself  disposed  to 
usurp,  became  another  incentive  to  the  confederacy, 
there  was  then  scarce  any  part  of  Germany  that  was  not 
for  us;  which  evidently  appeared  from  the  result  of  the 
general  assembly  at  Hall.  The  elector  of  Saxony,  who 
perhaps  remained  alone  of  the  opposite  party,  might  have 
been  embarrassed  in  an  affair,  out  of  which  he  would 
probably  have  found  it  diflicult  to  extricate  himself;  and 
this  was  to  have  been  done,  by  suggesting  to  him  the 
branch  of  John  Frederic,  deprived  of  this  electorate  by 
Charles  V. 

There  were  several  of  these  powers,  in  regard  to 
whom  I  am  persuaded  nothing  would  have  been  risked, 
by  disclosing  to  them  the  whole  intent  and  scope  of  the 
design.   On  the  contrary,  they  would  probably  have  se- 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  103 

conded  it  with  the  g^:eater  ardour,  when  they  found  the 
destruction  of  the  Austrian  grandeur  was  a  determined 
point.  These  powers  were,  more  particularly,  the  Ve- 
netians, the  United  Provinces,  ahnost  all  the  Protestants, 
and  especially  the  Evangelics  of  Germany.  But  as  too 
many  precautions  could  not  be  taken,  to  prevent  the 
Catholic  powers  from  being  prejudiced  against  the  new 
alliance  in  which  they  were  to  be  engaged,  a  too  hasty 
discovery,  either  of  the  true  motives,  or  the  whole  intent 
of  the  design,  was  therefore  cautiously  avoided.  It  was 
at  first  conccciled  from  all  without  exception,  and  after- 
wards revealed,  but  to  a  few  persons  of  approved  discre- 
tion, and  those  only  such  as  were  absolutely  necessary 
to  engage  others  to  join  the  confederacy.  The  associa- 
tion was  for  a  long  time  spoke  of  to  others  only  as  a 
kind  of  general  treaty  of  peace,  wherein  such  methods 
would  be  projected,  as  the  public  benefit,  and  the  gene- 
ral service  of  Europe,  might  suggest  as  necessary  to  stop 
the  progress  of  the  excessive  powers  of  the  house  of 
Austria.  Our  ambassadors  and  agents  had  orders  only 
to  demand  of  these  princes  a  renewal  or  commence- 
ment of  alliance,  in  order  more  effectually  to  succeed 
in  the  projected  peace:  to  consult  with  them  upon  the 
means  whereby  to  effect  it;  to  appear  as  if  they  were 
sent  only,  in  conjunction  with  them,  to  endeavour  the 
discovery  of  these  means;  but  yet  to  second  them,  and 
according  to  the  disposition  in  which  they  were,  to  in- 
sinuate, as  if  by  accidental  conjecture,  some  notion  of 
a  new  method  more  proper  to  maintain  the  equilibrium 
of  Europe,  and  to  secure  to  each  religion  a  more  undis- 
turbed repose  than  they  had  hithei'to  enjoyed.  The  pro- 
posals made  to  the  kings  of  England  and  Sweden,  and 
the  dukes  of  Savoy  and  Lorrain,  for  alliances  by  mar- 

VOL.  V.  o 


l{Hf  MEMoiRb  [Book.  XXX. 

riage  proved  very  successful;  it  was  absolutely  deter- 
mined, that  the  dauphin  should  espouse  the  heiress  of 
Lorrain,  which  dutchy  still  continued^  as  before,  to  de- 
pend on  the  empire. 

But  no  precaution  appeared  so  necessary,  nor  was 
more  strongly  recommended  to  our  negociators,  than  to 
convince  all  the  princes  of  Europe  of  the  disinterested- 
ness with  which  Henry  was  resolved  to  act  on  this  oc- 
casion. This  point  was  indefatigably  laboured,  and  they 
were  convinced  of  it,  w  hen,  on  the  supposition  th^at  it 
would  be  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  we  strongly 
protested,  that  the  forces,  the  treasures,  and  even  the 
person  of  Henry,  might  be  depended  on;  and  this  in  a 
manner  so  generous  on  his  side,  that,  instead  of  expect- 
ing to  be  rewarded,  or  even  indemnified  for  them,  he 
was  voluntarily  inclined  to  give  the  most  positive  assur- 
ances, not  to  reserve  to  himself  a  single  tow  n,  nor  the 
smallest  district.  This  moderation,  of  which  at  last  no 
one  doubted,  made  a  suitable  impression,  especially  when 
it  was  perceived  to  be  so  much  the  more  generous,  as 
there  was  sufficient  to  excite  and  satisfy  the  desires  of 
all.  And,  in  the  interim,  before  the  solemn  publication 
of  this  absolute  renunciation,  which  was  to  have  been 
made  in  the  manifestos  that  were  preparing,  Henry 
gave  a  proof  of  it,  that  was  an  absolute  demonstration 
to  the  pope. 

No  one  being  ignorant  that  as  it  was,  at  least,  intend- 
ed to  deprive  Spain  of  those  of  its  usurpations  which 
were  the  most  manifestly  unjust,  Navarre  and  Rousillon 
would  infallibly  revert  to  France:  the  king  therefore 
voluntarily  offered  to  exchange  them  for  the  two  king- 
doms of  Naples  and  Sicily;  and  at  the  same  time  to  make 
a  present  of  both  to  the  pope  and  the  repubhc  of  Venice. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  105 

This,  certainly,  was  renouncing  tiie  most  incontestible 
right  he  could  have  to  any  of  the  territories  of  which 
this  crown  was  to  be  deprived;  and  by  submitting  this 
affair,  as  he  did,  to  the  determination  of  the  pope  and 
the  Venetians,  he  the  more  sensibly  obliged  tliem,  as 
both  the  honour  and  profit  which  might  arise  therefrom 
would  be  in  their  favoui-.  The  pope,  therefore,  on  the 
first  proposition  made  to  him,  even  anticipated  Henry's 
intentions:  he  immediately  demanded,  whether,  as  af- 
fairs were  then  situated,  the  several  powers  would  ap- 
prove his  taking  upon  him  the  office  of  common  media- 
tor, to  establish  peace  in  Europe,  and  convert  the  con- 
tinual wars  among  its  several  princes  into  a  perpetual 
war  against  the  Infidels,  which  was  a  part  of  the  design 
he  had  been  very  careful  to  acquaint  him  with:  and  the 
pope  sufficiently  showed,  that  he  was  desirous  nothing 
should  be  done  without  his  participation,  and  that  he 
was  still  less  disposed  to  refuse  the  advantage  offered 
to  him. 

Paul  V,  when  a  favourable  oppoitunity  offered,  ex- 
plained himself  more  openly  on  this  head.  Ubaldini, 
iiis  nuncio,  told  the  king,  that  his  holiness,  for  the  con- 
federacy against  the  house  of  Austria,  would,  on  vari- 
ous pretences,  engage  to  raise  ten  thousand  foot,  fifteen 
hundred  horse,  and  ten  cannons;  provided  his  majesty 
would  promise  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  their 
subsistence  for  three  years;  would  give  all  possible  se- 
curity for  the  cession  of  Naples,  and  the  other  rights  of 
homage  according  to  promise;  and  would  sincerely  con- 
sent to  the  other  conditions,  in  regard  to  tiie  treaty  which 
he  should  thmk  necessary  to  impose.  These  conditions 
at  least  the  principal  of  them,  were,  that  only  Catlio- 
lies  should  be  elected  emperors;  that  the  Roman  religion 


106  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

should  be  maintained  in  all  its  rights,  and  the  ecclesias- 
tics in  all  their  priveleges  and  immunities;  and  the  pro- 
testants  should  not  be  permitted  to  establish  themselves 
in  places  where  they  were  not  established  before  the 
treaty.  The  king  promised  Ubaldini,  that  he  would 
religiously  observe  all  these  conditions;  and  farther,  he 
relinquished  to  the  Pope  the  honour  of  being  the  arbi- 
trator of  all  tliose  regulations  to  be  made  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  new  republic. 

The  removing  of  these  difficuhies  in  regard  to  the  Pope 
was  of  no  inconsiderable  consequence;  for  his  example 
would  not  fail  to  be  of  great  force  in  determining  the 
other  Catholic  powers,  especially  those  of  Italy.  No- 
thing was  neglected  which  might  promote  the  fav^ourable 
dispositions  in  which  they  appeared  to  be,  by  punctu- 
ally paying  the  cardinals  and  petty  princes  of  Italy  their 
pensions,  and  even  by  adding  to  them  several  other  gra- 
tuities. The  establishment  of  a  new  monarchy  in  Italy 
was  the  only  pretence  these  petty  courts  had  for  not 
join'mgthe  confederacy  ;buttliis vain  apprehension  would 
be  easily  dissipated.  The  particular  advantages  which 
each  would  acquire,  might  alone  have  satisrieu  them  in 
this  respect;  but  if  not,  all  opposers  might  have  been 
threatened  with  being  declared,  after  a  certain  time, 
divested  of  all  right  to  the  proposed  advantages,  and  even 
of  all  pretensions  to  the  empire,  or  the  elective  king- 
doms; and  that  the  republics  amongst  them  should  be 
converted  into  sovereignties,  and  sovereignties  into  re- 
publics. There  is  but  little  probability  that  any  of  them 
would  even  have  hesitated  what  to  do.  The  punishment 
of  the  first  offender  would  have  compelled  the  submis- 
sion of  all  these  petty  states,  who  were  besides  sufK- 
ciently  sensible  of  their  impotence.  But  this  method 
was  not  to  be  used  but  on  failure  of  all  others;  and  even 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  107 

then,  no  opportunity  would  have  been  neglected  of  show- 
inof  them  favour. 

And  now  we  are  arrived  at  the  point  to  which  every 
thing  was  advanced,  at  the  fatal  moment  of  the  death 
of  Henry  the  Great;  and  the  following  is  a  circumstan- 
tial detail  of  the  forces  for  the  war,  which  all  the  parties 
concerned  had,  in  conjunction  with  him,  agreed  to  fur- 
nish :  The  contingents  of  the  kings  of  England,  Sweden, 
and  Denmark,  were  each  eight  thousand  foot,  fifteen 
hundred  horse,  and  eight  cannons:  to  be  raised  and 
maintained,  in  all  respects,  at:  their  expense,  at  j»-least 
for  three  years;  and  this  expense,  reckoning  ten  livres 
a  month  for  each  foot  soldier,  thirty  livres  for  each 
trooper,  the  pay  of  the  officers  included,  and  the  year 
to  be  composed  of  ten  months,  would  amount,  for  each 
of  these  states,  to  three  millions  three  hundred  and  sev- 
enty thousand  livres  for  three  years;  the  expense  of  the 
artillery,  fifteen  hundred  livres  a  month  for  each  piece, 
being  also  included.  The  princes  of  Germany,  before- 
mentioned,  were  to  furnish  twenty-five  thousand  foot, 
ten  thousand  horse,  and  forty  cannons:  they  had  them- 
selves computed  the  expense  at  nine  or  ten  millions  for 
three  years.  The  United  Provinces,  twelve  thousand 
foot,  two  thousand  horse,  and  ten  cannons:  the  expense 
twelve  millions.  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  the  otherEvan- 
gelics  of  Germany,  the  same  number,  and  nearly  at  the 
same  expense.  The  Pope,  ten  thousand  foot,  fifteen 
hundred  horse,  and  eight  cannons.  Tiie  duke  of."  Sa 
voy,  eighteen  thousand  foot,  two  thousand  horse,  and 
twelve  cannons.  The  Venetians,  twelve  thousand  foot, 
two  thousand  horse,  and  twelve  cannons.  The  expense 
of  these  last  mentioned  armaments  the  king  himself  had 
engaged  to  defray.     The  total  of  all  these  foreign  for- 


t@6  MEMOIRS  [PBodKXXX- 

ees,  allowing  for  deficiencies,  which  might  probably 
have  happened,  would  always  have  been,  at  least,  one 
hundred  thousand  foot,  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  thou- 
sand horse,  and  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  cannons. 

The  king,  on  his  side,  had  actually  on  foot  two  good 
and  well  furnished  armies;  the  first,  which  he  was  to 
have  cooimanded  in  person,  consisted  of  twenty  thou- 
sand foot  all  native  French,  eight  thousand  Switzers, 
four  thousand  lansquenets  or  Walloons,  five  thousand 
horse,  and  twenty  cannons.  The  second,  to  be  comman- 
ds bf^  Lesdiguieres,  in 'the  neighbourhood  of  the  Alps, 
consisted  of  ten  thousand  foot,  one  thousand  horse,  and 
ten  cannons;  beside  a  flying  camp,  of  four  thousand 
foot,  six  hundred  horse,  and  ten  cannons;  and  a  reserve 
of  t'.vo  thousand  foot,  to  garrison  those  places  where 
they  might  be  necessary.*  We  will  here  make  a  gene- 
ral calculation  ot  ail  these  troops. 

The  twenty  thousand  foot,  at  twenty-one  livres  a  month 
to  each  man,  including  the  appointments  of  generals 
and  officers,  would,  by  the  month,  require  four  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  livres,  and  by  the  year,  five  mil- 
lions, and  forty  thousand  livres;  the  eight  thousand  Swit- 
zers and  four  thousand  lansquenets,  three  millions;  the 
five  thousand  horse,  at  sixty  livres  a  month  to  each,  by 
the  month,  would  require  two  hundred  and  forty  thou- 
sand livres,  and  by  the  year,  two  milHons  eight  hundred 

*  There  are  some  variations  in  our  Mcrncirs  in  rcguru  to  ihe  number  of 
mcii,  b.oth  in  tlie  ro\al  grand  army,  which,  in  iliiFei-oiit  places,  is  said  to  be 
composed  of  thirty,  thirty-two,  and  thirty-six  thousand  foot,  of  four,  five, 
six,  and  ei^bl  thousand  horse,  and  from  thirty  to  fifi.y  cannons;  and  in  that 
of  the  confederate  princes  of  Germany,  sometimes  computed  even  at  forty 
thousand  foot,  and  tw-lve  thoii'^and  horse;  similar  diff'-rcnces  often  occnr  in 
regard  to  those  of  Italy,  and  the  other  confederate  princes:  neither  are  the 
calculations  of  the  expense  always  the  same,  nor  quite  just  in  their  esti- 
mates. 


Book  XXX.J  of  sully.  109 

and  forty  thousand  livres:  this  computation  is  made  so 
high  as  sixty  hvres  a  month  to  each,  because  the  pay  of 
the  officers,  and  particularly  of  the  king's  white  troopSj 
composed  of  a  thousand  men  of  the  first  rank  in  the 
kingdom,  who  served  as  volunteers,  was  therein  included. 
The  expense  of  the  twenty  large  cannons,  six  culverins, 
and  four  demi-culverins,  supposing  all  necessary  furni- 
ture for  them  provided,  would  amount  to  three  thou- 
sand six  hundred  livres  a  mouth  for  each  piece;  the 
thirty  together  would  consequently  require  one  hundred 
and  eight  thousand  livres.    Extraordinary  expenses  and 
losses,  in  regard  to  the  provisions  and  ammunition  for 
this  army,  might  be  computed  at  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  livres. 

Next,  for  expenses,  whether  ordinary  or  extraordina- 
ry, in  spies,  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  other  unfore- 
seen contingencies,  computing  at  the  highest,  a  like  sum 
of  one  million  eight  hundred  thousand  livres.  To  supply 
the  deficiencies  which  might  happen  in  the  armies  of 
the  confederate  princes,  to  pay  the  pensions,  and  to  an- 
swer other  particular  exigencies  which  might  arise  in  the 
kingdom,  three  hundred  thousand  livres  a  month;  for 
the  year,  three  millions  six  hundred  thousand  livres.  TJie 
army  of  Lesdiguieres  would  require  three  millions  a 
year:  and  as  much  for  each  of  the  armies  of  the  Pope, 
die  Venetians,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy.  These  four  last 
articles  together,  make  twelve  millions  a  year,  which, 
^dded  to  the  preceding  sums,  amount  in  the  whole  to 
about  thirty  millions  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  li- 
vres a  year. 

It  remains  only  to  triple  this  total  for  the  three  years, 
during  which  it  was  supposed  there  might  be  occasion 
for  the  forces,  and  the  whole  amount  will  appear  to  be 


110  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

between  ninety  and  ninety-one  millions,  which  might 
nearly  be  necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  intend- 
ed war;  I  say  nearly,  for  in  this  calculation  I  have  not 
included  the  flying  camp,  nor  the  two  thousand  men  for 
garrisons:  the  first  of  these  two  articles,  at  the  rate  of 
eighteen  livres  a  month  to  each  foot  soldier,  and  fifty  H- 
vTes  to  each  trooper,  would  require  a  further  sum  of  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  li\Tes  a  month;  which, 
for  a  year,  would  be  one  million  five  hundred  thousand 
livres,  and  four  millions  five  hundred  thousand  livres  for 
three  years:  the  second  article  for  the  three  years,  would 
require  about  twelve  hundred  thousand  livres. 

On  a  supposition  that  the  expense  of  France,  on  this 
occasion,  would  not  have  amounted  to  more  than  be- 
tween ninety  and  ninety-five  millions;  which  supposition 
is  far  from  being  hazardous,  because  we  have  here  com- 
puted every  thing  at  the  highest  it  would  bear;  it  is  easy 
to  Show,  that  at  the  expiration  of  the  three  years,  Henry 
would  have  remaining  in  his  coffers  thirty  millions,  over 
and  above  what  would  be  expended.  The  total  amount 
of  all  the  receipts  from  the  several  funds,  formed  and  to 
be  formed  for  these  three  years,  being  one  hundred  and 
tuenty-one  millions  five  hundred  and  forty  thousand  li- 
vres, as  appears  from  the  three  estimates  which  I  drew 
up  and  presented  to  his  majesty. 

The  first  of  these  estimates,  which  contained  only  a 
list  of  the  sums  actually  deposited  in  the  Bastile,  amount- 
ed to  twenty-two  millions  four  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand livres,  in  several  coffeis,  marked  Phelipeaux,  Pu- 
zet  and  Bouhier:  the  second  was  another  list,  of  the 
sunjs  actually  due  from  the  farmers,  partisans,  and  re- 
ceivers-general; which  might  be  considered  as  in  pos- 
session, and  produced  another  total  of  eighteen  millions 


Book  XXX.]  op  sully.  1 1 1 

six  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand  livres;  these  two  to- 
tals  together  made  forty-one  miUions  seventy-three  thou- 
sand hvres,  vvhicli  the  king  would  immediately  have  at 
his  disposal:  to  acquire  the  rest  of  these  hundred  and 
twenty-one  millions,  I  had  recourse,  in  the  third  esti- 
mate, to  no  new  taxations:  the  whole  remainder  would 
arise  solely  from  the  offers  of  augmentation  upon  the 
several  royal  revenues  which  the  farmers  and  partisans 
had  made  for  a  lease  of  three  years,  and  from  what  the 
officers  of  justice  and  the  finances  had  voluntarily  en- 
gaged to  furnish,  provided  they  might  be  permitted  the 
free  enjoyment  of  certain  privileges:  so  that  in  these  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one  millions,  I  had  not  comprehend- 
ed the  three  years  receipts  of  the  other  royal  revenues. 
And  in  case  it  were  afterwards  necessary  to  have  re- 
course to  means  somewhat  more  burthensome,  I  had  given 
the  king  another  estimate,  whereby,  instead  of  these  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one  millions,  it  appeared  that  one 
hundred  and  sevent)'-five  millions  might  have  been  rais- 
ed. I  also  demonstrated,  that  upon  any  pressing  emer- 
gency, this  kingdom  could  open  itself  resources  of  trea- 
sure that  are  almost  innumerable. 

It  was  very  much  to  be  wished,  that  the  sums  of  mo- 
ney and  the  numbers  of  men  to  be  furnished  by  the 
other  confederates,  would  be  equally  well  secured  by 
such  estimates:  but  whatever  deficiences  might  have 
happened,  having  forty-one  millions  to  distribute  wher- 
ever it  might  be  found  necessary,  what  obstacles  could 
Henry  have  to  fear  from  a  power  who  was  known  to  be 
destitute  of  money,  and  even  of  troops.''  no  one  being 
ignorant,  that  the  best  and  most  numerous  forces  which 
Spain  had  in  its  service  were  drawn  from  Sicily,  Na*^ 

TOL.  V.  p 


JlJ?  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

pies,  aud  Lombardy;  or  else  were  Germans,  Switzers, 
and  Walloons. 

Every  thing  therefore  concurring  to  promote  success, 
and  good  magazines  being  placed  in  proper  parts  of  the 
passage,  the  king  was  on  the  point  of  marching,  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  directly  to  Mezieres;  from  whence 
taking  his  rout  by  Clinchamp,  Orchimont,  Beauraign, 
Offais,  Longpre,  &c.  after  having  caused  five  forts  to 
be  erected  in  these  quarters,  and  therein  placed  his  two 
thousand  men  destined  for  that  purpose,  with  the  neces- 
sary provisions  and  ammunition,  he  would,  near  Duren 
and  Stavelo,  have  joined  the  two  armies,  which  the 
princes  of  Germany  and  the  United  Provinces  would 
have  caused  to  march  thither;  and  then  beginning  by 
occupying  all  those  passages  through  which  the  enemy 
might  find  entrance  into  the  territories  of  Juliers  and 
Cleves,  these  principahties,  which  were  a  pretext  for  the 
armament,  would  consequently  have  immediately  sub- 
mitted to  him,  and  would  have  been  sequestrated,  till  it 
should  appear  how  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  Spain 
would  act,  jn  regard  to  the  designs  of  the  confederate 
princes. 

This  was  the  moment  fixed  on  to  publish  and  make 
known  throughout  Europe,  the  declarations,  in  form  of 
manifestos,  which  were  to  open  the  eyes  of  all  in  regard 
to  their  true  interests,  and  the  real  motives  which  had 
caused  Henry  and  the  confederate  princes  thus  to  take 
up  arms.  These  manifestos  were  composed  with  the 
greatest  care;  a  spirit  of  justice,  honesty,  and  good  faith, 
of  disinterestedness  and  good  policy,  were  every  where 
apparent  in  them :  and,  without  wholly  discovering  the 
several  changes  intended  to  be  made  in  Europe,  it  was 
intimated,  that  their  common  interest  had  thus  compel- 


Book  XXX.J  of  sullv  113 

led  its  princes  to  arm  themselves;  and  not  only  to  prevent 
the  house  of  Austria  from  getting  possession  of  Cleves, 
but  also  to  divest  her  of  the  United  Provinces,  and  of 
whatever  else  she  unjustly  possessed;  that  their  inten- 
tions were  to  distribute  these  territories  among  such 
princes  aud  states  as  were  the  weakest  and  that  the  de- 
sign was  such,  as  could  not  surely  give  occasion  to  a  war 
in  Europe;  that,  though  armed,  the  kings  of  France  and 
the  North  rather  choose  to  be  mediators  in  the  causes 
of  complaint  which  Europe,  through  them,  made  against 
the  house  of  Austria,  and  only  sought  to  determine  ami- 
cably all  differences  subsisting  among  the  several 
princes;  and  that  whatever  was  done  on  this  occasion, 
should  be  not  only,  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  all 
these  powers,  but  even  of  all  their  people,  who  were 
hereby  invited  to  give  in  their  opinions  to  the  confede- 
rate princes:  such  also  would  have  been  the  substance 
of  the  circular  letters  which  Henr)'  and  the  associated 
princes  would  at  the  same  time  have  sent  to  all  places 
subject  to  them;  that  so  the  people  being  informed,  and 
joining  their  suffrages,  an  universal  cry  from  all  parts 
of  Christendom  would  have  been  raised  against  the 
house  of  Austria. 

As  it  was  determined  to  avoid  with  the  utmost  caution^ 
whatever  might  give  umbrage  to  any  one,  and  Henry 
being  desirous  to  give  still  more  convincing  proofs  to  his 
confederates,  that  to  promote  their  true  interests  was 
his  sole  study  and  design;  to  the  letters  already  mention- 
ed he  would  have  added  others  to  be  written  to  different 
courts,  particularly  to  the  electors  of  Cologne  and 
Treves,  the  bishops  of  Munster,  Liege,  and  Paderbom; 
and  the  duke  and  dutchess  of  Lorrain;  and  this  conduct 
would  have  been  pursued,  in  regard  even  to  our  enemies,. 


114  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

in  the  letters  which  were  to  be  written  to  the  archduke, 
and  the  infanta  his  wife,  to  the  Emperor  himself,  and 
to  all  the  Austrian  princes,  requesting  them,  from  the 
strongest  and  most  pressing  motives,  to  embrace  the  on- 
ly right  and  reasonable  party;  in  all^places,  nothing 
would  have  been  neglected,  to  instruct,  convince,  and 
gain  confidence;  the  execution  of  all  engagements,  and 
the  distribution  or  sequestration  of  whatever  territories 
might  require  to  be  so  disposed,  would  have  been  strict- 
ly, and  even  scrupulously,  observed;  force  would  never 
have  been  employed,  till  arguments,  intreaties,  embas- 
sies, and  negociations,  should  have  failed:  finally,  even 
in  the  use  of  arms,  it  would  have  been  not  as  enemies, 
but  pacifiers:  the  queen  would  have  advanced  as  far  as 
Metz,  accompanied  by  the  whole  court,  and  attended  by 
such  pomp  and  equipages  as  were  suitable  only  to  peace. 
Henry  had  projected  a  new  method  of  disciphne  in 
his  camp,  which,  very  propably,  would  have  produced 
the  good  effects  intended  by  it,  especially  if  his  example 
had  been  imitated  by  the  other  princes  his  allies;  he  in- 
tended to  have  created  four  marshals  of  France,  or  at 
least  four  camp  marshals,  whose  sole  care  should  have 
been  to  maintain  universal  order,  discipline,  and  subor- 
dination: the  first  of  these  would  have  had  the  inspection 
of  the  cavalry,  the  second  of  the  French  infantry,  the 
third  of  the  foreign  forces,  and  the  fourth  of  whatever 
concerned  the  artillery,  ammunition,  and  provisions; 
and  the  king  would  have  required  an  exact  and  regular 
account  from  these  four  officers,  of  whatever  was  trans- 
acted by  them  in  their  respective  divisions.  He  applied 
himself  with  equal  ardour  to  cause  all  military  virtues 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  115 

to  be  revered  and  honoured  in  his  army,  by  granting  all 
employs  and  places  of  trust  to  merit  only,  by  preferring 
good  officers,  by  rewarding  the  soldiers,  by  punishing 
blasphemies  and  other  impious  language,  by  showing  a 
regard  both  for  his  own  troops  and  those  of  his  confe- 
derates, by  stifling  a  spirit  of  discord,  caused  by  a  dif- 
ference of  religions;  and,  finally,  by  uniting  emulation 
with  that  harmony  of  sentiments  which  contributes 
more  than  all  the  rest  to  obtain  victory. 

The  consequence  of  this  enterprise,  with  regard  to 
war,  would  have  depended  on  the  manner  in  which  the 
emperor  and  the  king  of  Spain  should  receive  the  propo- 
sitions and  reply  to  the  manifestos  of  the  confederate 
princes;  it  seems  probable  that  the  emperor,  submitting 
to  force,  would  have  consented  to  every  thing:  I  am  even 
persuaded  he  would  have  been  the  first  to  demand  an 
amicable  interview  with  the  king  of  France,  that  he 
might  at  least  extricate  himself  with  honour  out  of  the 
difficulties  in  which  he  would  have  been  involved;  and 
he  would  probably  have  been  satisfied  with  assurances, 
that  the  imperial  dignity,  with  all  its  rights  and  preroga- 
tives, should  be  secured  to  him  for  his  life.    The  arch- 
dukes had  made  great  advances;  they  engaged  to  permit 
the  king,  with  all  his  troops,  to  enter  their  territories  and 
towns,  provided  they  committed  no  hostilities  in  them, 
and  paid  punctually,  in  all  places,  for  whatever  they  re- 
quired: if  these  appearances  were  not  deceitful,  Spain, 
being  abandoned  by  all,  must,  though  unwillingly,  have 
submitted  to  the  will  of  its  conquerors. 

But  it  may  be  supposed,  that  all  the  branches  of  the 
house  of  Austria  would,  on  this  occasion,  have  united, 
and,  in  defence  of  their  common  interests,  w^ould  have 
used  all  the  efforts  of  which  they  were  capable.  In  this 


116  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

case,  Henry  and  the  confederate  princes,  by  declaring 
war  in  form  against  their  enemies,  and  depriving  the 
Spaniards  of  dl  communications,  especially  with  the  Low 
Countries;  and  having,  as  we  have  said,  united  all  their 
forces,  given  audience  to  the  princes  of  Germany,  pro- 
mised assistance  to  the  people  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia 
who  should  come  to  implore  it  of  them ;  and  finally,  se- 
cured the  territory  of  Cleves;  these  princes,  I  say,  would 
then  have  caused  their  three  armies  to  advance  towards 
Basle  and  Strasbourg  to  support  the  Switzers,  who  after 
having,  for  form's  sake,  asked  leave  of  the  emperor, 
would  have  declared  for  the  union.  The  United  Pro- 
vinces, though  at  a  considerable  distance  from  these  ar-^ 
mies,  would  yet  have  been  sufficiently  defended  by  the 
flying  camp,  which  Henry  would  have  caused  to  advance 
towards  them:  by  the  arms  of  England  and  the  North, 
to  whose  protection  they  would  be  entrusted:  by  the 
care  which  at  first  would  have  been  taken  to  get  pos- 
session of  Charlemont,  Maestrich,  Namur,  and  other 
places  near  the  Meuse;  and  finally,  by  the  naval  forces 
of  these  provinces,  which,  in  conjunction  with  those  of 
England,  would  have  reigned  absolute  masters  at  sea. 
These  measures  being  taken,  the  war  could  have  fal- 
len only  in  Italy  or  Germany:  and  supposing  it  to  have 
happened  in  the  former,  the  three  armies  of  Henry,  the 
prince  of  Orange,  and  the  princes  of  Germany,  quitting 
Franche-Comte,  after  having  fortified  it  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Low-Countries,  by  a  small  body  of  troops, 
would  have  marched  with  their  forces  towards  the  Alps, 
where  they  would  have  been  joined  by  those  of  Lesdi- 
guiereS;  the  pope,  the  Venetians,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy; 
who  then  would  have  declared  themselves  openly;  the 
duke  of  Savoy,  by  requiring  a  portion  for  his  dutchess. 


Book  XXX.]  of  sully.  117 

equal  to  what  had  been  given  to  the  infanta  Isabella;  and 
the  other  powers,  by  demanding  the  execution  of  the 
agreement  in  regard  to  Navarre,  Naples,  and  Sicily:  and 
thus,  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  war  would  be  declared 
against  Spain.  If  the  enemy  should  appear  incHned  to 
draw  the  war  into  Germany,  then  the  confederates,  hav- 
ing left  a  considerable  number  of  troops  in  Italy,  would 
have  penetrated  even  into  the  heai't  of  Germany,  where, 
from  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  they  would  have  been 
strengthened  by  those  powerful  succours  which  were 
there  preparing. 

The  other  events,  in  consequence  of  these  dispositions, 
can  only  be  conjectured,  because  they  would  greatly  de- 
pend on  the  degree  of  alacrity  with  which  the  enemy 
should  oppose  the  rapidity  of  our  conquests,  and  on  the 
readiness  with  which  the  confederates,  especially  those 
at  the  extremity  of  Germany,  should  make  good  their 
engp^ements.  Nevertheless,  I  am  persuaded,  that  from 
the  dispositions  as  here  laid  down,  there  are  none  but 
must  regard  the  house  of  Austria  as  struck  by  the  blow 
whose  force  was  for  ever  to  annihilate  its  power,  and 
open  a  passage  to  the  execution  of  the  other  projected 
designs,  to  which  this  attack  could  only  be  considered 
as  the  preliminarj :  I  will  add  too  (and  here  the  voice  of 
all  Europe  will  vindicate  me  from  the  imputation  of  par- 
tiality) that  if  the  force  necessary  to  render  such  an  en- 
terprise successful  does  always  depend  on  the  person  of 
the  chief  who  conducts  it,  this  could  not  have  been  bet- 
ter conferred,  than  upon  Henrj-  the  Great.  With  a  va- 
lour alone  capable  of  surmounting  the  greatest  difficul- 
ties: and  a  presence  of  mind,  which  neither  neglected 
nor  lost  any  opportunities  of  advantage;  with  a  prudence 
which,  without  precipitating  any  thing,  or  attempting  too 


118  MEMOIRS  [Book  XXX. 

many  things  at  a  time,  could  regularly  connect  them  to- 
gether, and  perfectly  knew  what  might  and  what  might 
not  be  the  result  of  time;  with  a  consummate  experience, 
and  finally,  with  all  those  other  great  qualifications, 
whether  as  a  warrior  or  politician,  which  were  so  re- 
markable in  this  prince;  what  is  there  which  might  not 
have  been  obtained?  This  was  the  meaning  of  that  mo- 
dest device  which  this  great  king  caused  to  be  inscribed 
on  some  of  the  last  medals  that  were  struck  under  his 
reigUj  JVil  sine  concilia. 


OF  SULLY.  119 


SUPPLEMENT 

TO  THE 

LIFE  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  SULLY, 

AFTER  HIS  RETREAT. 


Conduct  of  the  duke  of  Sully  in  the  assembly  of  the  Protestants  at  Chatel- 
leraut;  and  of  this  assembly  with  regard  to  the  personal  affairs  of  Sully: 
the  part  he  has  in  the  duke  of  Rohan's  disputes  with  the  queen  -regent  on 
account  of  St.  Jean-d'Angely.  The  queen-regent's  reliance  upon  him; 
anc^the  letters  which  she  writes  to  him  during  the  rebellion  of  the  princes 
and  the  Protestants.  Councils  which  he  gives  her;  and  the  services  he 
performs  on  this  occasion.  He  is  made  marshal  of  France.  His  discon- 
tent with  his  son  and  grandson.  State  of  his  family;  and  the  disposition 
which  he  makes  of  his  estates  among  his  children.  His  death.  Honours 
paid  him  by  the  dutchess  of  Sully.  His  tomb  and  epitaph.  An  account 
of  his  domestic  conduct,  and  of  his  private  life.  Occupations  of  the  dutch- 
ess  his  wife.  The  duke  of  Sully's  sentiments  upon  religion.  His  public 
and  private  buildings. 

A  HE  first  time  we  find  the  duke  of  Sully  mentioned  by 
the  historians,  after  his  retreat,  is  upon  his  appearance 
at  the  assembly  of  Protestants,  held  at  Chatelleraiit,  in 
the  year  1611.  His  mind  was  still  embittered  by  the 
treatment  he  had  met  with  at  court;  he  was  well  infor- 
med that  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  who,  contrary  to  his  real 
interest  and  character,  was  preparing  to  go  thither  to 
support  the  queen's  rights  against  the  Protestants,  had 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  enemies,  and  was  endea- 
vouring to  deprive  him  of  the  government  of  Poitou,  and 
of  his  post  of  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  which  the 
queen  regent  had  promised  to  bestow  upon  him,  in  re- 

VOL,  v.  Q 


120  •  MEMOIRS 

ward  for  the  services  she  expected  from  him  upon  this 
occasion;  it  is  not^  therefore,  surprising  that,  in  such  a 
conjuncture,  the  duke  of  Sully  should  act  there  with 
vigour  and  spirit.  Those  who  favour  the  duke  of  Bouil- 
lon have,  through  resentment  that  he  failed  in  his  attempt, 
accused  the  dukes  of  Sully  and  Rohan  of  seeking  to  re- 
kindle the  w  ar  between  the  Protestants  and  the  Catho- 
lics; but  they  are  the  only  persons  who  speak  in  this 
manner.  All  the  other  writers  agree  that  the  conduct 
of  M.  de  Sully  was  wholly  free  from  blame;  and  indeed 
his  enemies  acted  with  so  much  heat  and  malignity 
against  him,  that  the  author  of  the  French  Mercury,* 
whom  I  shall  follow  in  this  period  of  the  duke  of  Sully's 
history,  condemns  him  for  not  taking  the  only  measures 
that  remained  to  secure  his  repose.  Here  follows  a 
short  account  of  what  passed,  with  regard  to  the  duke 
of  Sully,  at  the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  or  of  Samur: 
for  his  enemies,  being  apprehensive  that  he  would  be 
too  powerful  if  it  was  held  at  Chatelleraut,  caused  it  to 
be  ti'ansferred  to  Samur. 

The  duke  of  Bouillon  making  no  secret  of  his  inten- 
tions to  reduce  the  Calvinists  his  brethren,  and  the  duke 
of  Sully  in  particular,  to  the  last  extremity,  the  common 
interest  reunited  the  latter  with  du  Plessis  Mornay  and 
the  principal  Protestant  ministers,  who,  till  then,  as  has 
been  seen  through  the  course  of"  these  Memoirs,  had  ac- 
ted with  great  reserve  towards  him,  and  great  distrust 
of  his  sentiments.  They  began  by  refusing  the  dignity 
of  president  of  their  assembly  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon, 
and  conferred  it  on  du  Plessis;  and  made  him  sensible 
how  much  they  were  offended  at  the  part  he  had  acted, 

*  Anno  IGll,  p.  75. 


OF    SULLY.  121 

by  coiitiaually  opposing  him:  so  that  he  could  not  obtain 
any  of  those  demands  which  might  probably  have  been 
granteii  to  an  agent  of  the  Catholic  religion,  which  was 
a  convincing  proof  that  the  queen-regent  committed  a 
gi'eat  error  when  she  made  choice  of  the  duke  of  Bouil- 
lon to  serve  her  on  this  occasion.  How  ever,  a  kind  of 
reconciliation  was  made  between  him  and  the  duke  of 
Sully,  through  the  interposition  of  du  Plessis:  and  from 
that  time  the  duke  found  no  more  obstacles  to  hinder 
him  from  interesting  the  Protestant  body  in  his  particu- 
lar cause,  which  became  one  of  the  chief  subjects  of 
their  deliberations. 

The  assembly  addressed  him,  entreated,  and  enjoin- 
ed him  (these  are  the  terms  made  use  of  by  the  French 
Mercury)  not  to  resign  his  employments,  promised  to 
support  him,  &.c. ;  to  which  the  duke  of  Sully  answered 
by  a  speech,  in  which  he  asked  the  advice  of  the  as- 
sembly upon  four  things.  1st,  If  he  ought  to  take  no  no- 
tice of  the  proceedings  of  his  enemies  with  respect  to 
him.''  2d,  If,  on  the  contrary,  he  ought  himself  to  make 
a  demand  of  being  again  restored  to  his  places.''  3d,  If 
it  was  more  eligible  to  accept  of  a  recompense  for  them; 
and,  lastly,  If  this  recompense  ought  to  be  honour  and 
security  rather  than  profit.^  for  it  was  to  conceal  the  de- 
sign they  had  of  ruining  him  entirely,  that  the  court 
made  a  proposal  to  him  to  receive  a  marshal's  staff,  or 
a  considerable  sum  of  money  in  exchange  for  his  post 
of  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  and  his  government 
of  Poitou.  M.  de  Sully  concluded  this  discourse,  in 
which  he  could  not  forbear  mingling  some  complaints 
of  the  rigour  which  the  council  of  the  queen-regent 
used  towards  him,  with  excusing  himself  for  not  having 
sooner  laid  before  them  the  hardships  he  suffered  on  ac- 
count of  the  great  difficulty  he  found  to  persuade  him- 


122  MEMOIRS 

self  that  there  were  really  such  plots  formed  against 
him,  as  well  as  ofhis  fears  of  displeasiDg  some  persons 
to  whom  he  owed  all  imaginable  respect. 

This  discourse  was  as  agreeable  to  the  Protestants  as 
it  was  displeasing  to  Bullion  and  the  rest  of  the  queen's 
agents.  In  their  answer  they  indeed  bestowed  very"  high 
praises  on  the  duke  of  Sully's  administration;  but  they 
taxed  him  with  being  ungenerous,  and  of  having  enter- 
tained a  design  to  force  the  queen  to  restore  him  to  his 
place  in  the  ministry.  M.  de  Sully  answered  this  accu- 
sation by  another  remonstrance,  in  which  he  referred 
his  interests  to  the  assembly.  The  duke  of  Bouillon  per- 
ceiving what  was  likely  to  be  the  event,  took  off  the 
mask  a  second  time,  and  began  to  cabal  with  all  the 
Protestants,  whom  he  thought  there  was  a  possibility'  of 
gaining.  In  effect,  he  drew  over  some;  but  all  his  endea- 
vours to  gain  the  duke  of  Rohan  were  fruitless:  and  hav- 
ing neither  been  able,  with  all  his  address,  to  hinder, 
the  greater  number  from  adhering  to  the  part}'  of  his 
adversary,  or  to  suspend  the  conclusion,  they  passed  on 
to  their  deliberations,  the  result  of  which  was,  that  they 
would  assist  M.  de  Sully,  if  his  administration  was  en- 
quired into,  hy  unlawful  icays. 

Bullion,  and  the  rest  of  the  queen's  creatures,  put 
every  thing  in  motion  to  obtain  a  recantation  or  restric- 
tion. As  for  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  he  broke  out  into 
rage  and  exclamation:  he  gave  the  most  violent  counsels 
to  the  queen,  who  contented  herself,  however,  with  send- 
ing letters  in  the  king's  name  to  the  assembly,  which 
du  Plessis,  for  fear  of  the  consequences  they  might  pro- 
duce, thought  proper  to  suppress.  They  now  had  re- 
course to  mediums  and  modifications.  All  the  other 
articles  were  amicably  settled,  and  that  which  regarded 


OF  SULLY.  123 

M.  de  Sully  was  suffered  to  rest,  because  it  was  ap- 
parent to  the  whole  world  that  they  could  not,  with  any 
shadow  of  justice,  accuse  him  of  being  an  unfaitful  mi- 
nister, much  less  an  enemy  to  the  state;  and  because 
the  duke  of  Bouillon,  being  disgusted  with  the  queen  for 
disappointing  him  in  his  expectations  of  reward,  ceased 
on  a  sudden  to  act  with  the  same  heat  and  animosity. 
The  duke  of  Sully,  therefore,  remained  in  the  same  situ- 
ation as  when  he  retired  from  court. 

The  following  year  (1612,)  the  war  between  the  two 
religions  was  upon  the  point  of  being  resumed,  by  an 
incident  for  which  our  Memoirs  seem  to  prepare  us.* 
Brassac,  whom  his  majesty  had  appointed  to  be  king's 
lieutenant  of  St.  Jean-d'Angely,  after  the  death  of  Des- 
Ageaux,  was  driven  out  of  that  city  by  the  duke  of  Ro- 
han, whose  whole  conduct,  from  that  time,  sufficientljT 
declared  that  his  sentiments  were  very  different  from 
those  of  his  father-in-law.  Although  the  regent  was  then 
in  a  condition  to  give  him  law,  and  all  the  Protestants 
were  gi'eatly  in  fear  of  her,  yet  this  affair  was  terminated 
wholly  to  the  duke's  advantage,  who  obtained  all  that  he 
demanded.  M.  de  Sully  signed  the  agreement,  which 
was  made  in  the  synod  of  Privas,  between  the  duke  of 
Rohan  on  one  side,  and  the  queen's  agents  on  the  other. 
This  was  all  the  share  he  had  in  this  great  rupture. 

The  two  following  letters,  which  I  have  transcribed 
from  the  originals,  in  the  cabinet  of  the  present  duke  of 
Sully,  prove  that  the  queen-mother  had  recourse  to  Max- 
imiUan  on  many  occasions,  and  that  he  laboured  with 
great  diligence  to  prevent  or  appease  the  troubles  which 
afterwards  arose  between  the  princes  and  the  grandees 
of  the  kingdom. 

*  See  vol.  III.  p.  402. 


124>  MEMOIRS 

A  letter  from  the  queen-mother  to  the  duke  of  Sully. 
"  Cousin, 
"  I  have  sent  the  sieur  de  Bethune  your  brother  to 
"  confer  with  you  concerning  the  present  occurrences,* 
"  and  have  charged  him  to  assure  you  of  my  aifection, 
"  and  of  my  rehance  on  the  continuance  of  yours,  for 
"  the  service  of  the  king-,  monsieur  my  son.  You  may 
"  give  absolute  credit  to  what  he  shall  say  to  you  on  both 

*  These  occurrences  were  the  discontent,  and  retreat  from  the  court,  of 
the  prince  of  Conde,  the  dukes  of  Nevers,  Maienne,  Vendome,  and  Lon- 
gueville,  the  marquis  de  Coeuvres  and  others,  his  partisans,  being  disg-usted 
with  the  conduct  of  the  queen-regent  and  her  favourite  ConchiQi(now  mar- 
quis d'Ancre.)  The  prince  retired  to  Mezieres,  whicli  was  held  by  the 
duke  of  Nevers,  while  tlie  others  repaired  to  the  different  places  over  which 
their  influence  or  power  extended,  where  they  began  to  collect  forces  to- 
gether. From  Mezieres  the  prince  wrote  a  letter  to  the  ([ueen,  in  which 
he  remonstrated  against  the  disorders  committed  in  the  government  under 
her  authority,  and  complained  tliat  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  the  chief 
nobles  of  the  kingdom  were  excluded  from  all  share  in' the  administration 
of  affairs,  which  were  confided  to  three  or  four  persons,  who,  to  maintain 
themselves  in  their  authority,  were  constantly  sowing  divisions  amongst 
the  nobility,  while  they  wasted  the  treasures  of  the  state,  and  placed  the 
arsenals  and  frontier  c  ties  in  the  hands  of  foreigners  unworthy  of  such  em- 
ployments; and  concluded  with  a  demand  that  an  assembly  of  the  states 
should  be  convened,  as  was  usual  during  every  minority,  in  order  to  con- 
firm the  different  edicts,  and  to  provide  against  disorders  in  the  kino-dom. 
He  also  wrote  to  the  Parliament  at  Paris,  and  to  all  the  nobles  who  Iiad  not 
already  joined  him,  exhorting  them  to  unite  with  him,  and  to  the  deputies- 
general  of  the  Protestants,  whom  he  took  care  to  inform  he  had  not  forgot 
in  his  remonstrances.  The  queen-regent,  however,  by  acceding  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  malecontents,  prevented,  for  the  present,  any  furtlier  hostile 
proceeding;  a  treaty  was  concluded  at  St.  Menhoult  on  the  15th  of  May. 
by  which  Amboise  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  prince,  St.  Menhoult  given 
to  the  duke  of  Nevers,  a  sum  of  money  granted  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon 
(who  had  been  the  secret  abettor  of  this  cabal,)  and  an  assembly  of  the 
states  promised.  The  duke  of  Vendome,  who  refused  to  accede  to  this 
treaty,  was  soon  after  obliged  to  submit  to  the  king,  who  advanced  into 
Brittany  against  Irim  at  tlie  head  of  an  army. 


OF  SULLY.  1^6 

*'  these  subjects,  as  you  would  do  to  the  person  of  your 
"  good  cousin, 

"MARY." 

Paris,  Feb.  12,  1614. 

It  is  superscribed,  "  To  my  cousin,  the  duke  of  Sully, 
"  peer,  and  master-general  of  the  ordnance  of  J^'rance." 

Another  letter  from  the  queen  to  M.  de  Sully. 

"  Cousin, 

"  Having  received  your  letter  of  the  1st  instant  on  the 
"  9th,  I  delayed  answering  it  till  my  arrival  in  this  pro- 
"  vince,  to  the  end  that,  being  better  informed  of  the 
"  particular  things  which  happened,  and  the  state  af- 
'•'  fairs  are  in  at  present,  I  might  tell  you  with  more  cer- 
"tainty  my  opinion  of  them  all  in  general;  but  I  have 
"  found  here  so  much  confusion  and  tumult,  so  many 
"  complaints  and  infringements  of  the  agreement  of  St. 
"  Menhoult,  that  I  confess  I  know  not  where  to  begin, 
"  or  what  to  desire  you  to  do  for  me  upon  this  occasion. 
"  Declarations  are  every  where  made,  and  assurances 
"  given  me  of  zeal  and  fidelity  for  the  ser\'ice  of  the  king 
"  my  son,  and  the  public  good,  which  are  indeed  very 
"  acceptable ;  but  I  find  effects  so  contrary  to  all  this, 
"  that  I  no  sooner  entertain  any  favoiu'able  hopes,  than 
"  they  vanish  in  an  instant.  I  do  not  write  this  upon 
"your  own  particular  account:  for  I  depend  upon  your 
"  affection  to  the  good  of  your  country  and  our  own  hap- 
"  piness,  iu  proportion  to  the  experience  I  have  had  of 
"it,  and  the  assurance  you  have  given  me;  but  I  write 
"  to  condole  with  you  upon  the  changeableness  and  un- 
"  certainty  of  such  proceedings.     I  have  witliin  these 


126  MEMOIRS 

"  two  days  received  your  last  letter  here;  the  bearer  of 
"  this  will  tell  you  what  I  think  of  it. 

"  I  do  not  doubt  but  that  you  have,  with  a  freedom 
-'  and  zeal  becoming  a  good  subject  and  an  honest  man, 
"  made  those  remonstrances  to  my  nephew,  the  prince 
*'  of  Conde,  which  you  have  given  me  an  account  of  in 
"^  your  letter,  and  I  am  rejoiced  to  hear  that  he  has  tak- 
"  en  them  well  of  you;  but,  if  he  approves  of  your  ad- 
"  vice,  what  hinders  him  from  following  it?  By  so  doing 
"  he  will  get  rid  of  those  perplexities  in  which  you  tell 
"  me  he  is  involved;  he  will  receive  of  me  every  reasona- 
"  ble  proof  he  can  desire  of  my  good  will,  and  all  the 
''  respect  and  deference  due  to  his  qualit}'.  If  to  assure 
"  him  of  this,  any  tiling  depends  upon  me,  I  shall  be 
"  glad  to  know  it,  and  to  have  your  opinion:  but  I  have 
*'  not  yet  received  those  letters,  which  he  told  you  he 
"  wTote  to  me  upon  that  subject.  I  wish  they  may  be 
"  such  as  may  give  me  that  satisfaction,  both  with  re- 
"  spect  to  him  and  his  friends,  for  the  service  of  the  king 
"  my  son,  as  he  has  often  made  me  hope  for,  and  even 
"request;  and,  this  done,  I  shall  make  him  such  returns 
"  as  he  shall  have  just  reason  to  be  contented  with:  as 
"  likewise  all  those  w^ho  shall  follow  his  example. 

"  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  duke  of  Vendome;  so  that 
"  I  know  not  what  I  ought  to  hope  from  his  obedience; 
"  for  I  have  advice  that  he  continues  to  fortify  Lamballe, 
^'  and  has  engaged  a  great  number  of  soldiers,  who  have 
"  Served,  or  rather  disserved  him  during  these  last  com- 
"  motions,  and  especially  since  the  contract  of  St.  Men- 
"  hoult,  to  which  the  king  my  son  and  myself  are  en- 
"  deavouring  to  apply  the  necessaiy  remedies,  by  the 
"  advice  of  the  states  of  the  country,  which  we  are  to 


OF  SULLY.  121 

"  j)ropose  to-morrow.  As  I  promise  myself  that  you  will 
"  always  continue  faithful  to  the  interests  of  the  king 
"  my  son,  and  that  you  will  readily  embrace  every  op- 
"portunity  of  serving  him,  you  may  make  what  use  you 
"  think  proper  of  this  for  that  purpose;  and  I  beseech 
"  God,  cousin,  &c.  Written  at  Nantes,  August  18,  1614. 
"  Your  good  cousin, 

"  MARY.^' 

In  the  year  1616  the  revolt  of  the  Protestants  broke 
out.*     On  this  occasion  the  duke  of  Sully  gave  a  con- 

*  Notwithstanding  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  St.  Menhoult,  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  note,  the  prince  of  Conde  was  deprived  of  Ainboise: 
this,  with  other  infractions  of  that  treaty,  gave  rise  to  the  events  alluded  to 
ill  this  and  the  following  pages.  The  prince  again  retired  from  the  court; 
issued  a  very  severe  manifesto  against  the  queen,  and  the  government,  and 
proceeded  to  raise  troops  both  in  France  and  Germany.  The  duke  of  Rohan 
also,  and  his  brother,  were  likewise  in  arms,  and  joined  their  forces  to  those 
of  the  prince.  In  this  extremity  the  court  had  recourse  to  the  dukes  of 
Bouillon  and  Maienne,  the  two  most  considerable  persons  in  the  prince's 
party,  whom  it  so  Car  gained  over,  that  through  their  persuasions  the  prince 
consented  to  a  cessation  of  arms,  and  a  conference  to  be  held  at  Loudonr 
the  duke  of  Sully  was  present  at  this  conference,  which  produced  another 
treaty  of  peace,  equally  favourable  to  the  prince  and  the  Huguenots.  It 
was  not,  however,  followed  by  any  good  consequences;  for,  through  the 
persuasions  of  the  marquis  d' Ancre,  the  queen-regent  soon  after  caused  the 
prince  of  Conde  to  be  arrested  on  a  charge  of  still  continuing  his  intrigues, 
and  sent  him  to  tlie  bastile,  from  whence  he  was  conducted  to  Vincennes. 
This  violent  proceeding,  which,  we  see  above,  excited  Sully's  indignation, 
roused  likewise  tliat  of  all  the  prince's  friends,  who  immediately  withdrew 
from  the  court,  and  prepared  for  war.  The  queen,  on  her  part,  ordered 
three  armies  to  take  the  field,  under  the  command  of  the  duke  of  Guise, 
marshal  Montigny,  and  the  count  d'Auvergne,  who  had  been  freed  from  his 
longconfinementinthebastiJe,  through  d'Ancre's  influence.  These  comman- 
ders were  every  where  successful.  Montigny  took  Bourges,  and  the  castle 
,  of  Chinon,  which  had  been  granted  to  the  orince  by  the  treaty  of  Loudon: 
and  in  the  beginning  of  1617  the  duke  of  Guise  gained,  without  much  re- 
sistance, all  the  places  held  by  the  duke  of  Ne vers,  and  prepared  to  besiege 

VOL.  v.  R 


128  MEMOIRS 

vincing  proof  that  he  preferred  the  welfare  of  the  state 
to  the  interest  of  his  party,  and  even  to  his  own  particu- 
lar interest;  for  when  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  reunite 
the  party  of  the  prince  of  Conde  with  that  of  the  Pro- 
testants, a  design  which,  according  to  all  appearance, 
would  have  ruined  the  kingdom,  the  duke  of  Sully, 
whose  suffrage  was  of  the  utmost  consequence,  refused 
absolutely  to  give  it,  and  remained  constantly  attached 
to  the  king.     Let  us  see  what  marshal  Bassompierre 
says  on  this  subject  in  his  Memoirs:  "  M.  de  Sully,  ever 
solicitous  for  the  good  of  the  state,  maintained  himself 
in  the  esteem  and  respect  of  both  parties,  and  endea- 
voured to  set  them  right,  as  long  as  they  could  subsist 

Mezieres,  while  d'Auverg-ne  took  Pierrefonds  and  laid  siege  to  Soissons, 
The  duke  of  Bouillon  had  retired  to  Sedan,  where  he  endeavoured  to  raise 
some  foreign  troops  for  the  defence  of  that  place. 

In  the  midst  of  these  reverses  of  the  prince's  adherents  an  event  occurred, 
which  not  only  extricated  them  from  total  ruin,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war, 
but  likewise  gave  a  new  turn  to  the  whole  of  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom;  this 
was  the  death  of  the  marquis  d'Ancre,  on  the  24th  of  April,  1617.  This 
ambitious  and  worthless  favourite,  who  had  governed  France  for  seven 
years,  was  now  become  the  object  of  universal  hatred,  and  fell  at  last  a  vic- 
tim to  the  intrigues  of  M.  de  Luines,  a  favourite  likewise,  but  of  the  young 
king,  on  whom  he  prevailed  to  order  the  marquis  to  be  arrested;  but  Vitry, 
the  captain  of  the  guards,  to  whom  this  commission  was  intrusted,  attempt- 
ing to  execute  it  as  the  marquis  entered  the  Louvre,  the  latter  making 
some  resistance  was  killed  on  the  spot.  His  wife,  who,  as  well  as  himself, 
has  been  so  often  mentioned  in  these  Memoirs,  was  immediately  arrested, 
and  shortly  after  beheaded  by  a  decree  of  the  parliament;  and  the  chancel- 
lor Sillery,  du  Vair,  Villeroy,  and  Jeannin,  who  had  been  lately  displaced 
by  d'Ancre,  were  restored  to  their  several  posts.  The  queen-mother  was, 
at  the  same  time,  deprived  of  her  guards,  confined  to  her  apartments,  and 
afterwards  exiled  to  Blois,  where  she  continued  till  1619,  when  she  made 
her  escape  to  Angouleme,  through  the  assistance  of  the  duke  d'Epernon; 
here  she  came  to  an  agreement  with  the  king  her  son,  which  was  confirmed  ■ 
by  a  treaty.  In  this  year  also  the  prince  of  Conde  was  set  at  liberty,  and 
continued  ever  after  a  faithful  adherent  to  the  king. 


OP  SULLY.  129 

in  the  state  they  were,  by  sending  informations  some- 
times to  the  queen-mother,  and  sometimes  to  the  prince; 
and,  on  August  the  26th,  the  duke  of  Sully  demanded 
an  audience  of  the, queen.  He  then  told  her,  that  mat- 
ters were  brought  to  such  extremity,  that  it  was  not  pos- 
sible they  could  continue  eight  days  longer  in  the  same 
situation;  that  as  the  balance  was  now  held,  the  whole 
authority  must  necessarily  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  prince ; 
that  it  was  still  in  her  own  choice  whether  to  keep  or 
suffer  herself  to  be  dispossessed  of  her's.  He  declared 
that  she  was  not  secure  in  Paris,  and  that  she  and  her 
children  would  be  safer  in  the  field,  with  a  thousand 
horse,  than  in  the  Louvre,  while  the  minds  of  the  nobles 
and  people  were  thus  enraged.  He  said,  that  his  duty, 
and  the  obligations  he  had  to  the  deceased  king,  requir- 
ed that  he  should  make  her  these  remonstrances:  and 
that,  if  there  was  no  other  remedy  for  the  present  evils 
but  the  loss  of  his  life,  he  would  sacrifice  it  willingly  for 
the  preservation  of  the  king,  herself,  and  the  state;  then, 
taking  leave  of  her,  he  implored  her  to  consider  well 
what  he  had  said;  and  added,  that,  if  she  did  not  apply 
the  only  fit  and  reasonable  remedy  to  these  commotions, 
she  would  be  answerable  for  all  the  consequences  of 
them,  since  she  had  been  warned  beforehand  of  what 
was  likely  to  happen." 

The  author  of  the  History  of  the  Mother  and  Son* 
renders,  in  spite  of  himself,  this  justice  to  the  duke  of 
Sully:  "  M.  de  Sully,"  says  he,  "  demanded  an  audience 
"  of  the  queen,  that  he  might  confer  with  her  upon  an 
"  affair,  which,  he  said,  was  of  no  less  importance  than 
''  the  preservation  of  the  king's  life  and  her's.     The 

*  Tom.  II.  p.  61,  62. 


130  MEMOIRS 

''  queen  had  taken  physic  that  day;  but,  upon  a  matter 
"  of  such  consequence,  she  thought  she  could  not  dis- 
"  pense  with  herself  from  seeing  him.  The  king  hap- 
"pened,  by  chance,  to  be  present;  as  were  likewise  the 
"  sieurs  Mangot  and  Barbin.  The  duke  of  Sully  then 
"  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  expatiated  upon  the  bad 
"  designs  of  the  princes,  and  the  inevitable  dangers 
"  which  he  foresaw  for  the  king.  The  sieurs  Mangot 
"  and  Barbin  told  him,  that  it  was  not  enough  to  disco- 
"  ver  an  evil;  he  ought  likewise  to  propose  some  proper 
"remedies  to  obviate  it.  To  this  he  only  added,  that 
"  the  attempt  was  hazardous,  and  that  they  must  ex- 
"pectto  see  very  fatal  consequences;  then,  quitting  the 
"  queen's  closet,  he  said,  '  Sire,^  and  you,  madam,  I  en- 
"  treat  your  majesties  to  think  well  on  what  I  have  said: 
"  I  have  discharged  my  conscience;  would  to  God  you 
"  were  in  the  midst  of  twelve  hundred  horse!  I  see  no 
"  other  remedy."'     Saying  this  he  went  away. 

It  must  be  confessed,  that  to  the  hatred  which  this 
writer  bore  the  duke  of  Sully,  is  owing  the  following 
recital:*  "  This  prince  of  Conde  being  arrested,  the 
"•  ministers  told  th«  queen,  that,  unless  she  released  him 
"  all  was  lost.  M.  de  Sully,  whose  vehemence  of  tem- 
"  per  would  not  allow  him  time  for  reflection,  nor  to 
"  give  his  advice  in  the  present  exigence  on  what  might 
"  be  apprehended  for  the  future,  without  blaming  past 
"'  proceedings,  said,  that  whoever  had  counselled  the 
"  queen  to  arrest  the  prince,  had  ruined  the  state.  The 
"  queen  rephed,  that  she  was  astonished  to  hear  him 
"  speak  in  that  manner;  and  that  he  must  certainly  have 
"  lost  his  reason,  since  he  did  not  remember  what  he 

*  Tom.  II.  p.  94. 


CF  SULLY.  181 

"  himself  had  said  to  the  king  and  her  but  three  days 
"  before.  These  words  thre\>'  him  into  such  confusion 
"  that  he  withdrew  immediately,  to  the  great  astonish- 
"  ment  of  all  the  lords  who  were  present.  His  wife 
"  endeavoured  afterwards  to  excuse  him,  by  alleging 
"  that  it  was  the  terrors  he  laboured  under  at  that  time, 
"  which  had  forced  him  to  speak  so,  having  been  in- 
"  formed  that  the  princes  and  nobles  of  the  prince  of 
"'  Conde's  party  had  resolved  to  murder  him,  through  a 
"  suspicion  that  he  was  the  cause  of  the  princess  deten- 
"  sion,  by  the  discoveries  he  had  made  of  their  designs." 

Without  examining  here  whether  the  duke  of  Sully 
contradicted  himself  in  the  advice  he  gave  the  queen  at 
these  two  different  times,  we  shall  grant  that  the  reso- 
lution they  had  taken  to  arrest  the  prince  of  Conde, 
was  both  prudent  and  necessary;  and  the  inference  I 
shall  draw  from  these  circumstances  is,  that  this  min- 
ister never  swerved  from  his  attachment  to  the  interest 
of  the  king  and  the  public  good,  on  an  occasion  so  fa- 
vourable to  the  Protestant  party,  where  he  himself  ran 
great  risks. 

He  observed  the  same  conduct  during  the  rest  of  his 
life.  He  was  invested  with  the  king's  authority  in  the 
assemblies  of  Rouen  and  Loudun:  he  supported,  like  a 
good  citizen  and  a  loyal  subject,  his  majesty's  party 
against  the  Protestants,  when  the  war  was  declared 
under  the  administration  of  cardinal  Richelieu:  he  was 
present  at  the  siege  of  Monttauban,*  and  other  encoun- 

*  This  was  in  1621,  in  the  first  war  with  the  Hug-uenots  in  Louis  the 
Thirteenth's  reign.  The  garrison  was  commanded  by  the  marquis  de  la 
Force,  and  the  royal  army  by  the  king  in  person,  attended  by  six  marshals, 
and  all  the  chief  nobility  of  the  kingdom.  The  king,  however,  was  obli- 
ged to  raise  the  siege,  daring  which  the  duke  of  Maienne  was  killed. 
Edit. 


IS2  MEMOIRS 

ters:  he  even  performed  all  the  functions  of  master-ge- 
neral  of  the  ordnance  at  the  siege  of  St.  Jean-d'Angely, 
and  the  train  of  artillery  there  vvas  furnished  and  con- 
ducted with  the  greatest  care.  He  kept  this  office  till 
his  death,  although  the  writer  of  the  duke  of  Bouillon's 
life  says  that  it  was  taken  from  him.  Louis  XIII  gave 
him  a  marshal's  staff,  September  18,  1634.  The  pre- 
ceding year  Pope  Urban  VIII  wrote  him  a  letter  in 
Latin,  to  which  M.  de  Sully  sent  an  answer  by  his  grand- 
son, the  prince  of  Henrichemont,  and  which  produced 
a  second  brief  from  the  Pope,  in  Latin  likewise,  dated 
July  16,  1633. 

In  the  same  year  he  lost  the  marquis  de  Rosny,  his 
eldest  son,  whose  conduct  had  been  a  continual  source 
of  affliction  to  him,  not  only  because  the  marquis  fol- 
lowed none  of  the  wise  counsels  he  gave  him,  and  join- 
ed himself  to  the  enemies  of  the  state,  but  because  the 
duke  of  Sully  felt,  in  more  ways  than  one,  the  extreme 
disorder  of  his  son's  affairs.  And  here  it  is  necessary 
we  should  give  some  account  of  the  duke  of  Sully's  do- 
mestic concerns,  which  will  serve  to  explain  several 
parts  of  these  Memoirs  where  the  marquis  of  Rosny  is 
mentioned,  and  particularly  what  is  said  of  him  in  the 
twenty-ninth  book. 

The  duke  of  Sully,  besides  two  daughters,  the  eldest 
of  whom  w  as  manied  to  the  duke  of  Rohan,  and  the 
youngest  to  the  marquis  of  Mirepoix,  had  three  sons; 
Maximilian  de  Bethune,  marquis  de  Rosny,  he  had  by 
his  first  wife  Anne  de  Courtenay ;  and  Caesar  and  Fran- 
cis de  Bethune,  by  his  second,  Rachael  de  Cochefilet 
The  great  estates  he  was  possessed  of  having  been  ac- 
quired since  his  second  marriage,  the  children  by  that 


OP  SULLY.  133 

marriage  seemed  entitled  to  the  largest  share  of  them; 
nevertheless,  the  duke  of  Sully  thinking  himself  obliged 
to  secure  to  the  marquis  of  Rosny  such  an  estate  as 
might  enable  him  to  support  the  grandeur  of  his  house, 
of  which  he  was  the  eldest;  to  the  posts  of  master-gen- 
eral of  the  ordnance,  superintendant  of  the  fortifications, 
and  to  the  governments  of  Mante  and  Gergeau,  the  re- 
version of  which  he  obtained  for  him,  and  which  he 
estimated  at  sixty  thousand  livres  a  year,  he  added, 
among  other  gifts,  a  donation  of  lands,  producing  a  yearly 
revenue  of  fifty  thousand  livres,  consisting  of  the  dutchy 
of  Sully,  the  marquisate  of  Rosny,  the  principality  of 
Henrichemont  and  Boisbelle,  with  all  their  dependen- 
cies, the  property  of  which,  however,  he  reserved  to 
himself  during  his  hfe.     The  deed  of  entail,  which  is 
dated  March   16,  1609,  has  in  it  this  singular  clause: 
"  That  on  the  supposition  that  none  of  those,  whether 
"  male  or  female,  chose  to  fulfil  the  aforesaid  terms  and 
"  conditions,  the  said  lord,  who  makes  this  settlement, 
"  gives,  by  the  present  writing,  the  abovesaid  lands  to 
"  the  king  or  his  descendants,  according  to  their  seni- 
"  ority,  on  condition  that  the  said  lands  shall  never  be 
"  disunited  from  the  crown:  and  that  he  who  shall  pos- 
"  sess  them,  if  he  be  not  the  king,  or  the  king's  eldest 
"  son,  shall,  be  obliged,  and  his  descendants  after  him, 
"  to  bear,  together  with  his  own  name  and  arms,  the 
"  surname  and  arms  of  Bethune." 

But  afterwards  being  solicitous  to  prevent  any  occa- 
sion for  disunion  in  his  family,  M.  de  Sully  the  follow- 
ing year  made  two  other  donations  and  conveyances  of 
his  other  possessions  in  the  same  form,  and  by  an  act 
of  the  same  kind,  in  favour  of  Caesar  and  Francis  de 


1S4 


MEMOIRS 


Bethune,  his  youngest  sons:  namely,  of  the  land  and 
lordship  of  Villebou  to  Ca3sar;andto  Francis  de  Bethune, 
called  count  d'Orval,  of  the  lands  of  Montrond,  Orval, 
Bruyeres,  Epineuil,  Beauchesal,  La-Roche-Guiliebaut, 
and  Le-Chatelet,  in  Berry.  The  value  of  each  of  these 
donations  is  estimated  at  ten  thousand  Hvres  a  year.  It 
is  there  stipulated  that  the  fortifications,  arms,  ammu- 
nition, and  furniture,  as  well  those  which  were  in  all 
these  castles  when  the  donation  was  made,  as  those 
which  should  be  found  there  at  the  death  of  the  duke  of 
Sully,  should  be  comprehended  in  the  donation:  and  if 
either  of  his  two  sons,  to  whom  they  were  made  over, 
should  die  without  heirs,  his  portion  was  to  go  entire  to 
the  survivor.  This  happened  four  years  after;  for,  Caesar 
de  Bethune  dying  unmarried  in  1614,  the  count  d'Orval 
reunited  in  himself  the  two  articles  of  conveyance.    In 
1620  his  father  married  him  to  Jacquehne  de  Caumont, 
daughter  of  the  grand-marshal  de  la  Force,  and  grand- 
daughter of  the  first  marshal  Biron ;  and  he  confirmed, 
by  the  marriage  contract,  the  act  of  entail,  made  in  the 
year  1610. 

Before  and  after  the  duke  of  Sully  had  made  these 
dispositions  of  his  estates,  the  marquis  de  Rosny  continu- 
ed to  hold  his  possessions  jointly  with  his  father.  This 
community  of  goods  was  wholly  to  the  advantage  of  the 
son,  his  mother's  estate  alone  not  being  sufficient  to 
supply  his  expenses:  but  it  exposed  the  duke  of  Sully  to 
the  prosecution  of  his  son's  creditors.  The  duke  paid 
his  debts  several  times;  but  they  became  so  considerable, 
by  the  prodigality  and  bad  management  of  the  marquis 
de  Rosny,  that  he  took  a  resolution,  at  length,  to  leave 


OF    SULLY.  135 

liim  to  himself.  Such  was  the  beginning  of  his  domestic 
troubles. 

This  was  soon  followed  by  others  more  considerable: 
for  after  the  death  of  the  marquis  de  Rosny,  his  credi- 
tors taking  tiie  advantage  of  the  community  of  goods, 
made  an  attempt  to  seize  upon  some  of  the  possessions 
of  the  duke  of  Sully.  The  prince  of  Henrichemont;* 
his  grandson,  joined  with  them  to  annul  these  convey- 
ances, in  which  he  was  greatly  assisted  by  the  circum- 
stances the  duke  of  Sully  was  then  in,  who,  to  get  him- 
self clear  of  the  prince  of  Conde,  had  been  obliged  to  do 
and  undo  many  establishments,  and  had  gained,  and  sold, 
and  regained,  at  several  times,  a  great  part  of  the  lands 
contained  in  those  conveyances;  such  as,  Villebon,  Mon- 
trond,  &c.  This  kept  the  duke  of  Sully  in  continual  per- 
plexity with  disputes  and  law-suits,  part  of  which,  how- 
ever, were  amicably  settled  by  the  marriage  of  the  prince 
of  Henricheniont  with  the  daughter  of  the  chancellor 
Seguier,!  in  the  year  1639:  upon  which,  the  duke  of 
Sully,  who  was  then  u})on  good  terms  with  the  prince 
of  Conde,  having  Villebon  restored,  and  all  his  other  ac- 
quisitions secured  to  him,  made  over  again,  in  the  year 
1640,  a  new  conveyance,  confirming  the  former,  by 
which  he  gave  other  lands,  in  the  place  of  those  that 
might  be  aUenated. 

The  discontent  of  the  prince  of  Henricheniont  broke 
out  again  upon  this  new  conveyance,  and  set  on  foot  a 

*  Maximilian-Francis  de  Bethune,  the  third  of  that  name,  duke  of  Sully, 
prince  of  Henrichemont  and  Boisbelle,  marquis  de  iiosuy ,  lieutenant-gene- 
ral for  the  government  of  Dauphiny  and  the  Pais-Vexin,  governor  of 
iMante  and  Meulan;  he  died  in  1661. 

f  Charlotte  Seguier,  daughter  of  the  chancellor  Seguier. 

VOL.  V.  S 


136  MEMOIR^ 

law-suit,  of  which  Lewis  XIII,  and  his  first  minister 
took  the  cognizance  to  themselves,  and  which  continued 
during  the  years  1640  and  1641;  the  petitions  and  prin- 
cipal pieces  of  this  suit  have  been' printed:  the  duke  of 
Sully  complains  there  bitterly,  that  his  grandson  and  the 
chancellor  Seguier,  who  supported  him,  fought  to  take 
advantage  of  some  failures  in  the  formalities  of  the  set- 
tlements, unavoidable  perhaps  in  affairs  so  long  and  so 
complicated.  But  it  would  be  improper  here  to  enter 
into  a  discussion  of  this  point  of  law.  Supposing  that 
all  possible  right  was  not  on  the  side  of  the  duke  of  Sully, 
yet  it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  voice  of  nature,  and  a 
principle  of  gratitude,  ought  to  have  carried  it  in  favour 
of  a  man  who  had  raised  his  family  to  such  a  degree  of 
splendor:  however  that  may  be,  the  duke  of  Sully  had 
the  mortification  to  find  himself,  by  a  decree  of  council 
given  in'December,  1641,  obliged  to  revoke  his  convey- 
ance of  four  of  those  estates  which  had  been  given  in 
the  room  of  the  former  that  had  been  alienated.  He  was 
then  eighty-two  years  old,  and  it  is  probable  that,  jea- 
lous as  he  was  of  the  paternal  authority,  and  convinced 
in  his  own  mind,  that  in  all  he  had  done  he  had  exactly 
followed  the  laws  of  equity,  this  stroke  affected  him  so 
sensibly,  that  it  contributed  to  shorten  his  fife:  he  died 
eight  days  afterwards  at  Villebon,  December  22, 1641. 
His  bowels  were  put  into  a  kind  of  leaden  urn,  and 
deposited  in  the  vault  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Saint- 
Anne  in  Villebon,  and  upon  the  vault  over  it  this  inscrip- 
tion was  placed: 

Here  lie  the  hoivels  of  the  most  high,  most  puissant, 
and  most  illustrious  lord,  Maociinilian  de  Bethune, 
duke  of  Sully,  peer  and  marshal  of  France. 


OF  SULLY.  137 

His  body  was  to  be  carried  to  Aumone,  or  Hotel  Dieu 
of  Nogent,  but  the  mausoleum  which  was  erecting  for 
him  there  not  being  finished,  it  was  laid  in  a  leaden  cof 
fin,  and  placed  in  the  duke  of  Sully's  chamber  in  the 
castle  of  Villebon,  where  he  died.  The  ceilings,  the  floors, 
and  walls  of  this  apartment,  w  ere  hung  with  black  cloth: 
it  was  left  there  exposed  to  view,  under  a  canopy  of 
black  velvet,  with  bands  of  silver  stuff,  and  the  arms  of 
Bethune  at  the  four  corners. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  dutchess  of  Sully  caused  a 
closet  to  be  built  in  the  lower  gallery  of  the  castle  of 
Villebon,  in  order  to  place  a  statue  in  it,  w  hich  she  de- 
signed to  erect  to  the  memory  of  her  husband;  and  for 
this  purpose  she  bought  a  block  of  white  marble,  the 
finest  that  could  be  procured,  and  sent  for  one  of  the 
most  excellent  sculptors  of  that  time  from  Italy.  In  the 
front  of  this  closet  is  written,  in  large  characters,  the 
ten  commandments,  as  they  stand  in  the  book  of  Exo- 
dus; on  one  of  the  sides,  the  epitaph  of  the  deceased; 
upon  the  other,  his  coat  of  arms,  with  all  the  ensigns  of 
his  office;  the  top,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  closet,  is  filled 
with  pictures,  emblems,  and  mottos,  which  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  describe  here:  it  is  lighted  by  a  long  window 
which"  occupies  the  farther  end.  The  statue  is  placed 
in  the  midst  of  the  closet,  upon  a  pedestal  of  white  mar- 
ble likewise;  it  is  a  little  larger  than  the  hfe,  and  repre- 
sents the  duke  of  Sully,  armed  from  his  neck  to  his 
feet,  with  a  crown  of  laurel  upon  his  head,  and  the  du- 
cal mantle  on  his  shoulders;  in  his  right  hand,  stretched 
out  he  holds  the  marshal's  staff;  and  his  left  is  leaning 
upon  his  coat  of  arms:  the  marshal's  staff,  as  well  as  his 
casque,  adorned  with  the  plume  of  feathers,  which  lies 
at  the  left  side  of  the  statue,  are  cut  out  of  the  same 


138  MEMOlRis 

block.  This  whole  piece  is  so  beautjful  and  so  highly 
finished,  that  it  may  vie  with  the  ancient  monuments  of 
Greece  and  Rome.  Over  the  door  of  the  closet  is  writ- 
ten, in  cartouche: 

Rachel  de  Cochefilet,  Dutchess  Dowagei'  of  Sully,  after 
the  death  of  Maximilian  de  Bethune,  Duke  of  Sully, 
her  husband,  with  whom  she  lived  forty-nine  years  in 
marriage,  to  honour  his  memory,  and  in  testimony  of 
her  grief  for  his  loss,  has  erected  this  statue,  in  the 
^year  1642. 

The  body  of  this  lady  being,  after  her  death  deposit- 
ed by  that  of  her  husband,  the  mausoleum,  which  we 
are  going  to  describe,  was  common  to  them  both:  it  is 
a  round  chapel,  built  on  the  side  of  that  of  Saint  James 
de  I'Aumone,  or  the  Hospital. of  Nogent,-  called  from 
their  name  Nogent  le  Bethune;  it  has  no  communica- 
tion with  the  church,  because  the  duke  and  dutchess 
of  Sully  were  so  unhappy  as  to  die  in  the  principles  of 
the  pretended  reformed  religion.*  Under  this  chapel  is 
a  vault,  where  both  their  bodies  are  interred.  The  walls 
on  the  inside  of  the  chapel  are  adorned  with  the  coats 
of  arms  and  alliances  of  the  house  of  Bethune;  the 
dome  is  only  coloured  w  ith  a  plain  blue,  sprinkled  with 
flowers  de  luce:  the  effigies  of  the  duke  and  dutchess 
are  of  white  marble',  as  large  as  the  life;  they  are  kneel- 
ing upon  a  pedestal,  three  feet  in  height,  with  their  fa- 

*  Tliis  is  in  tlie  genuine  spirit  of  lloman  Catholic  bigotry.  How  little 
(•ould  this  writer  conceive,  while  thus  foolishl}'  affecting  to  deplore  the 
•'  unhappiness"  as  he  terms  it,  of  the  duke  of  Sull} ,  that  the  days  were  fast 
approaching  in  which  liis  "  preten  led"  true  "  religion"  was  to  be  degraded, 
and  virtually  destroyed,  not  only  iu  France  but  in  abnost  ever}-  part  of  Eu- 
rope where  it  was  professed,  by  an  usurper  of  the  throne  of  the  Bourbons. 


OF  SULLY,  139 

ces  tunied  towards  the  east:  by  an  inscription  upon  the 
pedestal  we  are  told,  that  this  work,  which  is  veiy  well 
executed,  was  the  performance  of  B.  Boudin,  in  tlie  year 
1642.  Behind  the  statue  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  is  this  in- 
scription : 

Here  lies  the  body  of  the  most  high,  most  puissant,  and 
most  illustrious,  Lord,  Maximilian  de  Bethune,  Mar- 
quis of  Rosny,  who  shared  in  all  tlie  fortunes  of  king 
Henry  the  Great,  among  which  was  J,hat  memoi^able 
baitle  which  gave  the  crouii  to  the  Victw^;  where,  by 
his  valour,  he  gained  the  ivhite  standard,  atid  took  seve- 
ral priso)i€rs  of  distinction.  He  was  by  thcd  Great 
Monarch,  in  reward  of  his  many  virtues  and  distin- 
guished ment,  hoivyured  ivith  the  dignities  of  Duke, 
Peer,  and  Marshal  of  France,  u'ith  the  governments 
of  the  Upper  and  Lower  Poitou,  with  the  office  of 
Master-general  of  the  Ordnance,  in  which,  bearing 
tlie  thmidei^  of  his  Jupitei\  he  took  the  ccistle  ofMont- 
melian,  till  then  believed  impregncd)le,  and  many  other 
fortresses  of  Savoy;  he  was  likewise  made  Sujyenn- 
tendant  of  the  Finances,  which  office  he  discharged  sin- 
gly with  a  wise  and  prudent  economy,  and  continued 
hi^ faithful  services  till  that  unfoitunate  day  when  the 

*  Caesar  of  the  French  nation  lost  his  life  by  the  hand 
of  a  parricide.  After  tlie.  lamented  death  of  that  Great 
King,  he  retired  from  publick  affairs,  and  passed  the 
remainder  of  his  life  in  ease  and  tranquillity.  He  died 
at  the  castle  of  Villebon,  December  22,  1641,  aged 
eighty-two  years. — Here  also  lies  the  most  high,  most 
puissant,  and  most  illustnous  lady,  Madam  Rachel 
de  Cocliejilet,  his  wife,  who  died  atPaiis,  in  the  ninety- 
seventh  year  of  her  age,  in  the  year  1659, 


140  MEMOIRS 

The  way  to  this  chapel  is  through  a  long  court, 
planted  on  each  side  with  elms;  at  the  entrance  of 
which  is  a  portal,  of  very  beautiful  architecture,  with 
the  arms  of  the  house  of  Bethune  in  high-rehef,  and  all 
the  additions  belonging  to  the  arms  of  the  duke  of  Sully. 
The  house  of  Bethune  bears,  d'argent,  face  degv£ules, 
supported  by  two  savages  armed  with  clubs. 

Before  Villebon  was  restored  to  the  duke  of  Sully 
he  divided  his  residence  between  Sully,  La  Chapelle- 
d'Angillon,  whrch  is  a  very  fine  house  and  barony  de- 
pendant on  the  dutchy  of  Sully,  and  Rosny,  which  of  all 
his  houses,  he  most  embellished,  as  he  reckoned  upon 
this  being  always  kept  in  his  family:  he  was  building 
the  wings  when  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  the  king 
his  benefactor;  and,  as  a  witness  of  his  grief  for  that 
loss,  he  left  those  wings  imperfect,  and  in  the  same 
condition  they  were  in  at  the  time  of  that  sad  event. 
But  when  he  became  again  possessed  of  Villebon,  the 
beauty  of  that  castle,  its  situation  in  a  most  agreeable 
country,  its  contiguity  to  Paris,  for  it  is  not  more  than 
tw  enty  leagues  distant  from  that  city,  and  the  advantage 
of  being  in  the  centre  of  several  great  estates  which  he 
had  purchased  with  the  money  arising  from  the  sale  of 
those  he  had  been  obliged  to  part  with  to  the  prince  of 
Conde;  all  these  considerations  determined  him  to  fix 
his  stay  there  during  six  whole  months  of  the  year, 
which  were  the  autumn  and  the  winter:  he  used,  in  the 
spring  to  make  some  short  journeys  to  Sully;  but  that 
place  was  become  very  disagreeable  to  him,  on  account 
of  the  conduct  of  his  eldest  son:  the  rest  of  the  year  he 
passed  at  La-Chapelle-d'Angillon;  at  Rosny,  and  his 
other  estates 


OF  SULLY.  141 

The  life  he  led  in  his  retreat  was  accompanied  with 
decency,  grandeur,  and  even  majesty;  such  as  might  be 
expected  from  a  character  so  grave  and  so  full  of 
dignity  as  his.  Besides  a  great  many  gentlemen  and 
pages,  by  whom  he  was  attended,  and  ladies  and  maids 
of  honour  about  the  person  of  the  dutchess  of  Sully,  he 
had  one  company  of  guards,  with  their  officers,  and 
another  of  Swiss;  and  so  great  a  number  of  domestics; 
that  there  are  but  few  examples  of  subjects  who  have 
kept  so  grand  and  so  numerous  an  household.  The  pre- 
sent duke  of  Sully  has  conversed  with  the  son  of  an 
old  surgeon,  belonging  to  his  ancestor,  the  dukie  of  Sul- 
ly, the  last  of  this  branch,  who  died  at  the  age  of  eighty- 
eight  years,  and  who  w^as  about  fourteen  when  the  duke 
of  Sully,  of  whom  we  are  speaking,  died;  this  man  told 
him,  that  he  had  accompanied  his  father  in  his  visits  to 
the  sick  in  the  castle  Villebon ;  and  had  reckoned  fourscore 
of  them,  without  perceiving  that  the  senice  of  the  house 
suffered  the  least  disorder  or  delay  upon  that  account. 

M.  de  Sully  always  continued  his  custom  of  rising 
very  early  in  the  morning;  after  some  time  spent  in 
prayers  and  reading,  he  set  himself  to  work  with  his 
four  secretaries;  this  work  consisted  in  putting  his  pa- 
pers in  order,  in  digesting  his  Memoirs,  in  answering 
the  several  letters  he  received,  in  regulating  his  do- 
mestic affairs,  and  lastly,  in  taking  cognizance  of  those 
which  related  either  to  his  government  or  his  posts;  for 
he  continued  till  his  death,  governor  of  the  Upper  and 
Lower  Poitou  and  of  Rochelle,  master-general  of  the 
ordnance,  surveyor-general  of  France,  and  superintend 
dant  of  the  fortifications.  He  usually  passed  the  whole 
morning  in  these  occupations;  except  that  he  sonetimes 
went  out  take  the  air  half  an  hour  or  an  hour  before 


142  MEMOIRS 

dinner;  they  then  rung  a  great  bell  which  was  upon  the 
bridge  to  give  notice  that  he  was  going  out;  the  great- 
est part  of  his  household  ranged  themselves  on  each 
side,  from  the  bottom  of  the  stair-case  to  the  door  of 
his  apartment;  his  equerries,  gentlemen,  and  officers, 
walked  before  him,  preceded  by  two  Swiss  with  their 
halberts;  the  duke  came  next,  with  some  of  his  friends 
and  relations  on  each  side  of  him,  with  whom  he  con- 
versed; then  followed  the  officers  of  his  French  and 
Swiss  guards;  and  the  procession  was  always  closed 
by  four  Swiss. 

At  his  retiu'n,  he  went  into  the  hall,  where  he  dined- 
this  was  a  very  large  room,  in  which  he  had  caused 
the  most  memorable  actions  of  his  own  life,  together 
with  those  of  Henry  the  Great,  to  be  painted;  at  the  up- 
per end  of  the  table  two  armed  chairs  were  placed  for 
the  duke  and  dutchess;  all  his  children,  married  as  well 
as  unmarried,  of  whatever  rank  or  dignity,  had  only 
stools;  for  at  that  time  the  subordination  between  pa- 
rents and  their  children  was  so  great,  that  they  were 
not  permitted  to  sit  in  their  presence,  without  being 
commanded  to  do  so.    His  table  was  served  with  taste 
and  magnificence:  he  admitted  to  it  none  but  the  nobili- 
ty in  his  neighbourhood;,  some  of  the  principal  gentle- 
men, and  the  ladies  and  maids  of  honour  who  belong- 
ed to  the  dtttchess  of  Sully:  except  his  guests,  all  the 
company  retired  as  soon  as  the  desert  was  brought  in. 
After  dinuer  they  withdrew  in  a  cabinet  adjoining  the 
hall  where  they  dined:  this  was  called  the  cabinet  of 
illustrious  men,  because  it  was  adorned  with  the  por- 
traits of  popes,  kings,  princes,  and  other  great  and  cele- 
brated persons,  from  whom  he  had  received  them;  many 
of  these  portraits  are  still  to  be  seen  at  Villebon. 


OP  SULLY.  143 

In  another  adjoining  hall,  magnificently  furnished, 
the  captain  of  his  guards  had  a  second  table,  served 
with  almost  as  much  grandeur  as  the  first;  here  sat 
the  younger  sort,  and  indeed  those  only  whom,  on  ac- 
count of  the  disproportion  of  age,  he  chose  not  to  re- 
ceive at  his  own  table.  The  present  duke  of  Sully  has 
been  told  by  several  persons  of  quality,  that  when  they 
have  accompanied  their  fathers  in  the  visits  they  made 
to  his  ancestor,  he  kept  only  them  at  his  own  table, 
saying  to  the  young  men.  You  are  not  old  enough  to  eat 
ivith  us,  we  should  grow  weary  of  one  another. 

When  he  had  stayed  some  time  with  the  company, 
he  retired  to  his  own  apartment,  where  for  two  or 
three  hours  he  employed  himself  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  the  morning.  If  the  season  and  the  weather  per- 
mitted it,  he  took  a  walk  in  the  afternoon,  attended 
with  the  same  train  as  before:  he  often  went  into  his 
gardens,  and  passing  through  a  little  covered  alley, 
which  separated  the  flower  from  the  kitchen  garden, 
ascended  by  a  stone  stair-case  (which  the  present 
duke  of  Sully  has  caused  to  be  destroyed)  into  a  large 
walk  of  linden  trees,  upon  a  terrace  on  the  other  side 
<)f  the  garden.  It  was  then  the  taste  to  have  a  great 
'humber  of  narrow  walks,  very  closely  shaded  with  four 
or  five  rows  of  trees  or  palisadoes:  here  he  used  to  sit 
upon  a  settee  painted  green,  and  large  enough  to  hold 
two  persons,  and  leaning  his  elbows  upon  a  large  gra- 
ted window,  which  has  been  lately  taken  away  like- 
wise, amused  himself  with  beholding,  on  the  one  side, 
^n  agreeable  landscape;  and  on  the  other  a  second  al- 
ley, on  a  terrace,  extremely  beautiful,  which  surround- 
ed a  large  piece  of  water,  called  the  New  Pond,  and 
terminated  by  a  wood  of  lofty  trees,  called  the  Great 

VOL.  v.  T 


144  MEMOIRS 

Park.  In  this  park  also  he  used  sometimes  to  walk, 
and  often  was  drove  about  it  in  his  chariot  or  coach,, 
with  the  dutchess  his  wife.  The  interval  between  these 
airings  and  supper,  he  spent  in  the  same  occupations  as 
in  the  morning:  at  supper,  the  same  form  was  observed 
as  at  dinner:  after  which,  every  one  retired  to  their  re- 
spective apartments. 

The  duke  of  Sully,  on  account  of  his  rehgion,  could 
not  be  admitted  into  any  order:  he  therefore  made  one 
for  himself    In  the  inventory  of  his  eftbcts  there  were 
several  diamond  rings  for  that  use.  He  wore  about  his 
neck,  and  more  especially  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV, 
a  chain  of  gold  or  diamonds,  to  which  hung  a  large 
gold  medal  which  had  in  relievo  the  figure  of  that  great 
prince.  He  used  often  to  take  this  medal  out  of  his  bo- 
som, stop,  and  contemplate  it,  and  then  kiss  it  with  the 
utmost  reverence  and  aitection:  he  never  would  quit  it, 
not  even  when  he  went  to  court,  any  more  than  his  an- 
cient dress,  which  he  always  preserved;  for  he  would 
not  subject  himself  to  the  change  of  fashions.    It  is 
well  known  what  happened  to  him  one  day  when  he 
went  to  court  in  consequence  of  a  message  from  Louis 
XIII.    "  Monsieur  de  Sully,^'  said  this  young  prince  to 
him,  "  I  sent  for  you,  as  being  one  of  the  chief  minis- 
"  ters  of  the  king  my  father,  and  a  man  in  whom  he 
"  placed  great  confidence,   to  ask  your  advice,  and  to 
"  confer  with  you  upon  some  affairs  of  importance.'^ 
The  duke  of  Sully  seeing  none  but  young  courtiers 
about  the  king,  who,  to  make  their  court  to  the  consta- 
ble de  Launes,  ridiculed  his  dress  and  the  gravity  of 
his  manners,  made  this  answer:  "  Sire,  I  am  too  old  to 
"  change  my  habits,  but  for  some  good  cause.    When 
"  the  late  king  your  father,  of  glorious  memory,  did  me 


OF  SULLY.  145 

*'  the  honour  to  send  for  me  to  confer  with  me  upon 
"matters  of  importance,  the  first  tiling  he  did  was  to 
•'send  away  the  buffoons."  The  young  king  seemed 
not  to  disapprove  of  this  freedom:  he  ordered  every  one 
to  withdraw,  and  remained  alone  with  IM.  de  Sully. 

The  most  exact  order,  subordination,  and  peace, 
reigned  throughout  his  numerous  household:  no  person 
knew  better  how  to  make  himself  be  served,  respect- 
ed, and  obeyed,  than  the  duke  of  Sully.  The  Catho- 
hcs  in  his  seiTice  saw  no  difference  between  his  treat- 
ment of  them  and  his  Protestant  domestics,  except  the 
great  care  he  took  to  oblige  the  former  to  an  exact  per- 
formance of  all  the  duties  of  good  Roman  Catholics. 
This  was  one  effect  of  that  esteem,  and  even  inclina- 
tion, which,  in  the  course  of  these  Memoirs,  he  has  al- 
ways shewn  for  the  true  religion,  and  which  would 
probably  have  led  him  to  embrace  it,  but  for  the  consi- 
derations he  there  mentions.  The  misfortune  was,  that, 
being  persuaded  he  could  work  out  his  salvation  in 
either  of  the  two  religions,  he  was  too  much  governed 
by  his  own  delicacy,  which  would  not  suffer  him  to 
have  the  appearance  of  being  swayed  either  by  ambi- 
tion or  interest,  in  taking  a  resolution  which  would 
have  gratified  both  in  so  high  a  degree.  All  his  child- 
ren, except  the  dutchess  of  Rohan,  died  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Roman  Church. 

The  dutchess  his  wife,  although  brought  up  in  the 
principles  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  quitted  it 
after  the  death  of  M.  de  Chateaupers  her  first  husband, 
to  marry  the  duke  of  Sully.  The  lords  of  Villebon  had, 
in  the  church  of  that  parish,  which  is  a  collegiate,  a 
chapel  on  the  side  next  the  castle,  which  they  caused 
to  be  demolished,  and  built  in  its  place  two  galleries,  of 


146  MEMOIRS 

which  the  lower  one  was  so  inclosed,  that  those  who 
were  within  could  not  be  seen  by  the  congregation;  and 
the  one  above,  to  which  the  ascent  is  by  a  little  stair- 
case of  wood,  is  also  obscured  by  a  grate.    It  is  pub- 
licly known,  that  the  two  dutchesses,  of  Sully  and  Ro- 
han, came  often  in  the  lower  gallery  to  hear  the  psalms 
during  the  canonical  hours.     They  washed  with  their 
own  hands  all  the  linen  that  was  used  in  the  service  ot 
the  altar.     The  present  duke  of  Sully  heard  this  cir- 
cumstance from  Catherine  de  la  Porte,  one  of  his  an- 
cestors.    This  lady,  who  lived  a  long  time  with  the 
dutchess  of  Rohan,  her  aunt,  heard  from  her  an  anec- 
dote which  no  one  at  that  time  was  ignorant  of,  name- 
ly, that  the  duke  of  Sully  always  gave  a  most  gracious 
reception  to  the   Capuchins  that  visited  him,  and  had 
so  great  an  esteem  for  them,  that  dming  his  last  sick- 
ness, and  a  few  days  before  he  died,  he  desired  to  con- 
fer with  some  of  these  religious;  but  that,  when  they 
presented  themselves  for  tliat  purpose  upon  the  bridge 
of  the  castle,  the  dutchess  of  Sully  gave  orders  that 
they  should  not  be  admitted,  and  threatened  to  have 
them  thrown  into  the  moat. 

This  lady  employed  her  time  in  regulating  the  inte- 
rior of  her  household;  in  having  leases  drawn  out,  and 
the  accounts  of  the  farmers  and  receivers  given  in; 
and  always  visited  the  several  estates  of  her  husband, 
when  necessary.  In  her  leisure  hours  she  amused  her- 
self with  working  tapestry  and  embroidery  with  her 
ladies  and  maids  of  honour.  The  beauty  and  elegance 
of  her  work  is  still  admired  in  some  pieces  of  tapestry 
that  remain  in  the  possession  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  out 
of  a  great  number  which  have  been  either  lost  or  car- 
ried into  other  families. 


OF  SULLY.  147 

The  works  of  the  duke  of  Sully  are  more  durable. 
Besides  all  the  other  monuments  of  his  liberality,  of 
which  we  have  had  occasion  to  speak,  he  has  immor- 
talized his  memory  by  a  great  number  of  fine  build- 
ings in  several  parts  of  the  kingdom,  particularly  in 
his  government  of  Poitou.  He  would,  if  he  had  con- 
tinued in  the  administration  till  his  death,  have  procur- 
ed all  the  roads  in  that  province  to  have  been  made 
easy  and  commodious  for  travelling.  It  was  he  who 
caused  that  magnificent  bridge  and  causeway  to  be 
built  at  Chatelleraut,  which  is  still  to  be  seen  there. 

There  was  scarce  one  of  his  estates,  those  especial- 
ly which  had  castles  on  them,  where  he  did  not  leave 
marks  of  his  magnificence,  to  which  he  was  chiefly  in- 
cited by  a  principle  of  charity,  and  a  regard  to  public 
good.  He  built  most  part  of  the  Hotel  Dieu  of  Nogent. 
This  city  and  lordship,  which  was  distinguished  by  the 
surname  of  Nogent  le  Rotrou,  was  by  the  prince  of 
Conde^s  erecting  it  into  a  dutchy,  called  d'Enguien; 
but,  when  it  came  into  the  possession  of  the  duke  of 
Sully,  it  lost  both  these  names,  and  was  called  the  earl- 
dom of  Nogent  le  Bethune.     He  at  first  designed  to 
carry  on  \ery  considerable  buildings  in  the  castle  of 
this  city,  but  he  met  w  ith  so  many  obstacles  from  the 
religious  of  St.  Denis,  that  he  was  determined  to  turn 
all  his  views  upon  Villebon     Messieurs  d'Estouteville, 
to  whom  that  house  had  formerly  belonged,  had  left  it 
built  only  up  to  the  first  story:  he  raised  it  and  comple- 
ted it  after  the  model  of  the  Bastile,  of  which  he  w-as 
governor,  but  with  more  beauty.    The  front  presents 
three  sets  of  chambers,  covered  with  slates  between 
the  towers.    The  towers  have  flat  roofs,  covered  with 
lead,  with  pinnacles,  and  the  battlements  alternately 


14S  MEMOIRS 

round  and  pointed;  the  spouts  are  of  the  same  itietal 
with  cast  cannon,  and  the  inner  spouts  which  receive 
those  of  the  corners  of  the  house,  are  Hkewise  of  cast 
metal,  eight  feet  high,  terminating  in  dolphins'  heads. 
The  grand  staircase  is  extremely  large  and  luminous. 
At  the  first  story  is  a  large  room,  with  the  beams  and 
joints  gilt;  as  likewise  the  chimney,  which  is  of  beauti- 
ful workmanship.  The  apartments  are  very  numerous, 
and  have  their  chimneys  gilt,  and  the  greatest  part  of 
their  pannels.  The  park  is  enclosed  with  stone  walls, 
and  contains  a  great  number  of  pools  and  reservoirs. 
The  gardens,  which  join  the  house  on  three  sides,  the 
courts,  and  court-yards,  are  all  the  work  of  the  duke  of 
Sully. 

To  give  employment  to  the  poor,  who  offered  them- 
selves during  a  famine,  and  whom  he  thought  it  no  real 
charity  to  support  in  idleness,  he  made  a  pond  about 
seven  hundred  and  twenty  yards  long,  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  broad.  This  he  called  Chapel  Pond.  The 
earth  which  was  dug  out,  he  threw  up  into  four  terra- 
ces parallel  to  the  canal,  which  reach  to  the  New  Pond, 
another  piece  of  water  above  the  Chapel  Pond.  Be- 
tween these  terraces  and  the  canal,  were  two  levels  of 
turf,  which  the  present  duke  of  Sully  has  cut  into 
squares,  grass  plats,  and  bowling-greens.  All  those 
who  offered  were  set  to  work  indifferently,  even  to  lit- 
tle children,  some  of  whom  did  not  cany,  at  a  time, 
more  than  half  a  pound  of  earth:  and  for  this  purpose 
an  infinite  number  of  hand-carriages  of  all  sizes  had 
been  provided.  To  each  of  these  poor  people  was  given 
in  the  morning  a  piece  of  bread;  at  dinner-time  a  dish 
of  soup;  and  at  supper-time  another  piece  of  bread; 
together  with  wages  in  money  in  proportion  to  their  age 


OF  SULLY.  149 

and  labour.  This  work  which  the  duke  of  Sully  never 
would  have  undertaken  merely  lor  the  decoration  of  his 
house,  cost  him  four  score  thousand  livres. 

Every  body  knows  that  he  built  the  castle  of  Rosny 
completely,  surrounded  it  with  dry  ditches  extremely 
wide,  where,  when  batteries  were  placed,  the  shot 
crossed  each  other  in  a  surprising  manner;  a  thing  veiy 
rare  at  that  time.  He  raised  that  fine  terrace  which 
runs  across  the  sea  to  a  prodigious  extent,  and  those 
great  gardens  filled  with  groves,  and  grottos  with  water- 
works. 

He  embellished  Sully  with  gardens,  of  which  the 
plants  are  the  finest  in  the  world;  and  with  a  very  long 
and  broad  canal,  which  is  supphed  with  fresh  water  by 
the  little  river  Sangle,  which  he  turned  that  way,  and 
which  is  afterwards  lost  in  the  Loire.  He  erected  a 
machine  to  convey  the  water  to  all  the  basons  and  foun- 
tains, of  which  the  gardens  were  full.  The  machine  is 
yet  in  being;  but  the  water-works  have  been  suffered 
to  go  to  ruin.  With  regard  to  the  castle,  he  had  it  co- 
vered with  slates:  he  wainscoted,  painted,  and  gilt,  al- 
most all  the  apartments,  and  worked  in  the  walls  the 
galleries  which  pass  from  the  little  lodges  at  the  gate, 
to  the  main  castle.  The  court-yard,  and  a  second  court- 
yard, which  was  formerly  called  the  Little  Park,  are 
likewise  his  work.  There  are,  in  this  second  court, 
several  eminences,  or  enormous  heaps  of  earth,  which 
appear  plainly  to  be  the  work  of  men.  This  expense, 
which  produced  no  good,  and  of  which  the  effect  is 
even  disagreeable,  might  surprise  those  who  do  not 
know  that  the  duke  of  Sully  had  no  other  way  of  sup:- 
porting  a  multitude  of  poor  people,  who  demanded 


150  MEMOIRS 

work  in  a  time  of  scarcity.  St.  Ithier  was  anciently  a 
little  church;  almost  close  to  the  castle:  he  removed  it 
to  the  middle  of  a  city,  where  he  built,  at  his  own  cost 
a  very  fine  church  covered  with  slate  I  shall  not  men- 
tion several  other  works  for  which  this  city  is  obliged 
to  him:  among  others,  an  hospital,  which  he  founded 
there. 

The  principal  apartment  of  this  castle,  is  that  which 
he  fitted  up  in  memory  of  Henry  the  Great,  and  which 
is  called,  for  that  reason,  the  king's  apartment.  He 
determined  to  leave  another  monument  of  his  gratitude 
to  this  great  prince,  in  the  great  hall  of  Sully.  This  hall, 
which,  next  to  that  of  Montargis,  is  the  largest  in  France, 
has  a  prospect  of  the  Loire.  Henry  IV  is  there  painted, 
in  a  picture  of  the  first  size,  upon  a  very  fine  sorrel 
horse.  This  is  the  most  perfect,  and  the  most  like  of 
all  the  pictures  of  that  prince.  It  is  hung  over  the  chim- 
ney, which  is  uncommonly  large,  adorned  with  carved 
work,  and  covered,  both  on  the  front  and  sides,  with 
squares  of  painting,  containing  each  an  emblem  or  a 
device  relating  either  to  the  king  or  the  duke  of  Sully. 
One  of  these  pieces  has  something  singular:  it  is  in 
the  front,  where  the  sun  is  represented  casting  a  weak 
and  pale  light,  with  the  moon  below  it,  shining  with 
extraordinary  brightness;  and  lower  yet,  the  earth, 
which  seems  obscured  by  the  great  brightness  of  the 
moon.  This  is  the  only  emblem  that  has  no  motto; 
and  may  be  therefore  supposed  to  contain  something 
mysterious. 

The  duke  of  Sully  likewise  repaired  and  enlarged 
the  castle  of  la  Chapelle  d'Angillon,  built  by  mademoi- 
selle d' Albert:  he  embellished  it  with  gardens  and  ter- 


OP  SULLY.  151 

races,  and  a  park  about  two  hundred  and  thirty  acres, 
surrounded  with  stone  walls,  which,  though  strongly 
built,  are  now  almost  ruined  by  the  negligence  of  his 
successors.  Facing  the  meadow  is  a  great  terrace,  re- 
markable for  its  height  and  length,  all  faced  with  hewn 
stone,  with  pilasters  of  brick  and  stone  from  space  to 
space,  which  contributed  at  once  to  the  strength  and 
beauty  of  the  work.  At  the  foot  of  this  terrace  was  a 
mean  church,  which  the  duke  of  Sully  pulled  down 
and  rebuilt,  with  great  expense  and  magnificence,  at 
the  foot  of  the  citadel  of  la  Chapelle,  of  which  he  is 
considered  not  only  as  the  lord,  but  as  the  founder. 

The  castle  of  Montigny  is  indebted  to  him,  among 
other  embeUishments,  for  a  fine  avenue  of  trees;  and, 
behind  the  house,  a  wall  or  kind  of  court,  very  agreea- 
ble, with  four  rows  of  elms. 

To  conclude,  it  was  he  that  built,  and  cut  in  the  rock, 
the  famous  castle  of  Montrond,  which  was  long  con- 
sidered as  impregnable.  The  way  to  it  was  by  a  very 
broad  winding  path,  cut  likewise  in  the  rock;  as  were 
also  the  outworks  of  the  palace,  within  which  there 
was  a  well  never  dry,  and  sheltered  against  all  violence 
from  without.  The  prince  of  Conde,  as  has  been  al- 
ready shewn,  obliged  the  duke  of  Sully  to  give  him  up 
Montrond,  which,  in  tlie  times  of  confusion,  was  his* 
principal  fortress  against  the  king,  whose  army  was 
stopped  by  it  eighteen  months,  and  at  last  took  it  only 

*  Not  his,  but  his  son's  ;  Henry  prince  of  Conde,  who  obtained  Mj"- 
trond  from  Sully,  and  of  whom  such  frequent  mention  has  been  aade  in 
the  latter  part  of  these  Memoirs,  died  in  1646,  five  years  after  die  duke  of 
Sully,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  sonLewis.  The  times  of  confusion  alluded 
to  in  the  text  were  tliose  after  the  accession  of  Louis  XIV.  Montrond  wa^ 
t%keD  in  1652.  Edit. 

VOL.  v.  U 


1  52  MEMOIRS 


by  stratagem;  after  which  the  fortifications  were  blown 
up,   and  the  place  destroyed. 


As  the  different  characters  of  the  duke  of  Sully  which 
occur  in  various  parts  of  the  preceding  Memoirs  are 
all  drawn  by  his  countrymen,  the  following  one,  by  sir 
George  Carew,  ambassador  to  France  from  James  the 
First,  written  after  his  return  to  England  in  1609,  may 
not  be  considered  altogether  out  of  place  here,  or  un- 
interesting to  the  reader.  It  is  extracted  from  Carew's 
"  Present  State  of  France,"  first  printed  by  Dr.  Birch 
at  tlie  end  of  his  "  Negotiations.'^ 

"  The  duke  of  Sully,  as  himself  told  me,  was  born 
the  6th  of  January  1560,  and  by  many  is  held  to  be  of 
a  Scottish  extraction,  of  the  family  of  the  Betons, 
though  he  himself  will  not  acknowledge  it,  but  pre- 
tendeth  to  be  descended  from  the  lords  of  Bethune  in 
Flanders.  He  hath  been  from  his  youth  brought  up 
with  the  king,  and  in  thirty-three  years  never  from 
him.  Of  his  manners  and  fashions,  I  need  not  speak, 
having  himself  been  so  lately  in  England;  but  some 
resemble  them  to  a  great  furnace,  which,  out  of  a 
strong  and  vigorous  heat  of  understanding  and  cou- 
rage, casts  also  a  great  smoke  of  vaunting  and  rigorous 
arrogancy.  In  his  negotiating  I  have  found  him  open, 
suDstantial,  and  ingenious,  despising  the  affectation  of 
seeming  wise  by  petty  subtilities,  and  close  retiredness. 

"  Though  he  holdeth  great  offices,  yet  it  seemeth  the 
worth  of  his  own  person  hath  rather  made  his  places 
great,  than  they  have  exalted  him.    His  first  greatness 


OP  SULLY.  153 

is  said  to  have  grown  out  of  this  occasion.  The  duke 
d'Espernon  propounded,  in  council,  a  certain  levy  to 
be  made  upon  the  people  of  his  government.  Rosny 
being  newly  come  to  the  place  of  intendant  des  finances, 
spake  bitterly  betbre  d'Espernon's  face  against  it,  term- 
ing it  a  shameful  proposition  and  a  robbery;  and  withal 
tore  the  memorial,  which  d'Espernon  had  delivered 
concerning  the  same.  That  indignity  exasperated  d'Es- 
pernon so  much,  as  reproaching  Rosny's  baseness  and 
arrogancy,  he  set  his  hand  to  his  sword.  Rosny  an- 
swered with  as  great  fierceness,  and  used  the  like  de- 
monstration of  force,  adding,  that  in  their  birth  there 
was  small  odds;  or,  if  there  were  any,  it  was  on  his 
side;  and  that  when  it  pleased  this  king  to  do  as  much 
for  him,  as  the  last  had  done  for  d'Espernon,  he  should 
be  every  way  his  equal.  The  king  hearing  of  this  dis- 
order, reproved  d'Espernon,  bidding  him  to  gourmand 
his  own  valets,  and  not  his  officers.  And  that  Rosny 
had  answered  him  well,  which  he  should  see  by  effect, 
and  thereupon  promised  to  make  Rosny  duke  and  peer 
of  France.  Since  that  time,  the  king  supported  Sully 
in  all  his  rough  courses,  which  he  hath  taken  for  the 
encreasing  the  revenues  of  his  crown,  he  hath  found 
great  profit  thereby  himself.  But  Sully  hath  thereby 
made  himself  extremely  odious  to  great  and  small,  and 
especially  to  the  count  Soissons,  which  happened  in 
this  sort.  Sully  delaying  to  make  payment  of  a  certain 
sum  which  the  king  had  granted  to  the  count,  and  the 
count's  solicitor  willing  and  pressing  him  to  consider, 
that  it  was  a  prince  of  the  blood  whom  he  delayed; 
Sully  made  answer,  It  were  well  with  the  realm,  if  the 
king  had  no  more  cousins  than  he  had  brethren.  TVTiere- 
upon  the  count  pretending  to  use  forcible  means  to  of- 


\  54  MEMOIRS 

fend  Sully,  the  king  caused  it  to  be  notified,  that  who- 
soever should  attempt  Sully,  should  find  the  king's  own 
person  for  his  second;  since  that  time  Sully  hath  ever 
been  accompanied  with  troops  of  gentlemen,  where 
before  he  made  it  his  glory  to  be  followed  only  with 
one  servant  and  a  couple  of  lacquies.  But  he  ever  car- 
ried out  the  matter  bravely,  and  told  myself  once  or 
twice,  that  the  count  threatened  many,  but  hurt  none; 
and  in  the  end,  both  the  count  of  Soissons,  and  duke 
d'Espernon,  are  become  his  great  and  obsequious 
friends. 

'-  When  Sully  came  first  to  the  managing  of  the  re- 
venues, he  found  (as  he  himself  told  me)  all  things  out 
of  order,  full  of  robbery  of  officers,  full  of  confusion, 
no  treasure,  no  munition,  no  furniture  for  the  king's 
houses,  and  the  crown  indebted  three  hundred  millions; 
that  is,  three  millions  of  pounds  sterhng.  Since  that 
time,  that  in  February  1608,  he  had  acquitted  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  millions  of  that  debt,  redeeming  the 
most  part  of  the  revenues  of  the  crown  that  were  mort- 
gaged; that  he  had  brought  good  store  of  treasure  into 
the  Bastille,  filled  most  of  the  arsenals  with  munition, 
furnished  most  of  the  king's  houses  with  rich  tapestry, 
and  other  moveables;  and  where  the  farms  of  the  whole 
realm,  amounted  then  but  to  8000001.  sterling,  this  year 
1609,  he  had  let  them  out  for  10000001.  and  that  with- 
out exacting  any  more  upon  the  people  than  was  paid 
before,  but  only  by  reducing  that  to  the  king's  coffers, 
which  was  embezzled  by  under-officers. 

"  Whether  the  prosecution  of  the  Romish  faction 
will  at  length  remove  him  from  the  court,  is  somewhat 
doubtful.  But  if  it  should  happen,  I  suppose  it  would 
prove  for  your  majesty's  advantage,  and  that  king's  de- 


OF  SULtY.  155 

triinent.  For  not  only  the  affairs  of  the  revenues,  might 
perchance  fall  into  disorders  again;  but  the  Protestants, 
both  in  that  kingdom  and  abroad,  would  then  fall  into 
diffidence  of  the  proceeding  of  that  court,  when  the 
council  should  be  altogether  Romish  (whereas  now  they 
suppose  nothing  will  be  propounded  to  their  subversion 
all  the  while  he  is  there)  and  seek  to  fortify  themselves 
by  new  intelligences,  and  associations;  the  which  hap- 
pening, must  necessarily  make  them  fall  (in  regard  of 
foreign  forces)  to  a  dependence  upon  your  majest)^,  and 
like  enough  would  make  them  choose  also  a  new  head 
to  depend  upon  in  that  realm,  such  as  this  king  him- 
self was  in  his  predecessor's  time.  Besides  he  is  ever 
hammering  upon  building  a  navy  for  the  sea,  which  if 
he  should  effect,  might  prove  an  evil  neighbour  to  your 
majesty's  dominions.  Again,  upon  colour  of  the  pro- 
ject of  the  treaty,  that  was  made  at  his  being  in  Eng- 
land, he  is  more  opposite  to  the  paying  your  majesty's 
debt  (stretching  the  same  treaty  beyond  all  reasonable 
construction,  because  he  made  it  himself)  than  any 
other,  who  should  come  in  his  place,  would  be. 

"  Touching  the  Protestants  of  France,  they  have  no 
great  aid  or  support  from  him,  but  he  is  as  harsh  and 
rough  to  them,  as  to  any  others;  and  stoppeth  little  that 
supplanting  of  particulars  which  the  king  useth,  but  ra- 
ther serveth  among  their  body  altogether  for  the  king's 
ends.  And  touching  his  persisting  so  constantly  in  the 
profession  of  the  reformed  religion,  many  doubt  it  pro- 
ceedeth  rather  out  of  policy,  than  out  of  conscience, 
seeing  his  life  is  nothing  answerable  to  his  profession ; 
but  full  of  incontinency,  of  oppression,  and  rapine  for 
his  own  particular,  as  well  as  for  his  master's  profit. 
His  speech  is  full  of  immodesty  and  filthiness,  even  at 


166  MEMOIRS 

his  own  table  publicly;  a  scoffer  and  contemner  of  all 
respects  of  justice,  which  terms  he  both  used  to  myself, 
and,  as  I  hear,  to  many  others  of  that  king's  subjects, 
telling  them,  his  master  had  placed  him  in  his  office  to 
encrease  his  revenue,  and  not  to  deliver  justice.  But  be- 
cause that  he  doubteth,  that  upon  the  king's  death,  the 
count  of  Soissons,  or  other  of  his  enemies  might  perse- 
cute him,  as,  after  Philip  le  Bel's  death,  Enguerrand 
de  Marigny,  who  had  the  like  power  in  France,  and 
money  matters,  and  the  like  opposition  with  great  men, 
was  persecuted  by  Charles  de  Valois,  who  ceased  not 
till  he  had  caused  En  Juerrand,  upon  forged  accusa- 
tions, to  be  hanged  in  the  place  of  the  Greve  at  Paris; 
therefore  for  his  own  safety,  it  behoveth  him  so  to  carry 
himself  in  the  mean  time,  as  he  may  then  shroud  liim- 
self  among  the  party  of  the  religion.  Besides,  he  know- 
eth  the  king's  timorous  and  suspicious  nature  so  well, 
and  hath  such  a  predominant  genius  over  his,  as  he  shall 
better  maintain  his  reputation  and  power  with  him,  in 
standing  stift*  upon  his  own  terms,  than  in  making  de- 
monstration of  fear  or  yielding. 

"  But  talking  with  de  Sully  of  this  point  myself,  he 
attributed  this  his  constancy  to  his  own  natural  resolu- 
tion, saying,  Je  ne  demords  jamais  ce  que  fay  unefow 
resolu  pour  hon.  One  great  difference  J  observe  between 
the  chancellor  and  Mons.  de  Sully,  the  first  having  many 
good  words,  and  deeds  nothing  answerable;  and  the 
other's  deeds  are  rather  better  than  worse  than  his 
words.  De  Sully  is  not  void  of  learning,  both  of  know- 
ledge of  Latin,  and  other  studies  of  humanity;  but  chiefly 
in  arguing  points  of  religion,  wherein  he  is  very  ready 
and  confident.  But  he  most  prizeth  himself  for  his  mili- 
tary ableness,  being  offended,  when  men  ascribe  the 


OF  SULLY.  157 

chiefest  part  of  his  sufficiency  to  the  managing  of  the 
matters  of  the  king's  revenues  and  treasures.  He  hath 
sought  heretofore,  to  fortify  himself  in  court,  by  means 
of  the  queen  and  the  house  of  Guise,  But  the  chancel- 
lor growing  more  potent  with  the  queen,  he  hath  of  late 
fallen  in  with  the  marquise  of  Verneuil  to  terms  of 
friendship,  from  that  bitter  opposition,  which  was  long 
between  them.  He  hath  also  entertained  intelligence 
long  with  the  house  of  Guise;  but  their  unthriftiness  be- 
ing like  to  ruin  him,  he  by  degrees  falleth  off  from  them. 
By  alhances  he  hath  strengthened  himself  with  the  two 
houses  of  Rohan  and  Ventadour,  where  he  hath  placed 
two  daughters,  and  his  son  is  bestowed  with  Mons.  de 
Crequy's  daughter,  who  shall  have  all  the  wealth  of 
Lesdiguieres,  being  very  gi-eat.  So  that  by  that  mar- 
riage, and  his  father's  purchases,  young  Rosny  is  like 
to  prove  one  of  the  chiefest  subjects  of  France." 


OBSERVATIONS 

ON    THE 

ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV. 


One  would  imagine,  that  upon  a  fact  so  public  and 
so  recent  as  the  assassination  of  Henry  IV,  there  would 
be  found  a  perfect  conformity  in  the  histories  and  me- 
moirs of  that  time;  yet  many  of  the  cotemporary  writers 
do  not  agree  either  as  to  the  number  of  the  persons  who 
were  in  the  coach  with  this  prince  when  he  was  assas- 
sinated, the  wounds  he  received,  nor  many  other  cir- 
cumstances no  less  essential.  In  order  therefore  to 
make  this  recital  in  a  manner  equally  faithful  and  com- 
plete, it  is  necessary  to  collect  and  join  together  what 
has  been  said  on  this  subject  by  messieurs  de  Perefixe, 
Matthieu,  I'Etoile,  the  continuator  of  de  Thou,  and  the 
French  Mercury  for  the  year  1610. 

"  The  night  before  this  most  unhappy  day  his  majes- 
"  ty  could  take  no  rest,  and  was  in  continual  uneasiness. 
"  In  the  morning  he  told  those  about  him,  that  he  had 
"not  slept  and  that  he  was  very  much  disordered. 
"  Thereupon  M.  de  Vendome  entreated  his  majest)-  to 
"take  care  of  himself  that  day,  and  not  to  go  out;  for 
"  that  day  was  fatal  to  him.  '  I  see/  answered  the  king, 
" '  that  you  have  consulted  the  almanac,  and  have  heard 
"  of  the  prediction  of  la  Brosse,  from  my  cousin  the 
"  count  of  Soissons;  he  is  an  old  fool,  and  you,  who  are 
"  young,  have  still  less  wisdom."  The  duke  of  Vendome 

VOL.  V.  X 


160  OBSERVATIONS    ON  THE 

"  then  went  to  the  queen,  who  hkewise  begged  the  king 
"  not  to  go  out  of  the  Louvre  that  day,  but  he  made  her 
"  the  same  answer."  P.  de  TEtoile. 

"  His  majesty  afterwards  went  to  hear  mass  at  the 
"  convent  of  the  Barnardine  monks,  w^hither  the  infa- 
"  mous  parricide  followed  him  with  an  intention  to  mur- 
"  der  him;  and,  as  he  has  since  confessed,  would  have 
''  given  him  the  stroke  in  the  chapel,  but  M.  de  Ven- 
"  dome  coming  unexpectedly  between,  he  was  prevent- 
"ed/Mbid. 

"  It  was  observed,  that  the  king  was  more  fervent 
"  t  ban  usual  in  his  devotions,  and  continued  longer  in 
"prayer  that  very  day  than  he  w^as  accustomed  to  do: 
"  even  in  the  night  preceding  it,  when  his  attendants 
"  thought  he  was  asleep,  he  was  upon  his  knees  in  bed 
"  at  prayer;  and,  as  soon  as  he  rose,  retiring  to  his  closet 
"  for  the  same  purpose,  they,  thinking  he  staid  longer 
"  than  usual,  interrupting  him,  he  was  angry.  '  Why 
"  will  these  men/  said  he,  '  always  oppose  what  is  for 
"my  good.^'"  Ibid. 

"  After  dinner  the  king  lay  down  upon  his  bed,  to  try 
"  if  he  could  sleep;  but,  not  being  able  to  rest,  he  got  up 
"  again,  pensive,  melancholy,  and  disturbed.  Hewalk- 
"  ed  a  little  about  his  chamber,  and  again  threw  himself 
"upon  his  bed:  still  restless  and  unquiet,  he  rose  and 
"  asked  the  exempt  of  the  guard  what  hour  of  tlie  day 
"  it  was.  The  exempt  told  him  the  clock  had  struck 
"  four;  and  added,  '  Sire,  I  perceive  your  majesty  is  pen- 
"  sive  and  uneasy:  you  would  be  better  if  you  would 
"  take  the  air.^  The  king  seemed  pleased  at  this  motion, 
"  and  replied,  "  You  have  advised  well:  order  my  coach 
"  to  be  got  ready;  I  will  go  to  the  Arsenal  to  see  the  duke 
"  of  Sully,  who  is  indisposed,  and  bathes  to-day."  Ibid 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  161 

Matthieu,  recounting  his  discourse,  both  before  and 
after  dinner,  adds,  "  He  could  not  stay  one  moment  in 
"  any  place,  nor  conceal  his  irresolution  and  disorder: 
"  and,  in  the  midst  of  those  agitations,  he  said  to  the 
"  queen,  '  I  know  not  what  to  do:  I  have  no  great  incli- 
"  nation  to  go  to  the  arsenal,  because  I  shall  put  myself 
''into  a  passion/  'Do  not  go  then,  sir,^said  the  queen: 
"send  some  other  thither;  you  are  now  in  a  good  hu- 
"mour,  why  should  you  go  to  make  yourself  uneasy?' 
"He  went  towards  the  window,  and  striking  his  fore- 
"  head  with  his  hand, '  My  God!'  said  he^ '  there  is  some- 
"  thing  here  which  strangely  troubles  me:  T  know  not 
"  what  is  the  matter:  I  cannot  go  from  hence.'  Ravail- 
"  lac,  hearing  that  he  inquired  if  his  coach  was  ready, 
"  muttered  to  himself;  I  have  thee;  thou  art  lost."  P.  Mat- 
thieu, 

"  As  he  was  going  into  his  coach,  M.  de  Vitry  ap- 
"  proached,  and  asked  his  majesty  if  it  was  his  pleasure 
"  that  he  should  attend  him.  'No,'  replied  the  king; 
" '  but  go  whither  I  have  ordered  you.'  '  Permit  me, 
"  Sire,^  said  Vitry,  '  to  send  the  guards  with  your  ma- 
"jesty.'  'No,'  returned  the  king,  'I  will  neither  have 
"  you  nor  your  guards;  I  will  have  none  about  me.'  Then 
"  entering  his  coach,  and  reflecting,  as  it  is  supposed, 
"upon  the  fatal  predictions  of  the  day,  which  they  had 
"  put  into  his  head,  he  asked  what  day  of  the  jiionth  it 
"  was.  '  Sire,  said  one,  it  is  the  13th.'  '  No,'  said  an- 
"  other,  'it  is  the  14th.'  '  You  are  right,"  said  the  king: 
"'you  know  your  almanac  better  than  he:'  and  laugh- 
"  ing, '  Between  the  13th  and  14th,'  said  he,  and  then  or- 
"  dered  the  coach  to  go  on.^'  L'Etoile. 

"  He  said  to  the  coachman,  carry  me  but  from  hence. 

"  When  he  came  over  against  the  Hotel  de  Longueville, 

'  he  sent  back  all  his  attendants:  and,  being  asked 


162  OBSERVATIONS  ON   THE 

"  where  the  coach  should  go,  he  said  to  the  Croix  du 
"Tiroir;  and,  \vhen  there,  he  ordered  it  to  drive  to  the 
"  church-yard  of  St.  Innocent.  Ravaillac  staid  a  long 
"  time  at  the  Louvre,  sitting  upon  the  stones  at  the  gate, 
"  where  the  footmen  wait  for  their  masters.  He  design- 
"  ed  to  have  given  the  blow  between  the  two  gates,  the 
"  piace  where  he  stood  affording  him  some  advantage; 
"  but  he  Ibund  the  duke  d'Epernon  on  that  side  where 
'^  he  expected  the  king  would  have  been.^'  Matthieu. 

"  This  prince  was  seated  on  the  back  part  of  the  coach, 
and  unfortunately  (the  weather  being  very  fine)  would 
have  all  the  curtains  drawn  up,  that  he  might  see,  as  he 
passed,  the  preparations  which  were  making  all  over  the 
city  for  the  queen's  public  entry.  On  his  right  hand  sat 
the  duke  d'Epernon:  the  marshals  de  Lavardin  and  Ro- 
quelaure  were  near  the  right  boot  of  the  coach;  the  duke 
of  Montbazon  and  the  marquis  de  La-Force  on  his  left 
hand,  and  near  the  left  boot,  opposite  to  him,  sat  tlie 
marquis  de  Mirebeau,  and  du  Plessis-Liancourt,  his  first 
master  of  the  horse.  Vitry,  the  captain  of  his  guards, 
had,  by  the  king^s  order,  gone  to  the  palace  to  hasten 
the  preparations  for  the  queen's  entry,  and  had  left  all 
the  guards  at  the  Louvre;  so  that  his  majesty  was  attend- 
ed only  by  a  small  number  of  gentlemen  on  horseback, 
and  some  of  his  footmen."  Perefixe,  Matthieu,  TEtoile, 
N.  Rigault,  ibid. 

The  coach  turned  from  the  street  St.  Honore  into  that 
called  Feronnerie,  which  was  then  very  narrow,  and 
made  more  so  by  the  little  shops  erected  against  the 
wall  of  the  church-yard  of  St.  Innocent.  A  httle  em- 
barrassment was  occasioned  by  the  meeting  of  two  carts, 
one  loaden  with  wine  the  other  with  hay;  so  that  the 
coach  was  obliged  to  stop  in  a  corner  of  the  street,  over 
against  the  study  of  a  certain  notary  whose  name  was 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  163 

Poutrain.  The  footmen  took  a  nearer  way,  that  they 
might  with  less  difficulty  come  up  with  the  coach  at  the 
end  of  the  sti'eet:  so  that  there  were  only  two  which 
followed  the  coach,  and  one  of  these  went  to  make  way 
for  it  to  go  on,  while  the  other  in  the  mean  time  took 
that  opportunity  to  fasten  his  garter.     Ibid. 

Ravaillac,  who  had  followed  the  coach  from  the  Lou- 
vre, perceiving  that  it  stopped,  and  that  there  was  no 
person  near  it,  advanced  to  that  side  where  he  observed 
the  king  sat.  His  cloak  being  wrapt  round  his  left  arm, 
served  to  conceal  the  knife,  which  he  held  in  his  hand; 
and  sliding  between  the  shops  and  the  coach,  as  if"  he 
was  attempting  to  pass  by,  like  others,  he  supported  one 
foot  upon  one  of  the  spokes  of  the  wheel,  and  the  other 
upon  a  stone,  and,  drawing  a  knife  edged  on  both  sides, 
gave  tlie  king  a  wound  a  little  above  the  heart,  between 
the  third  and  fourth  rib.     His  majesty  had  just  then 
turned  towards  the  duke  d'Epernon,  and  was  reading 
a  letter:  or,  as  others  say,  leaning  towards  the  marshal 
Lavardin,  to  whom  he  was  whispering.  Henry,  feehng 
himself  struck,  cried  out,  "I  am  wounded;"  and  in  the 
same  instant,  the  assassin  perceiving  that  the  point  of 
his  knife  had  been  stopped  by  a  rib,  he  repeated  the 
blow  with  such  quickness  that  not  one  of  those  who 
were  m  the  coach  had  time  to  oppose,  nor  even  to  per- 
ceive it.     Henr}',  by  raising  his  arm,  gave  a  fairer  aim 
for  the  second  blow,  which,  according  to  Perefixe  and 
TEtoile,  went  directly  to  his  heart;  and,  according  to 
Rigault  and  the  French  Mercuiy,  near  the  auricle  of 
the  heart;  so  that  the  blood  gushing  out  of  his  mouth, 
and   from   his  wound,  the   unhappy  prince  expired, 
breathing  a  deep  sigh;  or,  as  Matthieu  asserts,  pronoun- 
cing, with  a  faint  and  dying  voice,  these  words:  "It  is 


164  OBSERVATIONS  ON    THE 

"  nothing."  The  murderer  aimed  a  third  stroke  at  him, 
which  the  duke  d'Epernon  received  in  his  sleeve.  Ibid. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  author  of  the  French  Mercu- 
ry, that  Henry  IV  died  at  the  first  blow,  "  which,"  he 
says,  "  entering  between  the  fifth  and  sixth  rib,  pierced 
"  the  vein  within,  round  the  auricle  ol'  the  heart,  and 
"  reached  to  the  vena  cava,  which  being  cut,  that  great 
"  prince  was  in  ian  instant  deprived  of  speech  and  life. 
"  The  first  stroke  only  grazed  the  skin,  and  made  no 
"  impression."  French  Mercury. 

The  writer  who  has  given  us  the  life  of  the  duke 
d'Epernon,  thinks,  it  must  be  confessed,  in  a  manner 
very  singular.  He  asserts,  but  without  any  proof  to  sup- 
port his  assertion,  that  the  duke  d'Epernon,  who  saw 
the  second  blow  aimed  at  the  king,  raised  his  arm  to 
parry  it,  and  received  it,  in  part,  upon  the  sleeve  of  his 
coat,  which  was  cut.  He  doubtless  meant  to  exalt  his 
hero,  by  relating  this  circumstance;  but  certainly  he 
judged  ill  to  add,  that  the  assassin,  after  this  second 
blow,  had  time  to  strike  a  third,  more  dangerous  than 
the  second;  and  that  the  king  received  it  full.  Strange! 
that  the  duke  d'Epsrnon  should  so  plainly  perceive  the 
first  of  the  re  blows,  as  to  be  able  to  parry  it  in  part,  from 
himself,  and  the  rest  who  were  in  the  coach,  and  yet 
could  not  prevent  the  following  blow.  The  historian  here 
has  proved  too  much,  and  but  that,  happily  for  him,  it 
is  easy  to  convict  him  of  his  error,  his  account  might 
well  be  turned  into  an  accusation  of  the  duke  d'Eper- 
non.  Life  of  the  duke  d'Epernon,  part  Sd,  p.  S38. 

'='  It  is  a  most  amazing  thing,  that  not  one  of  the 
"  lords,  who  were  in  the  coach  with  the  king,  should 
<' have  seen  the  assassin  give  the  blow;  and,  if  tliat 
''  infernal  monster  had  thrown  away  his  knife,  they 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV,  165 

"  would  not  have  known  whom  to  charge  with  it:  but 
"he  still  held  it  in  his  hand,  as  if  to  shew  it,  and  gloried 
"  in  the  gi-eatest  and  most  horrid  of  all  assassinations 
"  that  ever  was  perpetrated/'  Perefixe  says  the  same; 
and  this  conduct  of  Ravaillac  is  more  conformable  to 
the  character  we  have  of  him,  than  what  the  continua- 
tor  of  de  Thou  relates:  That  it  was  the  extreme  agita- 
tion and  disorder  of  his  mind,  which  prevented  his 
flying,  or  dropping  the  poniard.  "  He  confessed,"  says 
Matthieu,  '^  that  he  struck  his  knife  into  the  king's  body, 
"  as  into  a  bottle  of  hay."   L'Etoile,  ibid. 

"  The  six  lords,  who  were  in  the  coach,  got  out  im- 

"  mediately  with  such  precipitation,  that  they  hindred 

"  each  other  from  seizing  the  pamcide.    One  of  them 

"  perceiving  that  the  king  spoke  no  more,  and  that  the 

"  blood  came  gushing  from  his  mouth,  cried  out,  '  The 

"king  is  dead!'    These  words  immediately  occasioned 

"  a  great  tumult.  The  people,  who  were  in  the  streets. 

"  threw  themselves  into  the  nearest  shops,  one  upon 

"  another,  with  such  terror  and  dismay,  as  if  the  city 

"  had  been  taken.    The  duke  d'Epernon  suddenly  be- 

"  thought  himself  of  saying,  that  the  king  w^as  only 

"  wounded,  and  had  fallen  into  a  swoon.  They  desired 

"some  wine;  and,  while  some  of  the  inhabitants  ran 

"  eagerly  to  get  it,  they  shut  up  the  coach  doors,  and 

"  told  the  people,  that  the  king  was  only  wounded;  and 

"  that  they  were  carrying  him  in  haste  to  the  Louvre 

"  to  get  his  wounds  dressed."    French  Mercury.    Ibid. 

"  I  ran  like  one  deprived  of  reason,  and  mounting 

"  the  first  horse  I  found,  galloped  to  the  Louvre.  When 

"  I  came  to  the  Hotel  de  Longueville,  I  met  M.  de  Be* 

"  lancourt  returning  from  the  Louvre,  who  said  to  me 

"  '  He  is  dead.'  I  rode  on  as  far  as  the  rails,  where  the 


166  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"French  and  Swiss  guards  were  then  placed:  their 

'^  pikes  lowered.  M.  Le-Grand  and  I  got  through,  and 

"  ran  to  the  king's  closet,  and  saw  him  extended  on  his 

"  bed.    M.  de  Vic,  counsellor  of  state,  was  sitting  by 

"  him  on  the  same  bed,  and  had  laid  his  cross  of  the 

"  order  upon  his  mouth,  putting  him  in  mind  of  God. 

"  Milon,  his  first  physician,  was  sitting  near  the  bed- 

"  side  weeping,  and  the  surgeons  who  attended  to  dress 

"  his  Wound:  but  he  was  already  dead.  We  fancied  we 

"heard  him  sigh,  but  it  was  only  wind;  upon  which  the 

"first  physician  cried  out,  'Ah!  it  is  over:  he  is  gone!' 

"  M.  Le  Grand,  as  soon  as  he  entered,  kneeled  at  the 

"  side  of  the  bed,  and  held  one  of  his  hands,  which  he 

"  kissed.   As  for  me,  I  threw  myself  at  his  feet,  which 

"  I  held  embraced,  weeping  bitterly.  M.  de  Guise  came 

"  in  also,  and  embraced  him,"  &c.    Memoirs  of  Bas- 

sompierre,  Vol.  I.  p.  297. 

"  The  queen  was  in  her  closet  when  this  sad  news 
"  was  brought  to  her,  and,  wild  with  grief,  came  out 
"  immediately  to  see  him  whom  she  honoured  most  in 
"the  world,  deprived  of  life;  but  the  chancellor,  who 
"  was  then  in  council,  and  had  heard  the  news  there, 
"  going  up  to  her  apartment,  met  her  as  she  was  com- 
"  ing  out,  and  stopped  her.  'Alas!'  said  she,  as  soon  as 
"  she  saw  him, '  the  king  is  dead.^  He,  without  betray- 
"  ing  any  emotion,  replied,  '  Your  majesty  must  pardon 
"  me,  the  kings  of  France  never  die.'"  Then  entreating 
her  to  return  to  her  closet,  "  We  must  take  care,"  said 
he  to  her,  "that  our  tears  do  not  ruin  our  affairs:  we 
"  must  reserve  them  for  another  time:  we  have  need  of 
"  remedies  and  not  of  grief."  French  Mercury,  ibid. 

"  At  five  o'clock  in  the  evening  it  was  no  where  cer- 
"  tainly  known,  except  at  the  Louvre,  that  the  king 


ASSASSINATION  OP  HENRY  IV.  167 

•was  dead,  not  even  in  the  quarter  de  La  Feronnerie, 
"  where  he  was  killed:  they  thought  he  had  been  wound- 

•  ed  only.  The  report  reached  the  Augustins  before 
■'  audience  was  over;  the  noise  and  confused  murmurs 
''  of  the  persons  who  came  into  the  court  opposite  to 
"'  the  hall  of  the  great  chamber,  encreased  every  mo- 

•  ment;  and  at  length  reached  the  ears  of  M.  de  Blanc- 
*'  mesnil,  second  president  of  the  great  chamber,  who 
•'was  at  that  time  hearing  a  cause  pleaded  in  the  hall; 
■*^  struck  with  this  noise,  he  rose  up  as  if  to  collect  the 
"  opinions  of  the  judges  upon  it;  but  instead  of  speak- 
"  ing  to  them  on  this  subject,  he  went  back  to  the  great 

•  chamber:  the  rest,  persuaded  that  this  noise  was  oc- 
•''casioned  by  some  fatal  accident,  rose  from  their 
•'seats,  and  broke  off  the  pleadings.  Immediately  they 
'•  sent  for  the  king's  councellors  of  parliament,  and  de- 
•'  puted  them  to  the  Louvre  to  know  the  state  of  af- 
"  fairs,  and  the  will  of  his  majesty:  in  the  mean  time, 
*'  the  princes,  dukes,  and  great  lords,  who  were  at  Pa- 
''  ris,  hastened  to  the  Louvre  to  attend  the  king  as  usual. 
''  The  sieur  de  Vitry  was  ordered  to  assemble  all  the 

•'deceased  king's  children  in  a  chamber,  particularly 
''the  young  king;  and  to  suffer  no  one  to  approach 
"them.  The  dukes  of  Guise  and  Epernon  were  direct- 
-'  ed  to  get  as  many  of  the  nobihty  as  they  could  find, 
•^'to  mount  their  horses,  and  ride  through  the  cit} ;  and 
"'  tell  the  people,  that  the  king  was  not  dead,  but  only 
"  wounded.  Le-Jay,  lieutenant  civil,  and  Sanguin,  the 
•'lord  mayor,  had  orders  to  shut  all  the  city  gates;  to 
"  possess  themselves  of  the  keys:  raise  all  their  officers: 
"  and  to  prevent  all  commotions  and  mobs  in  the  city. 
"  The  guards  which  were  in  the  suburbs  received  or- 
''ders  to  come  and  post  themselves  upon  the  Pont 

VOL.  V.  Y 


168  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"  Neuf,  in  the  street  Dauphine,  and  near  the  Augustius, 
"  in  order  to  surround  the  parhament  and  to  force 
"  them,  if  necessary,  to  declare  the  queen  regent.  The 
"  king's  councellors  of  the  parhament,  returning  from 
"  the  Louvre  to  the  Arsenal,  found  the  first  president 
"  there,  who  had  been  brought  in  a  chair,  to  whom, 
"  and  to  the  chambers  assembled,  having  confirmed 
"  the  report  of  the  king's  death,  they  began  to  consult 
"  upon  the  request  brought  them  by  the  king's  coun- 
"  sellors.  M.  de  Guise  and  M.  d'Epernon  came  after- 
"  wards  into  the  great  chamber,  being  sent  by  the 
"  queen  to  see  what  was  doing  there,"  &c.  L'Etoile, 
Perefixe,  ibid. 

"  About  nine  o'clock  the  same  night,  a  great  num- 
"  ber  of  the  lords  rode  through  the  city,  and,  as  they 
"  passed,  said  to  the  people.  The  king  is  coming;  he  is 
"  well,  God  be  thankful  for  it'  It  being  night,  the  peo- 
"  pie  thought  the  king  was  in  that  company,  and  cried 
"  aloud,  Vive  le  roi!  This  cry  spreading  from  one  quar- 
"  ter  to  another,  the  whole  city  resounded  with,  Vive  le 
"  roi!  It  was  only  in  the  quarter  of  the  Louvre,  and 
"  that  of  the  Augustins,  where  the  truth  was  known." 
Ibid. 

"  At  night  they  drest  the  king's  body,  and  washed 
"  him  with  the  same  ceremony  as  if  he  had  been  alive. 
"  M.  du  Maine  gave  him  his  shirt  M.  le  Grand  served 
"  him,  and  I  likewise  was  ordered  to  serve  him,  and  to 
"  represent  M.  de  Bouillon."  M.  Bassompierre,  ibid. 

"  Saturday,  May  the  15th,  the  king's  body  was  open- 
"  ed  in  the  presence  of  six  and  twenty  physicians  and 
"  surgeons;  all  the  parts  of  which  were  found  to  be  in 
"  so  good  a  state,  that,  according  to  the  course  of  na- 
"  ture,  they  judged  that  he  might  have  lived  thirty 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  169 

"  years  longer.  His  heart  was  small,  but  thick,  and  of 
"a  close  texture,  and  surprisingly  sound:  his  stomach, 
"  as  the  physicians  and  surgeons  said,  was  the  strongest 
"that  had  been  ever  seen:  his  lungs  were  grown  a  little 
''  to  his  left  side/'  Bassompierre,  ibid, 

"  His  entrails  were  sent  immediately  to  St.  Dennis, 
"  without  any  pomp.  The  Jesuits  demanded  the  heart, 
"which  they  interred  in  their  chapel  of  la  Fleche;  the 
"  body  embalmed  and  laid  in  a  leaden  coffin,  inclosed 
"  in  another  of  wood,  and  covered  with  cloth  of  gold, 
"  was  placed  under  a  canopy  in  the  king's  chamber, 
"  with  two  altars  on  each  side,  at  which  mass  was  said 
"  during  eighteen  days  successively,  after  which  it  was 
"  carried  to  St.  Denis,"  &c.    Perefixe,  ibid. 

See  in  the  same  historians  several  other  interesting 
particulars,  as  well  with  respect  to  what  passed  in  the 
parhament,  and  in  different  parts  of  Paris,  as  upon  the 
funeral  ceremony  obsen  ed  on  the  occasion.  Upon  this 
last  article,  consult  also  the  royal  MSS.  vol  936  L 

The  memoirs  of  that  time  afford  a  great  number  of 
observations,  and  curious  particulars,  relating  to  the 
assassination  of  Henry  IV,  which  we  cannot  dispense 
with  ourselves  from  annexing  to  these  Memoirs.  The 
number  and  diversity  of  them  is  all  that  perplexes  us; 
for  with  respect  to  the  persons  who  are  concerned  in 
them;  namely,  the  Jesuits,  the  duke  d'Epernon,  and 
several  of  the  principal  lords  of  the  kingdom,  the 
marchioness  de  Verneuil,  and  the  party  supposed  to  be 
headed  by  her,  the  officers  of  the  queen's  household, 
and  many  others;  these  circumstances  are  so  far  from 
doing  any  injuiy  to  their  memories,  that  it  will  be 
readily  granted  their  interest  requires  that  they  should 
neither  be  suppressed  or  disguised;  for,  since  all  the 


170  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

malignity  of  their  enemies  have  never  been  able  to 
prove  one  single  fact  against  them,  it  necessarily  fol- 
lows, that  what  has  been  said  was  mere  calumny,  in- 
vented by  wicked  and  designing  persons. 

One  general  remark,  and  which  is  equally  applica- 
ble to  all,  is  sufficient  to  prove  what  I  have  asserted., 
that  those  accusations  were  founded  on  calumny  only; 
and  this  is,  that  Ravaillac  never  accused,  or  gave  the 
least  room  for  suspecting  that  any  of  those  persons 
were  concerned  in  the  king's  assassination.    He  con- 
stantly maintained,  that  no  one  w  as  privy  to  his  design, 
which  he  had  conceived  upon  being  told,  that  the  king 
was  going  to  make  war  upon  the  pope.    He  never  va- 
ried from  tliis  declaration,  and,  when  he  was  put  to  the 
•torture,  he  said  the  same  as  he  had  done  at  his  trial. 
The  most  dreadful  pains  could  not  force  him  to  alter 
his  deposition:  he  protested,  and  repeated  this  protesta- 
tion upon  the  scaffold,  that  he  never  had  either  an  ac- 
complice or  confidant.    "  When  he  was  ready  to  ex- 
"  pire,  he  turned  to  his  confessor,  and  desired  he  would 
"  give  him  absolution;  for  he  had  no  more  to  say.   This 
"  the  priest  refused,  telling  him,  that  it  was  forbid  to 
"  those  who,  like  him,  had  been  guilty  of  high  treason, 
"  unless  he  disclosed  his  accomplices."  '  Give  it  me/ 
"  said  Ravaillac,  '  upon  condition  that  the  declaration  I 
"  have  made,  that  I  had  no  accomplices,  be  true.'    '  I 
"  will  give  it  you  upon  that  condition,'  replied  the  con- 
"  fessor;  '  but  assure  yourself,  if  you  tell  a  lie  in  these 
"  moments,  your  soul,  at  its  separation  from  your  body, 
"  will  be  carried  directly  to  hell.'  '  I  accept  and  receive 
"  it  upon  that  condition,'  said  Ravaillac.    And  these 
"  were  the  last  words  he  spoke  to  messieurs  de  Fille- 
"  sac  and  Gamache,  two  men  of  great  candour  and 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  171 

**  honesty,  and  the  most  able  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne." 
Words  which  deserve  great  notice,  since  they  are  re- 
corded by  him,  who,  of  all  the  writers  on  this  subject, 
has  shewn  most  prejudice  and  malice.  Memoirs  for  a 
History  of  France,  page  323. 

After  this  decisive  remark  l  shall  begin  with  what 
relates  to  the  Jesuits,  who  have  been  less  spared  than 
any  of  the  others,  and  whom  our  author,  in  his  Memoirs, 
attacks  the  first,  though  he  does  not  name  them.    But 
here  I  think  myself  obliged  to  relate  what  appears  a 
very  singular  confession  in  a  great  critic,  who  professes 
that  he  does  not  fear  the  society,  and  will  spare  no  one 
whatever.  "  I  had  the  curiosity,"  says  he,  "  to  read  the 
"  answer  made  by  the  Jesuits  to  the  accusations  of  their 
"  enemies,  their  reply  to  that,  and  the  Jesuits'  farther 
"  vindication  of  themselves;  and  it  appeared  to  me,  that 
"  in  many  cases  their  accusers  were  at  a  loss,  which 
"persuades  me  that  many  things  have  been  charged 
"  upon  them  for  which  there  were  no  proofs,  but  easily 
*'  believed  at  the  instigation  of  prejudiced  persons."   In 
effect,  there  is  nothing  more  solid,  or  better  founded,  in 
the  declamations  of  Morizot,  and  a  great  number  of  ano- 
nymous writers.  Bayle's  Select  Letters,  vol.  I,  letter  230. 
I  shall  now  proceed  to  the  examination  of  some 
words,  attributed  to  a  Jesuit  in  a  conference  with  Ra- 
vaillac:  My  friend,  do  not  accuse  good  men.    "  Father 
"  Cotton  went  likewise  to  Ravaillac,  and  bid  him  take 
"  care  of  accusing  the  innocent;  words  which  did  not 
"  pass  unnoticed.  He  afterwards  would  have  persuaded 
"  him,  if  he  could,  that  he  was  a  Protestant,  saying, 
"  that  he  could  never  believe  that  a  Roman  Catholic 
"was  capable  of  committing  so  horrid  an  action:  but 
"Ravaillac  derided  father  Cotton,  though  a  Jesuit,  as 
''  well  as  the  rest,  whom  he  sent  away  with  jests  and 


112  OBSERVATIONS    ON  THE 

''  pleasantry.  '  You  would  be  astonished/  said  he  to 
"  some  of  them  who  were  questioning  him,  if  I  should 
tell  you  that  it  was  you  yourself  who  set  me  on."  He 
"did  not  say  this  to  father  Cotton;  for,  wicked  as  he 
"  was,  he  had  some  scruples  of  conscience  remaining 
"  that  would  not  suffer  him  to  slander  the  brothers  of 
"  the  society."  Journal  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  IV,  an- 
no 1610. 

Peter  Matthieu,  in  his  particular  History  ot  the  Death 
of  Henry  IV,  p.  1  Id,  says,  "  that  the  queen,  believing, 
"  if  the  inhuman  parricide  could  be  led  to  repent  of  his 
•'  crime,  he  would  more  freely  own  who  they  were  that 
"urged  him  to  commit  it,  thought  it  necessary  that  he 
"  should  be  visited  by  the  doctors  and  clergy,  who  might 
•'  put  his  mind  into  such  a  frame,  that  he  would  have 
"  greater  fears  of  eternal  than  temporal  torments."  Fa- 
ther Cotton  therefore  might  be  of  the  number  of  these 
ecclesiastics;  but  the  author  does  not  mention  him  in 
particular,  and  is  wholly  silent  with  respect  to  the  words 
which  have  been  attributed  to  him.  He  does  not  tell  ug 
that  this  father,  when  he  accosted  Ravaillac,  called  him 
my  friend.  The  prior  of  Orleans,  says  not  a  word  of 
this  fact  in  his  Life  of  Father  Cotton,  where  it  was  na- 
tural for  him  to  mention  it,  and  where  he  has  been  as 
particular,  with  respect  to  this  father,  as  Matthieu  has 
been  in  every  thing  relating  to  the  death  of  Henry  the 
Great, 

"  Two  circumstances,"  says  Mezerai,  "  were  observ- 
"  ed,  of  which  the  reader  may  judge  as  he  pleases;  one 
"  was,  that,  when  Ravaillac  was  seized,  seven  or  eight 
"  men  come  up  to  him  with  swords  in  their  hands,  and 
"  said  loudly  that  he  ought  to  be  slain  directly;  but  they 
"immediately  concealed  themselves  in  the  crowd:  the 
"  other,  that  the  parricide  was  not  carried  to  prison  at 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  173 

''  first,  but  was  put  into  the  liands  of  Montigny,  and  re- 
"  mained  two  days  in  the  Hotel  de  Rais,  where  he  was 
''  so  carelessly  guarded,  that  all  sorts  of  people  weie  al- 
'*  lowed  to  speak  to  him:  among  others,  an  ecclesiastic 
"  who  had  received  great  obligations  from  the  deceased 
"  king,  accosted  him,  called  him  fnend,  and  bid  him 
"  take  care  not  to  accuse  good  men."  Mezerai,  it  is 
plain,  has  copied  the  first  of  these  observations  from  P. 
Matthieu,  who  says  that  it  was  the  baron  de  Courtau- 
mar,  who,  drawing  his  sword  against  these  men,  forced 
them  to  shelter  themselves  in  the  crowd:  but  I  do  not 
see  what  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  the  former  of 
these  two  facts  related  by  Mezerai,  except  that  those 
men,  transported  with  rage  and  grief  for  the  death  of 
the  best  of  kings,  were  eager  to  punish  the  impious  as- 
sassin; and  as  for  the  other  fact,  after  what  has  been 
just  said  in  the  foregoing  remark,  it  must  be  allowed 
to  be  very  doubtful  and  hazardous,  upon  a  supposition, 
that  by  the  ecclesiastic,  who  had  great  obligations  to  the 
king,  the  author  means  father  Cotton:  but  indeed,  if  this 
father  did  go  to  see  Ravaillac,  and  if  he  really  said  those 
words,  J\Iy  friend,  do  not  accuse  good  men,  what  ought 
to  be  inferred  from  an  expression  of  gentleness  and 
Christian  charity,  which  neither  directly  nor  indirectly 
presents  any  thing  criminal  to  the  mind?  Abr.  Hist,  and 
Chron.  vol.  HI.  p.  1450. 

Here  follows,  what  is  still,  in  different  writings,  to 
be  found  against  the  Jesuits  on  this  occasion:  "  Father 
"  d^Aubigny,  who  had  confessed  Ravaillac,  was  private- 
"  ly  interrogated  by  the  first  president  upon  the  secret 
''  confession,  but  he  could  draw  nothing  from  him  ex- 
''cept  this;  that  God,  who  to  some  men  had  given  the 
"  gift  of  languages,  to  others  the  gift  of  prophecy,  reve- 
•  lation,  &C.  had  on  him  bestowed  the  gift  of  forgetful- 


174  OBSERVATIONS    ON  THE 

"  ness  of  confessions.  Moreover,  added  he,  we,  who 
"are  ecclesiastics  know  nothing  of  the  world;  we  do 
"  not  mix  in  its  affairs,  nor  heed  what  passes  in  if 
"  Rather,"  replied  the  first  president,  "  you  know  too 
"  much,  and  are  too  far  concerned  in  its  business,  and, 
"  if  you  were  not  more  so  than  you  own  you  are,  things 
"had  gone  better."  Memoirs  for  a  History  of  France, 
ib.  p.  320,  321. 

These  last  circumstances  relating  to  father  d'Aubig- 
ny,  are  certainly  the  most  severe  of  all  that  have  been 
urged  against  the  Jesuits.  It  was  well  known,  that  Ra- 
vaillac,  in  his  depositions,   acknowledged  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  the  Jesuit;  that  he  had  been  present 
when  he  said  mass;  that  he  had  imparted  to  him  his 
visions,  the  trouble  of  his  mind,  &c.  He  was  confront- 
ed with  this  father,  who  maintained  to  Ravaillac  him- 
self, that  he  had  never  seen  him,  and  that  all  he  had  said 
concerning  him  was  false.  The  French  Mercuiy,  far 
more  deserving  to  be  credited  than  any  of  the  writers  I 
have  quoted,  because  the  author  speaks  so  fully  and  with 
so  nmch  clearness  of  this  affair,  that  one  sees,  in  a  man- 
ner, the  whole  proceedings  of  the  trial;  he,  after  giving 
a  minute  account  of  every  circumstance  of  their  exami- 
nation, adds,  "  Father  d'Aubigny  said  to  Ravaillac,  that 
"he  was  very  wicked;  and  that,  after  perpetrating  so 
"  horrid  a  fact,  he  ought  not  to  accuse  any  one  falsely, 
"  nor  add  to  the  number  of  his  sins.  Ravaillac  being  told 
"that,  if  he  had  any  charge  to  bring  against  father  d' 
"Aubigny,  he  must  do  it  then,  replied,  that  he  had  not 
"  any;  that  he  looked  upon  him  to  be  an  honest  man, 
"  and  a  good  priest;  and  that  he  would  believe  him.  In 
"  like  manner  the  said  d'Aubigny  having  notice  given 
"  him  to  make  his  objections  against  the  witness,  and 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  175 

•'that  according  to  the  ordinance,  he  would  not  be  ad- 
"mittod  to  make  them,  if  not  innnediately,  he  said  he 
"  had  no  more  to  say,  but  that  he  \vas  a  wicked  man, 
"and  a  most  audacious-  bar/'  French  Mercury,  anno 
1610. 

Ravaillacs  silence  to  these  reproaches  may  well  pass 
for  a  conviction  of  the  calumny.  This  circumstance  of 
the  trial  may  be  seen  at  large  in  the  book  itself  Mat- 
thieu  says  it  was  Servin,  the  king^s  advocate,  who  inter- 
rogated father  d'Aubigny,  and  that  this  was  the  answer: 
"  That  ever  since  he  had,  by  the  order  of  his  superiors, 
"quitted  preaching  to  apply  himself  wholly  to  hearing 
"  confessions,  God  had  bestowed  the  singular  grace  up- 
"  on  him  of  effacing  immediately  from  his  memory 
"  whatever  was  said  to  him  under  the  seal  of  confes- 
"  sion,"  But  this  writer,  though  an  enemy  to  the  Jesu- 
its, does  not  mention  the  first  president's  malicious  re- 
ply to  him ;  and  doubtless  he  is  more  deserving  of  belief, 
than  the  Memoirs  for  the  History  of  France;  because 
he  was  living  at  that  time,  and  was  most  particularly 
interested  in  the  memory  of  Henry  IV,  who  had  honour- 
ed him  with  his  favour.  Pasquier,  the  great  enemy  of 
the  Jesuits,  by  not  accusing  them  of  any  thing,  shews 
plainly  enough,  that  he  believed  them  innocent.  Histo- 
ry of  Henry  IV,  ib.  Letters  of  Nicholas  Pasquier. 

"On  Sunday,  May  2S,  father  Portugais,  a  Cordelier, 
"  and  some  curates  of  Paris;  among  others,  the  curdles 
"  of  the  parishes  of  St.  Bartholomew  and  St.  Paul,  in 
"  dark  ambiguous  words,  and  hints  scarcely  intelligible, 
"taxed  the  Jesuits  with  being  accomphces  in  the 
"  king's  assassination,  arguing  against  them  from  their 
-own  books  and  writings;  namely,  those  of  Mariana 
'•'  and  Becanus.    It  was  also  proposed,"  says  the  same 

VOL.    V.  Z 


176  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

author  whom  I  now  quote,  "  to  forbid  the  Jesuits  the 
"  public  pulpit.  "  However,  they  went  no  farther  than 
*'  to  order  Mariana's  book  to  be  burnt  by  the  hands  of 
"  the  common  hangman,  which  was  done  accordingly, 
"June  8,  before  the  church  of  Notre  Dame.  This  book 
"  openly  defended  the  deed  of  brother  Clement,  and  has 
"  been  twice  printed;  the  lirst  time  in  fbho,  the  second 
"  in  octavo.  In  the  first  edition,  he  calls  this  brother, 
"  aeternum  Galliae  decus;  but  these  three  words  are 
"  left  out  in  the  second  edition,  which  I  have  before 
"  me.''  Memoirs  for  the  History  of  France,  ib.  p.  "325. 
If  all  the  authors  who  have  written  upon  the  same 
principles  with  those  of  Mariana  and  Becanus  were 
to  be  accused  of  having  contributed  to  the  king's  mur- 
der, "  a  criminal  process  might  be  entered  against 
''  John  Petit,  a  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  whose  opinions 
"  were  rejected  by  the  council  of  Constance;  likewise 
"  against  the  celebrated  John  Gerson,  James  Almain, 
"  Richer,  John  Boucher  of  the  same  college  and  soci- 
"  ety.  Can  they  be  ignorant  that  an  extraordinary  as- 
"  sembly  was  held  among  the  doctors  of  the  Soibonne, 
"  to  proceed  to  the  apothesis  of  James  Clement,  the 
"  assassinator  of  Henry  III;  and  that,  among  that  great 
"  number  of  doctors  which  composed  the  assembly, 
"  only  one,  named  John  Poitevin,  was  against  it.''  In 
''  those  miserable  time.s,  a  furious  hatred  and  mis- 
"  gxiided  zeal  extinguished  the  natural  lights  of  reason; 
"  and  V)wever  revolting  that  doctrine  might  be,  which 
"  teaches  that  it  is  sometimes  lawful  to  murder  kings, 
"  however  opposite  to  Scripture  and  reason,  yet,  to  the 
"  shame  of  humanity,  and  the  disgrace  of  religion,  that 
"  doctrine  prevailed.  Mariana,  a  Spanish  Jesuit,  in  a 
"book  entitled  De  Rege  et  Regis  Institutione,  held,  in 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  177 

"  effect  that  it  was  sometimes  allowable  to  murder  ty- 
"  rants,  though  elsewhere  he  teaches,  that  a  lawful 
•^prince  cannot  be  killed,  or  deprived  of  his  authority 
"  by  an  individual.  The  enemies  of  the  Jesuits  advance, 
"  that  it  was  from  this  book  that  Ravaillac  had  taken 
"  his  first  lesson,  which  he  practised  but  too  well.  It  is 
"  certain,  however,  that  he  never  read  the  book,  knew 
"  nothing  of  it,  and  did  not  understand  Latin  well  enough 
"  to  read  it:  but  these  reasonings  are  the  effects  of  pas- 
"  sion  and  prejudice  Father  Aquaviva,  to  hinder  the 
"  rashness  of  some  writers  from  raising  such  calumnies 
"  against  the  Jesuits,  for  the  future,  on  the  8th  of  Ju- 
"  ly  forbad  all  the  subjects  of  the  society,  upon  pain  of 
"  being  excommunicated  and  suspended  from  exercising 
"  any  of  the  sacred  functions,  to  speak  or  write  any 
"  thing  which  could  authorise,  in  any  manner,  or  under 
"  any  pretence,  the  parricide  of  kings,  whom,  by  the  law 
"  of  God,  says  he,  we  are  commanded  to  honour  and  re- 
"  spect,  as  sacred  persons  placed  by  his  hands  upon  the 
"throne."  Chronol.  and  Dogm.  vol.  I,  p..  115,  and  fol- 
lowing. 

What  is  here  said  of  Mariana  may  with  equal  justice 
be  applied  to  Becanus;  but,  among  all  these  accusations. 
I  see  only  one  in  which  there  is  any  probabihty;  which 
is  that  drawn  from  the  book  of  this  Spanish  Jesuit, 
condemned  by  the  parliament  as  being  capable  of  arm- 
ing subjects  against  their  sovereign;  but  in  reality  what 
ought  to  be  inferred  from  thence  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
French  Jesuits.?  what  proofs  could  a  book  furnish 
against  them,  which  was  written  by  a  foreigner,  and  in 
the  year  1606  publicly  condemned  as  a  most  pernicious 
piece,  and  even  rejected  by  the  Jesuits  themselves.? 

"  The  queen,  who  was  desirous  that  father  Cotton 
"  and  the  abbe  du  Bois,  the  declared  enemy  of  that  fa- 


178  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"ther,  and  the  whole  society,  should  be  reconciled, 
"permitted  him  to  have  a  conference  with  that  abbe, 
"  which  lasted  four  hours,  at  the  house  of  the  lieute- 
"  nant-civil;  but,  not  being  able  to  agree,  father  Cotton, 
"  to  take  him  at  some  disadvantage,  at  length  asked 
"him  if  he  thought  the  Jesuits  had  been  the  cause  of 
"  the  late  king's  assassination,  and  if  he  believed  that  he 
"  had  killed  him.  'No,'  replied  the  abbe  du  Bois, '  for.  if  I 
"thought  so,  r would  this  instant,'  said  he,  swearing  a 
"  great  oath,  '  hoist  you  up  by  the  throat  and  strangle 
"you,  and  then  throw  you  out  of  the  window.^  Father 
"  Cotton  afterwards  asked  him  if  the  Jesuits  were  not 
"  Catholics.  '  Oh  yes,'  answered  he, '  such  Catholics  as 
"  the  devil  is.^  '^  Journal  of  the  Reign  o^  Henry  IV, 
by  P.  I'Etoile,  p.  233. 

"  On  Tuesday,  May  25,  there  was  a  quarrel  betwixt 
"  M.  de  Lomenie  and  father  Cotton,  in  full  council. 
"  Lomenie  told  him,  that  it  was  he  and  his  secretary 
"  who  had  murdered  the  king,  whereupon,  the  n)em- 
"bers  of  the. council  representing  to  him  that  he  ought 
"  to  be  more  moderate  in  his  expressions,  he  said,  that 
"his  grief  for  the  death  of  his  good  master  might  force 
"  him  into  some  intemperance  of  language,  but  that  he 
"  spoke  only  in  the  queen's  presence.  At  the  same  time 
"Beringhen  quarrelled  with  De-Lorme,  first  physician 
"to  the  queen,  who  supported  the  Jesuits,  and  said 
"  things  as  severe  to  him  as  Lomenie  had  done  to  father 
"Cotton.''  Ibid,  p.  260, 

Is  it  surprising  that  persons  under  the  influence  of 
passion,  and  in  those  moments  when  they  suifer  them- 
selves to  be  carried  away  by  their  conjectures,  preju- 
dices, and  particular  enmites,  should  utter  invectives, 
and  make  reproaches  which  they  cannot  prove  .-^  At  such 
times  they  often  say  things  which  they  do  not  believe,  and 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  1  */ 9 

which,  when  their  reason  is  less  clouded,  they  inward- 
ly disavow. 

John  du  Bois,  abbe  of  Beaiilieu,  being  a  short  time 
after  obliged  to  quit  the  kingdom,  was  arrested  at 
Rome,  and  put  into  the  prisons  of  the  inquisition,  either 
at  the  suit  of  the  Jesuits  or  of  the  procurator-general  of 
the  Celestin  monks;  for  he  had  formerly  been  of  that 
order,  and  quitted  it  w  ithout  giving  an  account  of  the 
money  which  had  been  deposited  in  his  hands.  He  had 
afterwards  borne  arms  and  distinguished  himself  in  the 
service  of  Henr}'  III,  who  used  to  call  him  the  emperor 
of  the  monks:  after  that,  he  resumed  the  ecclesiastic 
habit,  and  was  celebrated  for  his  preaching.  Whatever 
W'as  the  cause,  he  was  detained  in  those  prisons  till 
1626,  in  which  year  he  died,  a  few  days  after  he  was 
restored  to  his  liberty  by  pope  Gregory  XV.  Memoirs 
for  a  History  of  France,  French  Mercury,  and  Moreri. 

In  1  Etoile,  la  Varenne  makes  a  veiy  singular  speech 
to  the  Jesuits  at  his  return  from  la  Fleche,  whether  he 
had  accompanied  them  in  the  ceremony  of  bearing  the 
king's  heart  to  Uieir  chapel.  Having  entertained  them 
all.  to  the  number  of  twenty-four,  at  dinner,. he  continu- 
ed his  discourse  to  them  (the  former  part  of  whicli 
had  been  pretty  severe)  in  this  manner:  •*  I  will  not 
"  scruple  to  tell  you,"  said  he,  "  that  there  is  a  very  bad 
"  report  concerning  you  circulated  in  this  city,  w  hich 
*'  has  come  to  my  ears;  that  there  are  among  you  some 
••  who  were  abettors  of,  and  accomplices  in,  the  wick* 
"  ed  assassination  of  the  deceased  king.  Hitherto  I  hav^ 
"  not  believed  it;  but  if  I  should  ever  happen  to  discover 
"  any  thing  against  you,  I  declare  that  I  will  have  you 
"  all  seized,  and  hang  you,  one  after  the  other,  in  my 
'•'stables.''    Such  was  la  Varenne's  harangue  to  the 


180  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

Jesuits;  but  it  was  time,  say  they,  to  shut  the  stable-door 
when  the  steed  was  stolen.  Ibid.  p.  176. 

As  this  speech  of  la  Varenne  is  not  mentioned  in  any 
of  the  best  authors  of  his  time,  there  is  good  reason  to 
think  it  one  of  those  idle  and  ridiculous  tales  fit  to 
amuse  the  populace,  and  gratify  the  malice  and  preju- 
dice of  an  enemy  who  finds  reason  and  probability  in 
every  thing  that  is  conformable  to  his  passion. 

The  same  author,  speaking  of  the  provost-marshal 
of  Pluviers,  says,  that  he  had  two  sons  who  were  both 
Jesuits,  and  endeavours  to  prove  that  they  were  accesso- 
ry to  the  king's  assassination;  but  it  is  evident  that  no- 
thing could  be  more  unjust  than  the  reasonings  of  this 
writer,  or  more  false  than  his  conclusions,  with  respect 
to  the  provost  of  Pluviers:  for  why  indeed  should  it  be 
asserted,  that  the  Jesuits  were  in  a  combination  with  that 
provost,  because  he  had  two  sons  in  the  society.'*  It 
would  not  follow  from  thence  that  they  had  contributed 
to  Ravaillac's  crime,  unless  it  could  be  proved,  which 
it  is  impossible  to  do,  that  the  provost  hanged  himself 
through  his  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  justice,  for 
having,  in  concert  with  the  Jesuits,  endeavoured  to  in- 
spire Ravaillac  with  a  resolution  to  complete  his  horrid 
design:  but  this  base  calumny  is  refuted  by  the  French 
Mercury,  which,  after  observing  that  all  that  had  been 
Said  against  the  Jesuits  had  been  taken  from  I'Anti- 
cotton,  the  Thanks  of  the  Butterwoman,  and  such-like 
tvritings,  says,  "  They  ought  surely,  to  agree  in  their 
"  satires,  since  they  all  proceed  from  the  same  mouth. 
'*  Of  these  two  books,  the  first  was  not  printed  till  the 
**  middle  of  September,  and  the  other  towards  the  end 
^'  of  October;  and  it  was  always  thought  that  this  pro- 
"  vo  ;t  hanged  himself  because  instruments  for  coining 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  181 

''  had  been  found  upon  him,  he  having  practised  the 
"  art  of  coining,  and  been  guilty  of  other  crimes  in  his 
"office,  for  which  he  knew  he  could  not  avoid  death; 
and  not  for  the  above  mentioned  accusation,  which  was 
raised  against  him  at  the  instigation  of  his  enemies." 
French  Mercuiy,  anno  1610. 

That  very  observation,  that  nothing  was  alleged  against 
the  Jesuits,  at  that  time,  which  was  not  taken  from  the 
most  contemptible  libels,  is  alone  a  sufficient  answer  to 
all  other  calumnies  of  that  nature;  and  after  some  words 
which  escaped  one  of  the  most  furious  enemies  this  so- 
ciety ever  had,  it  ought  no  longer  to  be  doubted.  The 
Anti-jesuit,  says  he,  appeared  about  that  time,  and,  ex- 
cept low  abuse,  it  will  be  found  to  contain  nothing.  The 
author  was  a  young  man  named  Bonestat.  The  factor 
of  Guillemot  was  imprisoned  for  it.  The  Catholicon 
of  Saumur  appeared  likewise;  a  work  made  up  of  bad 
and  good.     Letter,  ibid. 

La  Barilliere,  who  is  a  free-speaker,  meeting  two 
Jesuits  some  days  after  the  king's  assassination,  "  Gen- 
"  tlemen,"  said  he,  "  I  think  you  are  Jesuits:  there  is  a 
"  merchant  of  Chatelleraut  who  has  very  good  knives 
"  to  sell;  perhaps  you  may  find  some  that  will  suit  you." 
This  is  not  a  proof,  but  a  witticism  which  pleases  not 
on  account  of  the  truth  there  is  in  it,  but  for  its  mali- 
cious and  satirical  turn.  Memoirs  for  a  History  of 
France,  ib.  353. 

"  Divray,  a  clerk  of  the  court,  told  one  of  ray  fiiends 
"  the  next  day,  that  as  they  were  conducting  mademoi- 
"  selle  Coman,  the  same  who  has  been  formerly  men- 
"  tioned,  before  the  council,  she  said  to  him;  '  I  reveal- 
••  ed  to  the  Jesuits,  in  confession,  all  I  knew  of  this 
"  conspiracy,  and  they  entreated  me  not  to  mention  it.'  " 
Certainly  the  Jesuits  were  greatly  concerned,  in  what 


IS2  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

> 

this  girl  alleged:  how  comes  it  then  that  the  writers 
of  those  times,  who  have  been  so  particular  in  their 
relations,  have  taken  no  notice  of  this  circumstance? 
Ibid.  p.  358. 

Nor  is  it  less  easy  to  refute  the  following  citations 
against  the  several  persons  we  have  named;  indeed  they 
carry  their  refutation  along  with  them,  by  comprehend- 
ing, in  the  same  accusation,  persons  who  were  not  only 
without  connexion  of  friendship  or  interest,  but  were 
declared  enemies,  and  publickly  known  to  be  such:  I 
mean  the  queen  and  the  marchioness  de  Verneuil,  and 
their  partizans:  for  the  same  reason,  therefore,  we  think 
ourselves  dispensed  with  from  joining  to  each  quotation 
reflections  which  would  greatly  swell  these  Observa- 
tions, and  which  must  necessarily  occur  to  every  judi- 
cious reader. 

"  The  Sunday  before  the  Friday  on  which  the  king 
"  was  murdered,  being  the  9th  of  May,  this  soldier,  a 
"  wicked,  lewd  fellow,  and  who,  (says  the  author  a  few 
"  lines  above,)  had  formerly  been  a  priest,  met  the  widow 
"■•  of  captain  St.  Matthieu,  a  Huguenot,  a  little  beyond 
"  the  gate  St.  Antony,  on  the  road  from  Charenton,  and 
"  knowing  her,  he  accosted  her,  and,  after  some  dis- 
"  course,  asked  her  if  she  still  lived  at  Paris.  She  told 
"  him  she  did.  '  And  what  are  you  doing  there  so  long.^' 
"  said  the  soldier.  '  Doing?'  she  replied,  '  I  have  a  great 
"  deal  of  business  to  transact.^  '  Faith,'  returned  he, 
"  if  I  was  in  your  place,  no  law-suit  or  business  what- 
"  ever  should  keep  me  there:  and  it  is  because  I  wish 
"  you  well  that  I  advise  you  to  get  out  of  Paris.'  '  But 
"  why  do  you  wish  me  out  of  Pai'is?'  said  she.  '  Be- 
"  cause,' resumed  the  soldier,  'befoi-e  eight  days  are 
"  past,  it  is  in  danger  of  suffering  so  great  a  disaster, 
"  that  happy  will  it  be  for  them  who  are  at  a  distance 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  183 

••from  it.  I  therefore  advise  you,  as  a  friend,  to  quit 
"'  Paris  as  soon  as  possible,  and  believe  what  I  say  to 
"  you.'  Wiien  they  came  to  the  entry  of  the  church, 
'^  where  t}ie  sermon  was  not  yet  begun,  the  soldier  said 
"  he  would  not  hear  the  sermon  '  But,'  said  he,  laugh- 
'•  iug,  '  I  will  go  and  examine  the  disposition  of  your 
'^  guards,  who  are  a  muhitude  of  poor  miserable  wretch- 
"  es,  ranged  on  each  side  like  two  hedges.'  Then  look- 
"  ing  at  them,  'Behold  those  lame  stragglers,'  said  he  to 
"  (his  woman,  '  which  we  are  accustomed  to  see  in 
'Paris  at  the  entrance  of  our  churches;  do  you  notob- 
•  serve  those  soldiers  who  are  amongst  them.-'  I  know 
"  them  every  one;  they  are  all  robbers:  four  of  them  in 
"  particular,  vvhom  I  see  there,  are  destined  for  four 
'•terrible  exploits:  but  the  wickedest,  and  most  deter- 
•'  mined  of  them  all,  I  do  not  see.'  Saying  this,  he  took 
"^  leave  of  the  woman,  and  went  away.  Upon  the  Fri- 
"  day  following,  when  the  king  was  assassinated,  she 
"  began  to  reflect  upon  what  the  soldier  had  said  to  her, 
•'  and  the  Sunday  after,  being  in  doubt  whether  she 
"  ought  to  go  to  Charenton,  hearing  that  others  had  set 
"  the  example,  she  resolved  to  follow  it,  and  upon  the 
"  road  again  met  the  soldier,  to  whom,  in  great  surprise, 
"  she  said,  'I  think  you  are  a  prophet;  I  shall  believe 
"  you  another  time:  but  I  hope  we  shall  suffer  no  more.' 
•' '  This  is  nothing  yet,'  said  the  soldier;  ^  all  is  not  over; 
*'  there  are  other  strokes  to  follow  this,  equally  wicked, 
"  and  much  more  dangerous,  and,  since  you  are  resol- 
•'  ved  to  believe  me  for  the  future,  take  my  counsel, 
^'  and  leave  your  abode  as  soon  as  possible.' 

"  Upon  giving  immediate  information  of  this  dis- 
"  course  to  the  ministers  of  the  church,  among  others 
-'  to  M.  Durand,  he  procured  her,  by  means  of  one  of 

VOL.  v,  A  a 


184  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"  his  friends,  access  to  M.  Defunctis,  who  having  heard 
"  what  she  had  to  say,  and  got  intelhgence  from  her 
''  where  this  soldier  dwelt,  and  at  what  hour  he  might 
"  be  spoke  with,  he  went  to  his  lodgings  at  ten  o'clock 
"  at  night,  and  seizing  him  without  any  diflficuky,  lodg- 
"  ed  him  in  a  place  of  security.  The  great  probability 
"  there  Avas  in  this  story  made  many  persons  hope  that 
"  at  length  theie  would  be  a  full  discovery  of  this  de- 
"plored  and  most  abominable  enterprise,  if  the  vile  me- 
'^  thods  of  proceeding  used  in  the  affair,  had  not  de- 
'•'  stroyed  all  the  good  effects  that  might  have  been  ex- 
"pected  from  the  discoveries  already  made;  but  such 
"  was  the  conduct  observed  in  it,  that  one  would  ima- 
"  gine  we  wereafi'aidof  shewing  ourselvestoo  severe  and 
"  exact,  in  searching  into  a  crime  the  most  barbarous 
"  and  most  w  icked  that  has  ever  been  perpetrated  in 
"  Europe  for  upwards  of  a  thousand  years."  L'Etoile's 
Journal,  page  150,  and  following. 

"Tuesday,  May  18,  the  court  being  assembled,  de- 
"  liberated  upon  the  forms  and  proceedings  to  be  used 
"  in  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  that  most  detestable 
"  parricide,  and  assassin  of  his  king,  Francis  Ravaillac; 
"  but  it  was  more  especially  considered  in  this  assem- 
"  bly  what  tortures  should  be  used  to  extort  a  confes- 
"  sion  from  this  miserable  wretch.  It  was  resolved 
"■  that  he  should  be  put  to  extraordinary  tortures,  and 
'^  those  of  the  most  cruel  kind,  even  foreign  ones  were 
"  proposed,  and,  among  others  that  of  Geneva,  which 
'^  was  called  the  barathe,  or  beurnei^e,  a  torture  so  vio- 
"  lent  that  it  is  said  none  on  whom  it  was  tried,  but 
^^  was  forced  by  it  to  confess.  Upon  this  the  opinions 
"  of  the  assembly  were  divided;  the  oldest  and  the  best 
"  approved  of  its  being  tried,  the  others  wavering  be- 
•'  tween  both,  and  apt  to  change  their  opinions  every 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  185 

*'  moment,  resolved  upon  nothing;  therefore  most  of 
"  those  who  were  only  deteiniined  by  gain,  having  given 
*^tlieir  votes,  in  mitiorem  {sen  deterwrum)  carried  the 
"vote  that  day  by  a  great  majority."     Ibid.  p.  154 

"  According  to  the  said  arret,  he  was  put  to  the  tor- 
"ture  in  order  to  oblige  hin>  to  reveal  his  accompHces: 
"what  passed  is  still  a  secret  to  all  but  the  court." 
French  Mercury,  anno  1610,  fol.  454. 

"  A  certain  infamous  fellow,  having  publicly  railed 
"  at  the  deceased  king,  and  praised  Ravaillac,  saying 
"  that  he  had  performed  a  noble  act,  was  siezed  and 
"  brought  prisoner  to  Paris.  The  informations  against 
"  him,  as  those  against  Ma^on,  were  laid  before  the 
'•  chancellor,  but  have  still  remained  a  secret;  nor  has 
"  there  been  any  mention  made  of  bringing  them  to  jus- 
"  tice."  Memoirs  for  the  History  of  France,  Vol.  II. 
p.  324. 

"  When  the  assassin  was  brought  to  the  place  of  pun- 
"  ishment,  and  upon  the  point  of  being  torn  in  pieces 
"  by  the  horses,  observing  that  a  certain  man,  who  was 
"  near  the  scaffold,  had  alighted  from  his  horse  to  put 
"  it  in  the  place  of  one  which  had  been  tired  with  drag- 
"ging  him-.  'They  deceived  me,'  said  he,  'when  they 
"  told  me,  that  the  action  I  was  going  to  commit  would 
"  be  pleasing  to  the  people,  since  they  themselves  fur- 
"  nisli  horses  to  tear  me  in  pieces.'  A  proof,  (adds  the 
"  author  in  the  margin,)  that  he  had  been  incited  by 
'•  some  persons  to  commit  that  execrable  fact,  and  that 
"he  had  accomplices."     lb.  p.  322. 

Here  follows  what  relates  to  the  provost  of  Fluviers: 
''  The  provost  of  Fluviers,  or  Fetiviers,  a  city  in  Beauce, 
"  distant  about  two  days  journey  from  Faris,  was  ac- 
"  cused  of  having  said,  the  san^e  day  that  the  king  was 
"  murdered:  this  day  the  king  is  either  slain  or  wounded. 


186  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"  Being  brought  prisoner  to  Paris,  he  was  found  dead 
"in  the  prison,  strangled  with  the  strings  of  his  draw- 
"  ers.  He  was  hanged  by  the  feet  in  the  Greve,  on  the 
"  19th  of  June."     French  Mercury,  anno  1610. 

L'Etoile,  after  relating  the  same  fact,  adds  the  fol- 
lowing circumstances:    "This  infamous  man,  whose 
"  wickedness  was  publicly  known,  and  who  had  two 
"  sons  of  the  order  of  the  Jesuits,  quod  notandum,  ac- 
"  knowledged  by  every  one  to  be  a  very  bad  subject  to 
"  the  king,  but  a  good  servant  to  the  family  of  En- 
"  tragues  and  the  marchioness  de  Verneuil,  and  known 
"  to  be  a  rogue  and  extortioner,  was  accused  of  having 
"  said,  in  Pluviers,  while  he  was  playing,  or  looking 
"  upon  others  who  were  playing,  at  bowls,  in  a  garden, 
'^  at  the  very  time  the  king  was  murdered.  The  king  is 
"just  now  murdered;  he  is  dead;  depend  upon  it;  and, 
"  some  days  before,  he  had  used  words  to  the  same  pur- 
"  pose,  or  very  near  it,  which  were  not  taken  notice  of 
"  till  the  thing  happened,  which  made  them  believe  that 
"  the  old  villain  knew  something  of  the  enterprise,  and 
"was  one  of  the  accomplices  of  that  vile  assassin:  so 
"  that,  being  carefully  watched,  and  eagerly  pursued, 
"he  was  at  length  taken  and  broHght  to  Paris,  where 
"  he  was  confined  in  the  Conciergerie  du  Palais,  where, 
"  a  short  time  afterwards,  to  their  great  astonishment, 
"  they  found  him  dead,  being  strangled  with  the  strings 
"  of  his  drawers.  The  parliament  had  him  tried,  though 
"dead,  and  found  him  guilty  of  the  crime  of  hightrea- 
"sorl:but,  after  all,  dead  men  tell  iw  tales,  which  was 
"  what  they  wanted;  for,  if  he  had  spoke,  he  might  have 
"  said  too  much  for  the  honour  and  advantage  of  many 
"  persons  whom  they  had  no  inclination  to  hurt.    This 
"  was  what  was  believed  by  all  the  people  about  PIu- 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENftY  IV.  187 

^/viers,  who  used  to  exclaim,  Good  God,  how  fortunate 
"  is  the  death  of  this  ivicked  man  for  M.  d' Entr agues, 
"  tlie  marchioness  de  Verneuil  his  daughter,  and  the 
"  ivhole  family.  Upon  this  miserable  wretch  was  found 
"  a  tool  and  an  instrument  made  use  of  in  coining,  cal- 
"  led  a  mold.  It  was  said,  that  he  had  been  guilty  of 
"  that  practice;  but  this  instrument  was  found  to  be  a 
"  tool  for  breaking  iron  gates,  and  bars  of  iron,  even  of 
"  the  largest  size,  like  those  in  the  Bastile,  in  order  to 
"  get  the  count  d'Auvergne  from  thence.^'  Journal  of 
the  Reign  of  Henry  IV,  p.  18S. 

"  The  queen  sent  for  Durat  the  physician,  a  man 
"whom  the  king  detested,  and  would  never  suffer  in 
"his  presence,  end  even  forbid  the  queen  to  employ; 
"  she,  however,  retained  him  for  her  physician,  made 
"  him  one  of  her  council,  with  large  appointments,  and 
'*  all  to  oblige  Conchini,  who,  it  was  said,  bore  with 
"  great  fortitude  the  death  of  the  king."  In  the  mar- 
gin it  is  written,  "  The  public  were  persuaded,  that  his 
"  wife  and  he  had  greatly  contributed  to  the  king's  as- 
"  sassination."  Memoirs  for  the  History  of  France, 
Vol.  II.  p.  309. 

"  On  Sunday,  January  the  30th,  the  marchioness  de 
"  Verneuil  was,  upon  the  depositions  of  mademoiselle 
"Coman,  interrogated  by  the  first  president  at  his 
"  house.  Her  examination  lasted  from  one  o'clock  in 
"  the  afternoon  till  five.  She  is  thus  called,  Henrietta 
"de  Balzac  d'Entragues,  marchioness  de  Verneuil, 
"  mistress  to  king  Henry  IV.  She  was  accused  by  La- 
"  Coman;  yet  was  decreed  to  be  heard  but  once,  although 
"  the  affair  was  the  king's  assassination,  and  the  crime 
"  high  treason."     lb.  p.  358. 

"The  next  day  the  queen  sent  a  gentleman  to  the 


188  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

"  first  president,  to  desire  he  would  send  her  his  opinion 
"  concerning  this  process,  to  whom  the  good  man  re- 
"  plied.  You  may  tell  the  queen,  that  God  has  reserved 
"  me  to  live  in  an  age  to  see  and  hear  things  so  strange, 
"  as  I  never  thought  F  could  have  heard  or  seen.  One 
"  of  his  friends  and  mine  saying  to  him,  that  it  was  al- 
''  most  the  general  opinion  that  this  young  woman,  by 
"  her  accusing  so  many  persons,  and  of  the  highest  rank 
"  in  the  kingdom,  spoke  at  random,  and  without  any 
"proofs;  the  first  president,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven, 
"  and  shrugging  up  his  shoulders,  replied.  There  are 
"  but  too  many,  there  are  but  too  many/'     Ibid. 

"  Monsieur  d'Epernon  at  the  same  time,  who  was 
'  most  interested  in  this  affair,  and  who  eagerly  pushed 
"  on  the  process  against  this  girl,  that  she  might  be  put 
"'  to  death,  went  generally  for  that  purpose  to  the  coun- 
"  cil,  and  made  a  visit  to  the  first  president  to  hear  what 
'•had  passed;  but  that  gentleman,  with  his  accustomed 
"  gravity,  and  asperity  of  countenance,  wiiich  those  es- 
"^  pecially  whom  he  did  not  like,  were  sure  to  meet  with 
*'  from  him,  repulsed  him  disdainfully,  saying,  '  I  am 
"  not  your  news-monger,  but  your  judge.'  The  duke 
"  telling  him,  that  he  asked  him  as  a  friend,  '  I  have  no 
"  friends,  replied  the  president:  1  will  do  you  justice:  be 
"  satisfied  with  that.'  M.  d'Epernon  returning  in  great 
'^  discontent,  went  and  complained  to  the  queen,  who 
'•  immediately  dispatched  a  messenger  to  the  first  pre- 
'*  sident,  to  tell  him  that  she  had  been  informed,  he  had 
"  treated  the  duke  d'Epernon  ill,  and  that  it  was  her 
"  desire  he  should  lor  the  future,  behave  with  more 
"  respect  to  him,  in  consideration  of  his  high  quality. 
"To  this,  the  first  president  repfied:  'I  have  been  a 
"judge  fifty  years,  thirty  of  which  I  have  had  the  ho- 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY   IV,  189 

•-'  nour  to  preside  in  the  sovereign  court  of  the  peers  of 
"this  kingdom,  and,  during  that  time,  I  never  saw  any 
"lord,  duke,  or  peer,  of  what  quahty  soever,  who  was 
"  accused  of  high  treason,  who  came  before  his  judges 
"  booted  and  spurred,  as  M.  d'Epernon  has  done,  and 
"  with  his  sword  by  his  side.  Do  not  fail  to  tell  the 
•'  queen  this.'  This  w  as  a  freedom  becoming  a  first 
"president.  I  should  not  record  this  speech  of  his 
"  here,  if  I  did  not  certainly  know  it  to  be  true." 

"  If  it  be  asked/'  says  M.  de  Perefixe,  "  who  were 
•'•  the  furies,  the  fiends,  that  suggested  to  him  so  damna- 
"  ble  a  design,  and  urged  him  to  carry  it  into  execution. 
"  history  rephes,  that  it  is  ignorant,  and  that,  upon  an 
"  action  of  such  consequence,  it  is  not  allowable  to  give 
"suspicions  and  conjectures  for  certain  truths;  the 
"judges  themselves,  who  interrogated  the  criminal, 
'  durst  not  open  their  mouths,  and  never  mentioned  it 
"but  with  gestures  of  horror  and  astonishment."  Pe- 
refixe's  History  of  Henry  the  Great,  Part  HI,  p.  410. 

The  continuator  of  de  Thou's  Latin  History  says, 
that  two  different  opinions  prevailed  upon  this  subject; 
some  were  persuaded  that  the  assassination  of  Henry  IV 
was  the  work  of  some  great  lords  of  the  kingdom,  who 
sacrificed  this  prince  to  their  ancient  resentment;  others 
believed  that  it  was  Spain  who  struck  this  blow  by  the 
partizans  she  had  in  France:  and  this  writer  adds,  that 
the  president  de  Thou,  and  the  ablest  heads  in  the  par- 
liament, w^ere  of  this  latter  opinion.  He  likewise  men- 
tions letters  from  Brussels,  Ant^verp,  Malines,  and  Bol- 
duc,  before  the  15th  of  May,  which  expressed  that  it 
was  commonly  reported  in  those  provinces,  that  Henry 
IV  had  been  murdered.  Nic.  Rigalt,  anno  1610,  Vol 
VI,  p.  492. 


190  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

That  passage  from  I'Etoile,  which  I  quoted  a  little 
before,  may,  if  granted  to  be  of  any  authority,  give 
room  for  a  third  opinion:  namely,  that  this  plot,  or  ra- 
ther all  these  different  plots,  were  to  end  in  a  rebellion, 
and  even  a  kind  of  second  massacre  in  Paris;  and  that 
this  was  not  executed,  because  the  conspirators  seeing 
the  king  dead,  which  was  the  great  and  principal  ob- 
ject they  had  in  view,  thought  it  needless  to  proceed  any 
farther. 

And  here  I  cannot  dispense  with  myself  from  men- 
tioning some  writings,  which  may  be  found  in  the  fourth 
volume  of  I'Etoile^s  Journal,  lately  printed  under  the 
title  of  Pieces  Justificatives.  Some  of  them  relate  to 
the  affair  and  process  of  mademoiselle  Coman.  They 
add  nothing,  or  very  little,  to  what  has  been  already 
said.     The  others  are, 

First,  a  manuscript  which  the  author  pretends  had 
been  found  in  the  cabinet  of  the  duke  d'Aumale  (Charles 
de  Lorrain,  second  son  of  Claude)  who  died  in  the  Low 
Countries  in  the  year  1631.  In  this  manuscript,  which 
heavily  charges  the  Jesuits  and  the  count  d^Auvergne, 
although  in  prison  at  the  time,  it  is  related,  that  the  duke 
d'Epernon,  who  was  in  the  coach  with  his  majesty, 
seeing  him  wounded  to  death  (these  are  his  words) 
"^  stabbed  him  in  the  side  with  a  knife,  that  he  might 
"  be  sooner  out  of  pain.  The  duke  of  Montbazon,^' 
adds  he,  "  saw  the  duke  d'Epernon  stab  the  king,  but 
"  did  not  take  any  notice  of  it,  because  he  favoured 
"  this  assassination.^' 

The  second  of  these  pieces  is  entitled.  The  Meeting 
between  the  duke  d'Epernon  and  Francis  Ravaillac.  It 
is  there  asserted,  that  this  duke,  being  at  Angouleme, 
sent  for  Ravaillac  and  two  other  accomplices  of  his, 


ASSASSINATION  OP  HENRY  IT.  191 

and  he  and  father  Cotton  exhorted  them  to  poniard  the 
king,  giving  for  a,reason,  that  this  prince  was  ^n  enemy 
to  the  pope,  the  king  of  Spain,  and  the  Cathohc  reli- 
gion, which  he  was  going  to  abolish  in  Europe;  and 
that,  after  they  had  made  thejn  swear  to  perform  this, 
receiving  the  communion  upon  it  from  father  Cotton, 
they  gave  them  each  two  hundred  crowns.  The  assas- 
sins then  took  the  road  to  Paris,  where  having  staid  a 
long  time  without  meeting  with  an  opportunity  for  exe- 
cuting their  enterprise,  they  obliged  d'Epernon  to  give 
each  of  them  a  hundred  crowns  more;  that,  when  the 
moment  for  perpetrating  the  parricide  approached,  the 
duke  d'Epernon,  as  he  had  agreed  upon  beforehand 
with  Ravaillac,  amused  the  king  with  some  discourse, 
and  then  the  horrid  villain,  throwing  himself  upon  the 
king,  gave  him  a  wound  with  a  knife;  but  the  said  duke 
perceiving  that  it  was  very  slight,  and  that  the  king  cried 
out,  I  am  wounded,  he  made  a  sign  to  him  to  repeat 
the  stroke,  whereupon  this  execrable  wretch,  with  a 
second  blow,  struck  the  king  to  the  heart,  so  that  he 
expired  immediately.  All  these  imputations  to  be  found 
only  in  contemptible  libels,  deserve  less  that  we  should 
show  their  falsehood  and  inconsistency  than  the  ibrmer. 
See  Pasquier's  letter  to  M.  de  Monac,  in  which  he  jus- 
tifies the  duke  d'Epernon. 

The  other  pieces  relate  to  the  story  of  Peter  Du-Jar- 
din,  known  by  the  name  of  captain  de  La-Garde,  of 
whom  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  speak.  From 
these  we  learn,  that  Du-Jardin-was  a  native  of  Rouen; 
he  served  at  first  in  the  regiment  of  guards,  afterwards 
in  the  light-horse:  he  then  went  to  Provence,  where  he 
was  employed  by  the  duke  of  Guise  in  his  majesty's 
service.     Marshal  Biron  knew  him  when  he  served  in 

VOL.  V.  B  b 


19:2  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

the  light  horse,  and  attached  him  to  himself  on  account 
of  his  great  braveiy.  After  the  peace  of  Savoy,  he 
went  into  the  service  of  the  repubhc  of  Venice,  where 
he  continued  till  she  made  peace  with  the  pope.  He 
then  went  to  serve  in  Germany  under  the  duke  de  Mer- 
coeur.  He  again  returned  to  Venice,  from  whence, 
after  a  short  stay  at  Florence  and  Rom6,  he  came  to 
Naples.  In  this  city  he  became  acquainted  with  a  re- 
fugee, named  La-Bruyere.  who  had  been  a  leaguer:  by 
him  he  was  introduced  to  a  Jesuit,  called  father  Alagon, 
uncle  to  the  duke  of  Lerma,  the  king  of  Spain's  favour- 
ite. This  Jesuit,  being  desirous  to  make  use  of  so  brave 
a  man  in  the  design  that  was  projected  of  assassinating 
Henry  IV,  joined  him  with  Hebert,  marshal  Biron's 
secretary,  who  has  been  mentioned  in  our  Memoirs, 
with  Lewis  d'Aix,  mentioned  likewise  in  the  account 
of  the  reduction  of  Marseilles,  and  with  another  Pro- 
vencal, called  Roux,  all  of  them  French  refugees. 

In  one  of  their  parties  of  pleasure  Ravaillac  was  in- 
troduced to  them,  who  disclosed  to  them  all  his  designs, 
and  told  them  that  he  brought  a  letter  from  the  duke 
d'Eperuon  for  the  viceroy  of  Naples.  La-Garde,  hav- 
ing now  got  sufficient  intelligence  of  every  thing  that  was 
projecting,  went  to  Zamet,  ambassador  from  France  to 
Venice,  to  discover  all  he  knew.  This  ambassador 
sent  him  immediately  to  M.  de  Breves,  our  ambassador 
at  Rome,  and  to  Zamet  his  brother,  at  Paris.  De  Breves 
gave  La-Garde  letters  for  M.  de  Villeroi,  with  which  he 
returned  to  Paris  in  the  train  of  the  duke  of  Nevers, 
who  at  Fontainebleau  presented  him  to  his  majesty. 
Henry  IV,  after  telling  him  that  he  would  take  proper 
measures  to  render  these  designs  upon  his  person  inef- 
fectual, ordered  this  officer  to  accompany  the  grand 


ASSASSINATION  OP  HENRY  IV.  198 

marshal  of  Poland  into  Germany,  and  to  take  care  of 
his  interests  tliere.  La-Garde,  returning  to  France  with 
advices  of  great  importance  irom  the  grand  marshal  of 
Poland,  was  at  Francfort  informed  of  tlie  king's  death. 
He  retired  to  Metz  greatly  indisposed,  liom  whence  he 
followed  marshal  de  La-Chatre  to  the  expedition  of  Ju- 
liers.  After  the  peace,  as  he  was  upon  his  journey  to 
France,  he  was  attacked  near  the  village  of  Fize  by 
some  armed  men,  who  gave  him  several  wounds,  and 
left  him  for.  dead  in  a  ditch.  La-Garde  made  shift  to 
get  to  Mezieres,  where  the  duke  of  Nevers  then  was, 
who  caused  him  to  be  conducted  i^  faris,  where,  upon 
presenting  a  petition  to  the  k^'»g,  lie  obtained  the  office 
of  comptroller-genera?  of  Bierres;  but,  when  he  least 
expected  such  treatment,  he  was  siezed  and  carried  to 
prison.  Bef^^ie  judgment  was  pronounced,  which  could 
not  but  be  favourable  because  his  judges  found  him  ab- 
solutely innocent  of  every  thing  charged  upon  him,  an 
exempt  came  to  take  him  out  of  prison,  and  delivered 
him  a  brevet  for  a  yearly  pension  of  six  hundred  livres, 
and  his  patent  for  the  office  of  comptroller-general  of 
Bierres.  It  appears  that  he  retired  to  Rouen,  and  died 
there. 

Another  writer  of  still  later  date,  who  has  restored 
the  five  interrogatories  of  Ravaillac,  in  the  volume  of 
manuscripts  marked  1 92,  of  the  king's  library  (for  the 
French  Mercury  mentions  only  the  four  last,  ^vhich  arc 
abridged  and  related  in  an  historical  manner,  and  s^ys 
not  a  word  of  the  first)  believes  that  in  them  ^^^J  be 
found  proofs  that  the  criminal  endeavoured  ^o  impose 
upon  his  judges,  and  did  not  make  a  f«d  confession; 
and  that  his  judges,  on  their  side,  seemed  to  be  afraid 
of  asking  him  how  he  came  to  he  known  to  the  duke 


194  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 

d'Epernon.  He  has  not  the  least  doubt  of  Ravaillac's 
having  been  in  Italy,  although  he  constantly  denied  it. 
The  pieces  relating  to  the  process  of  La-Coman,  and 
captain  de  La-Garde,  seem  to  him  to  prove  very  clearly, 
that  the  plot  of  the  parricide  was  laid  at  Naples  in  the 
year  1608;  and  that  at  one  and  the  same  time,  they  la- 
boured to  secure  the  success  of  it  in  Italy,  Spain,  Flan- 
ders, and  France.  To  this  he  adds,  that  the  duke  d' 
Epernon,  and  the  marchioness  de  Verneuil,  met  seve- 
ral times  at  St  Jean  en  Greve;  that  they  had  been  heard 
to  say  something  relating  to  their  scheme,  and  that 
Henry  IV  himstlf  vvas  informed  of  it:  but  that  this 
prince,  either  through  a^lind  security,  or  an  excess  of 
goodness,  neglected  this  infoniAotion. 

Those  who  have  observed  that  the  duke  of  Sully,  in 
some  passages  of  his  Memoirs,  confessed  t^at  he  does 
not  declare  all  he  knows  on  this  subject,  may  In  these 
words  find  some  grounds  for  suspicions;  but  indeed  in 
all  these  there  is  nothing  sufficiently  clear  nor  positive, 
to  make  it  allowable,  upon  such  hints,  to  accuse  this  or 
that  person;  and,  at  present,  the  best  thing  that  can  be 
done,  is  to  draw  a  veil  over  this  mystery  of  iniquity, 
and,  if  possible,  to  consign  for  ever  to  oblivion  this 
shocking  period  of  our  history.  We  ought  to  take  this 
part,  although  it  were  true,  what  some  persons  are  fully 
persuaded  of,  that  there  are  two  or  three  cabinets  in 
^aris  which  are  able  to  throw  some  new  lights  upon 
thi^  fact.  Those  who  are  possessed  of  such  papers,  are 
greatij  to  be  praised  for  concealing  them  with  so  much 
care,  and  it  would  be  well  if  they  could  resolve  to  con- 
sign them  to  \he  flames. 

Throughout  thk  whole  detail,  I  have  not  quoted  Vit- 
torio  Siri ;  not  that  he  makes  no  mention  of  the  assas- 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  195 

sination  of  Henry  IV  and  the  trial  of  Ravaillac,  Mem. 
Recond.  Vol.  II,  p.  246,  but  he  does  it  in  so  negligent 
a  manner,  and  like  a  man  so  ill  informed,  and  even  so 
prejudiced  against  the  person  of  Henry  IV,  and  his 
maxims  of  government,  that  his  testimony  deserves  to 
have  no  weight.  I  shall  only  observe  here,  that  it  is 
his  opinion  absolutely,  that  Ravaillac  had  no  accom- 
pUces. 

*:t-*  This  long  and  laboured  attempt  of  the  compiler  of  Sully's  Memoirs, 
to  exculpate  the  Jesuits  from  all  share  in  the  assassination  of  Henrj'  IV, 
is  fully  examined  and  refuted  in  a  tract  entitled.  Observations  sur  la  nou- 
velle  Forme  des  M^moires  travestis  de  J\I.  le  Due  de  Sully.  The  reader 
will  find  it  in  the  Supplement  to  the  French  edition  of  Sully,  in  10  volumes, 
1778. 


THE 

TRIAL  OF  FRANCIS  RAYAILLAC, 

FOR  THE 

MURDER  OF  KING  HENRY  IV.  1610 


INTERROGATORIES  exhibited  to  the  prisomr  ac- 
cused of  the  murder  of  the  kite  king,  on  the  1  Ith  of 
May,  1610,  at  the  suit  of  the  attorney-general,  hy 
Achilles  de  Harlay,  first  president;  Nicholas  Po- 
TiER,  president:,  John  Courtin  and  Prosper  Bavin, 
counsellors  of  our  lord  the  king  in  his  court  of  parlia- 
ment, commissioners  appointed  by  the  said  court  for 
that  purpose. 

±  HE  prisoner  is  sworn;  and  asked  his  name,  age, 
rank,  and  place  of  abode? 

He  said,  that  his  name  was  Francis  Ravaillac,  born 
and  dwelling  at  Angouleme,  bet\veen  thirtj-one  and 
thirty-two  years  of  age. 

He  was  asked  if  he  was  married.^ 

He  cfnswered.  No. 

Whether  he  ever  had  been  married.'' 

He  answered.  No. 

How  he  had  spent  his  youth?  and  to  what  he  had 
apphed  himself? 

He  said,  that  he  had  been  employed  in  soliciting  law- 
suits in  this  court. 


1 98  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC 

Whether  he  had  been  bred  up  to  the  practice  of  the 
law? 

He  said  that  he  had  soHcited  law-suits  for  fourteen 
years;  that  he  lodged  at  the  Rats,  opposite  to  the  Green 
Pillar,  in  Harp-street,  at  a  cobler's;  and  near  the  three 
pair  of  beads,  in  Calender-street. 

How  long  he  had  been  in  this  city  the  last  journey  ? 

He  said,  about  three  weeks. 

Whether  he  has  had  any  intention  to  go  back  again? 

He  said,  Yes. 

How  far  he  had  gone  back? 

He  said,  he  had  gone  beyond  the  town  of  Estampes, 
at  the  sign  of  the  Ecce  Homo. 

He  was  asked,  what  made  him  return? 

He  said,  a  desire  to  kill  the  king. 

He  was  asked,  what  Avas  his  motive? 

He  answered,  that  amongst  other  reasons  there  was 
this,  that  the  king  had  not,  as  he  was  able  to  do,  brought 
back  the  followers  of  the  pretended  reformation  to  the 
catholic,  apostolic,  and  roman  church. 

He  was  asked,  what  other  reasons  he  had? 

He  answered  that  he  was  come  to  this  city  to  speak 
to  the  king,  and  admonish  him  to  bring  back  those  of 
the  pretended  reformed  religion  to  the  catholic  church; 
and  for  that  purpose  he  had  been  several  times  at  the 
Louvre  to  meet  with  his  majesty;  that  he  had  been  at 
madam  d'Angouleme's,  to  get  somebody  to  ii^roduce 
him;  and  likewise  at  the  house  of  the  cardinal  Du-Per- 
ron,  to  whom  he  never  spoke,  but  only  to  his  chaplains, 
whose  names  he  could  not  tell,  but  should  know  them 
if  he  saw  them ;  that  he  spoke  of  it  to  father  Daubigny, 
a  Jesuit,  in  his  last  journey,  which  was  before  Chris- 
mas;  he  spoke  of  it  to  the  parson  of  Saint-Severin  and 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  199 

lo  the  lather  Saiiit-Mary-Magdalen,  provincial  of  the 
Feuillants. 

It  was  asked  him,  wliere  he  spoke  to  father  Dau- 
bigny? 

He  said,  he  spoke  to  him  in  the  church  in  Saint-An- 
tony's street,  at  the  conclusion  of  mass. 

He  was  asked  at  what  time  he  talked  to  him? 

He  said,  that  he  set  out  from  his  own  country  thir- 
teen days  before  Christmas;  that  he  was  fourteen  days 
in  coming  to  this  cit\';  that  three  or  four  days  after  his 
arrival,  he  went  to  the  house  of  the  Jesuits  near  Saint- 
Antony's  gate,  where,  he  said,  father  Daubigny  said 
mass;  after  which,  he  desired  one  of  the  lay-brothers  to 
procure  him  the  means  of  speaking  to  the  said  Daubig- 
ny, w'hich  he  did;  and  he  told  him  several  visions  which 
had  preceded  the  meditations  that  he  had  made  by  the 
permission  of  his  provincial,  Francis  Mary-Magdalen 
of  the  Feuillants. 

He  was  asked,  why  he  used  the  expression,  My  pro- 
micial? 

He  said,  because  the  said  Mary-Magdalen  had  re- 
ceived him  as  lay-brother  at  the  Feuillants. 

It  was  asked,  how  long  he  had  wore  the  habit  of  a 
Feuillant.-^  and  why  he  had  quitted  it? 

He  said  that  he  had  worn  it  about  six  weeks;  and 
they  had  taken  it  from  him,  because  he  had  visions  in 
his  meditations. 

On  being  asked  again  about  it,  he  said  he  had  desir- 
ed it  again,  but  it  was  refused  him  on  account  of  the 
said  meditations. 

Upon  this  he  began  to  weep,  and  said,  God  had  given 
him  that  habit,  and  his  grief  was,  that  they  would  not 
restore  it  to  him. 

VOL.  V.  c  c 


300  THE  TRIAL  OP  RAVAILLAC. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  knew  the  superior,  and  his 
name? 

He  said,  that  he  did  not  know  him  nor  his  name;  but 
that  he  had  asked  for  the  habit  again,  only  because  it 
being  our  Lord^s  pleasure  that  he  should  continue  in  the 
world,  from  which  it  was  his  wish  to  retire,  he  resolved 
to  serve  as  a  lay-brother. 

This  he  uttered  with  tears. 

He  said,  that  he  had  a  great  deal  of  uneasiness,  in 
not  having  staid  with  the  Feuillants  in  the  favour  of  God. 

He  was  asked,  what  visions  he  had  spoke  of  to  father 
Daubigny? 

He  said,  that  he  had  told  him,  that  while  he  was  a 
prisoner  for  debt  at  Angoiileme  he  had  visions  repre- 
senting fire,  sulphur,  and  incense;  and  being  released 
from  prison,  the  Saturday  after  Christmas,  having  at 
night  made  his  meditation,  as  was  his  custom,  in  bed, 
with  his  hands  clasped,  and  his  feet  crossed,  he  felt  his 
face  and  his  mouth  covered  with  something  which  he 
could  not  discern,  because  it  was  midnight;  and  being 
in  that  state,  he  felt  in  himself  a  desire  to  sing  the 
Psalms  of  David;  he  began  the  psalm,  Dixit  Dominus, 
and  sung  it  through;  and  afterwards.  Miserere,  and  De 
profundis,  at  full  length:  and  that  it  seemed  to  him,  that 
he  had  a  trumpet  in  his  mouth,  which  made  a  sound  as 
loud  as  that  which  is  made  in  war. 

The  next  day  in  the  morning,  as  soon  as  he  got  out 
of  bed,  having  made  his  meditation  on  his  knees,  and 
recollected  in  God,  as  his  manner  was,  he  sat  down  in 
a  low  chair  before  the  hearth,  and  having  combed  his 
head,  it  being  not  yet  light,  he  perceived  one  of  the 
sticks  yet  on  fire;  and  having  finished  dressing  himself, 
he  found  part  of  a  bundle  of  twigs,  which  he  put  to  the 


l-HE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC,  201 

sticks  that  had  kept  fire,  and  kneeling  down  upon  the 
ground,  set  himself  to  blow  it,  when  immediately,  on 
both  sides  of  his  face,  both  to  the  right  and  to  the  left, 
he  saw,  by  the  glimmering  of  the  fire  which  was  pro- 
duced by  his  breath,  hosts  like  those  which  are  used  at 
the  communion  of  tJathohcs  in  the  church  of  God;  and 
below  his  face,  at  the  right  side  of  his  mouth,  he  saw  a 
roll  of  the  same  size  with  that  which  the  priest  elevates 
at  the  celebration  of  divine  service.  Of  this  revelation 
he  gave  an  account  to  father  Daubigny,  who,  fearing 
that  his  head  was  disordered,  told  him  that  he  was  not 
to  think  of  all  this,  but  to  tell  his  beads,  and  pray  to 
God;  but  that  he  was  determined  in  his  own  mind  to 
address  himself  to  some  great  mcin  to  speak  to  the  king. 

It  was  inquired,  if  he  had  asked  Daubigny  whether, 
if  he  should  have  visions  that  incited  him  to  kill  the  king, 
he  ought  to  confess  them? 

He  answered,  that  he  had  said  nothing  to  him  but 
what  he  had  already  told,  except  that  his  purpose  was 
to  speak  to  the  king  to  drive  out  all  the  followers  of 
the  pretended  refonned  religion,  and  convert  them  to 
the  roman  catholic  church. 

It  was  asked,  what  Daubigny  said  to  this.^ 

He  said,  that  he  should  put  all  these  thisgs  out  of  his 
head,  say  his  prayers,  and  tell  his  beads. 

It  was  asked,  whether  he  had  no  other  conversation 
with  him.^  and  whether  he  never  saw  him  but  that  time? 

He  answel*ed.  No. 

Why  did  he  choos6  to  address  himself  to  Daubigny 
rather  than  to  any  other? 

He  answered,  that  it  was  becJiuse^  when  he  was  turn 
ed  out  of  the  Feuillants,  h^  had  a  mind  to  become  a 
Jesuit,  or  to  entreat  him  io  speak  to  his  provincial  to 


202  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

replace  him  among  the  Feuillants;  but  that,  not  having 
found  him  the  first  time,  one  of  the  lay  brethren  told 
him,  that  they  never  received  into  their  house  those  who 
had  been  in  another  order. 

He  said  farther,  that,  not  having  been  able  to  speak 
to  the  king,  he  went  back  to  the  Jesuits  to  speak  a  se- 
cond time  to  the  said  Daubigny,  and  spoke  to  him  as 
he  has  already  said,  and  shewed  him  a  little  knife  on 
which  there  was  a  hand  and  a  cross,  telling  him,  that 
the  heart  of  the  king  should  be  disposed  to  make  war 
amongst  the  Huguenots. 

He  was  asked,  what  hindered  him  from  speaking  to 
the  king? 

He  said,  that  it  was  Qi©  grand  provost  who  had  given 
him  the  torture  with  the  gun  while  he  was  kept  prisoner 
at  the  Hotel  de  Retz. 

He  was  asked  to  whom  lie  had  appMed  himself  that 
he  might  speak  with  the  king.-- 

Hfc  said,  to  the  archers,  and  they  carried  him  to 
speak  to  the  provost,  who  told  him  that  the  king  was 
sick. 

He  wa«  asked,  when  he  was  at  the  Louvre.'' 

He  said,  that  it  was  after  Christmas,  and  some  two 
or  three  dajs  afterwards  he  met  his  majesty  near  St. 
Innocent's  in  his  coach,  and  desiring  to  speak  to  him, 
he  cried  out  in  these  words:  Sire,  I  speak  to  you,  in  the 
tmrne  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  and  of  the  Holy  Virgin;  but 
the  king  put  him  back  with  a  little  stick,  and  would 
not  hear  him.  He  then  considered  of  retiring  into  his 
own  country,  and  went  away.  And,  being  at  Angou- 
leme,  he  went  to  look  (br  friar  Gilles  there,  who  had 
been  formerly  visitor  of  the  Franciscan  friars  in  Paris, 
to  whom  he  confessed  his  visions  and  meditations,  tell- 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC  203 

ing  him,  that  he  saw  it  to  be  the  will  of  our  Lord  to 
bring  back  the  followers  of  the  pretended  reformation 
to  the  Catholic  church;  that  the  visitor  told  him  he 
need  not  doubt  it.  A  few  days  afterwards,  and  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent,  he  went  to  mass  at  the  monastery  of 
the  Franciscan  friars  in  Angouleme,  where  he  recon- 
ciled himself  with  God,  made  his  confession  to  a  friar 
of  the  order,  whose  name  he  does  not  know,  and  in  his 
confession  told  the  voluntary  murder. 

He  was  desired  to  explain  what  he  meant  by  the 
word  voluntary. 

He  said,  his  meaning  was,  that  he  returned  into  this 
city  with  an  intention  to  murder  the  king,  which,  never- 
theless, he  did  not  tell  his  confessor,  who  did  not  de- 
sire the  meaning  of  those  words. 

Upon  being  further  questioned,  he  said,  that  he  had 
then  lost  that  intention,  but  that,  when  he  returned  to 
this  city  he  resumed  his  intention. 

He  was  asked,  when  he  came  to  this  city? 
He  said,  that  he  travelled  on  foot,  and  arrived  eight 
days  after  his  setting  out. 

He  was  asked,  how  he  had  employed  himself  during 
his  stay  in  Pai'is? 

He  said,  that  he  lodged  at  the  Three  Half  Moons, 
in  the  suburb  St.  James;  and  afterwards,  that  he  might 
be  near  the  Louvre,  he  went  to  lodge  at  the  Three 
Pigeons,  in  the  suburb  St.  Honore;  from  thence  he 
went  to  take  a  lodging  at  an  inn,  near  the  qiiinze  vingts, 
but,  there  being  too  many  guests  there,  he  was  refused; 
upon  which  he  took  up  a  knife  that  lay  upon  a  table, 
not  upon  account  of  his  being  refused  a  lodging,  but  be- 
cause it  seemed  to  him  a  very  fit  one  for  the  execution 


204i  THE  Trial  of  ravaillac 

of  his  design,  and  he  kept  it  for  some  days,  or  three 
weeks,  in  a  bag  in  his  pocket. 

He  farther  said,  that,  having  desisted  from  his  inten- 
tion, he  set  out  upon  his  journey  home,  and  went  as  far 
as  Estampes;  that,  as  he  was  walking,  he  broke  the 
point  of  the  knife  against  a  cart  near  the  garden  of 
Chanteloup,  and,  coming  opposite  to  the  Ecce  Honw, 
of  the  suburb  of  Estampes,  he  again  took  it  into  his 
head  to  kill  the  king,  and,  no  longer  resisting  the  temp- 
tation, as  he  had  done  formerly,  he  returned  to  Paris 
with  that  resolution,  because  the  king  did  not  convert 
the  followers  of  the  pretended  reformation,  and  because 
he  had  heard  it  reported,  that  the  king  intended  to  make 
war  upon  the  pope,  and  transfer  the  seat  of  the  holy 
see  to  Paris? 

He  was  then  asked,  where  he  lodged?  and  who  pro 
cured  him  lodgings  in  this  city? 

He  said,  that  he  sought  for  an  opportunity  to  kill  the 
king;  and  that,  for  this  purpose,  he  sharpened,  with 
a  stone,  the  point  of  the  knife,  which  had  been  broke, 
and  waited  till  the  queen  was  crowned,  and  come  back 
to  the  city,  supposing  there  would  not  be  so  much  confu- 
sion in  France,  if  he  killed  the  king  after  her  corona- 
tion, as  if  he  had  done  it  before. 

He  was  told,  that,  since  he  deferred  killing  the  king 
through  a  hope  that  there  would  be  fewer  commotions 
after  the  coronation,  the  said  coronation  could  not  pre- 
vent the  troubles  which  the  king's  death  must  necessa- 
rily bring  along  with  it. 

He  said,  that  he  submitted  that  to  the  will  of  God, 

He  was  asked,  where  he  went  to  meet  the  king? 

He  said,  that  he  went  to  the  Louvre,  where  he  had 
been  several  times  since  he  had  resolved  upon  killing 


THE    TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  20.5 

him;  that  he  went  there  last  Wednesday,  and  intended 
to  kill  him  between  the  two  gates,  as  he  was  going  into 
his  coach;  that  he  followed  him  as  far  as  St.  Innocent's, 
near  the  place  where  he  happened  to  meet  him  before, 
when  he  would  not  speak  to  him;  and  observing  that 
the  coach  was  stopt  by  two  carts,  and  that  his  majesty 
turned  his  face  and  leaned  towards  that  side  where 
monsieur  d'Epernon  sat,  he  struck  him  twice  in  the  side 
with  his  knife,  passing  his  arm  above  the  coach-wheel. 

He  was  asked,  what  was  his  own  opinion  of  the  ac- 
tion he  had  committed .'' 

He  said  that  he  thought  he  had  committed  a  great 
fault,  for  which  he  asked  pardon  of  God,  of  the  queen, 
the  dauphin,  the  whole  court,  and  of  every  one  who 
was  injured  by  it. 

We  shewed  him  the  knife,  which  lay  before  us:  it  was 
double  edged  at  the  point,  with  the  handle  made  of  a 
stag's  horn.  He  acknowledged  it  to  be  the  same  with 
which  he  had  stabbed  the  king,  and  that  it  was  imme- 
diately taken  from  him  by  a  gentleman  on  horseback. 

He  was  told  that  he  could  have  no  reason  for  com- 
mitting so  wicked  and  traitorous  an  act,  and  that  he 
had  certainly  been  incited  to  it  by  some  other  person.^ 

He  said,  that  no  person  whatever  had  incited  him  to 
do  it,  but  the  common  discourse  among  the  soldiers, 
who  said,  that  if  the  king,  who  would  not  tell  his  de- 
sign to  any  one,  intended  to  make  war  upon  the  Holy 
Father,  that  they  would  not  assist  him,  although  they 
were  to  die  for  it:  that  for  this  cause  he  yielded  to  the 
temptation  which  prompted  him  to  kill  the  king,  because 
he  made  war  against  God,  inasmuch  as  the  Pope  is 
God,  and  God  the  Pope. 

He  was  asked,  what  time  it  was  that  he  heard  this 
discourse  amongst  the  soldiers? 


206  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

He  said  that  it  wa§  after  he  went  to  lodge  at  the 
Three  Half  Moons. 

It  was  objected  to  him,  that  he  was  guilty  of  a  false- 
hood in  declaring  that  to  be  the  cause  of  his  commit- 
ting the  paiTicide,  because  he  had  said  before,  that, 
having  laid  aside  the  design  of  kilhng  the  king,  he  set 
out  on  his  journey  to  his  own  country;  and  that,  when 
he  came  to  Estampes,  he  resumed  that  design,  upon  the 
discourse  of  the  soldiers. 

He  answered,  that  he  had  spoke  to  them  before,  not- 
withstanding which  he  had  altered  his  intention;  but, 
when  he  came  to  Estampes,  he  resumed  it  upon  re- 
membering what  the  soldiers  had  said  to  him. 

He  desired  us  to  shew  him  a  paper  which  he  had 
about  him  at  the  time  he  was  seized,  whereon  was  paint- 
ed the  arms  of  France,  with  a  lion  on  each  side,  one 
holding  a  key,  the  other  a  sword.  We  shewed  this  pa- 
per to  him,  and  he  acknowledged  it  to  be  the  same 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Angouleme,  with 
an  intention  to  kill  the  king. 

He  was  asked,  whether,  when  he  was  at  the  house 
of  a  man  whose  name  was  Behard,  he  had  heard  the 
said  Beliard  say,  that  the  Pope's  nuncio  had  told  the 
king,  in  the  name  of  his  holiness,  that  if  he  made  war, 
he  would  excommunicate  him? 

He  said,  Yes;  and  also  that  his  majesty  had  answer- 
ed that  it  was  his  predecessors  who  had  placed  the    ^ 
Popes  upon  the  throne;  and  that,  if  the  Holy  Father 
should  excommunicate  him,  he  would  dispossess  him 
of  it;  whereupon  he  resolved  to  kill  the  king,  and  with 
that  intention  he  wrote  these  lines  over  the  two  hons: 
JYe  souffre  pas  qu'on  fasse  en  ta  presence 
.4tt  nom  de  Dieu  aucune  iireverence. 


THE   TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  207 

Do  not  suffer  the  name  of  God  to  be  profaned  in  thy 
presence. 

He  was  asked  whether  tlie  knife,  when  he  took  it  off 
the  table,  had  the  same  handle  that  it  has  now? 

He  said,  No:  that  the  handle  was  of  whalebone, 
which  being  broke,  he  gave  the  knife  to  his  landlord's 
brother,  whose  name  was  John  Barbier,  a  turner  by 
trade,  Hvingin  the  suburb  of  St.  James,  and  desired  him 
to  put  a  handle  of  horn  upon  it;  but  he  did  not  lell 
him  why  he  preferred  that  to  any  other. 

He  was  asked,  if  this  Beliard  was  of  the  pretended 
reformed  religion? 

He  said,  No;- that  he  was  a  Catholic:  nevertheless 
he  held  that  discourse  with  him  which  put  it  into  his 
head  to  kill  the  king. 

He  was  told,  that  he  ought  not  to  have  taken  so  wick- 
ed and  abominable  a  resolution  upon  the  discourse  of 
one  man  only. 

He  said,  he  had  taken  a  resolution  to  kill  the  king, 
not  only  upon  what  he  heard  this  man  say,  but  also 
upon  the  discourse  of  the  soldiers  at  Paris,  and  that  of 
the  sieur  de  St.  Gorges,  among  others,  who  said,  that, 
if  the  king  would  make  war  upon  the  Holy  Father,  he 
would  obey  him,  being  thereto  obliged ;  and  that,  if  the 
king  did  wrong,  he  only  was  to  answer  for  it. 

We  showed  him  a  heart  of  Cost- mary  root,  which  he 
acknowledged  to  have  been  taken  from  him;  and  he 
said,  it  had  been  given  him  by  monsieur  Guillebaut,  ca- 
non of  Angouleme,  to  cure  him  of  a  fever,  saying,  that 
there  was  within  it  a  httle  bit  of  wood  of  the  real  Holy 
Cross,  consecrated  by  the  Capuchin  friars,  which  had 

VOL.  v.  D  d 


1^08  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

that  virtue;  and  for  that  purpose  he  had  sent  Mary  Mo- 
seau,  his  landlady,  to  the  Capuchins,  for  it,  and  ever 
since  he  had  wore  it  about  his  neck. 

We  ordered  it  to  be  opened  in  his  presence;  but  there 
was  no  wood  to  be  found  in  the  inside. 

Upon  which  he  said,  that  it  was  not  him  who  was 
deceived,  but  the  person  who  gave  it  him. 

We  showed  him  a  pair  of  beads,  which,  he  said,  he 
had  bought  in  St.  Janies's-street,  seven  or  eight  days 
ago;  that  he  has  said  his  prayers  with  them,  and  wore 
them  ever  since  constantly. 

He  was  asked  what  persons  he  kept  company  with 
after  he  had  resumed  his  intention  to  kill  the  king.^ 

He  said,  that  he  had  kept  company  with  none  but  the 
friars  of  his  own  countr} ,  w  ho  are  at  the  coment  of  the 
Dominican  friars,  whither  he  used  to  go  to  hear  mass 
and  vespers. 

He  was  asked,  what  discourse  he  had  with  them.^ 
and  if  he  had  spoke  to  them  of  his  visions.'' 

He  said  that  he  had  told  them  what  he  had  told  to 
others. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  was  acquainted  with  a  man 
whose  name  was  Collet^t^  and  what  discourse  they  had 
had  together.'' 

He  said,  that  he  knew  him  only  by  lodging  in  the 
same  room  with  him;  that  they  lay  together,  but  that 
he  had  not  spoke  to  him  of  his  design. 

He  was  asked;  if  he  had  any  discourse  with  any 
other  friars.'' 

He  said,  not  in  this  last  journey. 

If  he  had  had  any  discourse  w  ith  a  Franciscan  friar 
of  Angouleme? 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  209 

He  said,  Yes:  but  that  he  had  not  spoke  to  him  of  his 
enterprise,  and  of  his  iiiia2;inations. 

He  was  told,  that  he  did  not  say  the  truth;  for  that 
he  had  spoke  to  him  of  his  imaginations,  asking  his 
opinion  whether  he,  wlio  had  such  imaginations,  ought 
to  declare  them  to  his  confessor. 

To  this  he  answered,  that  he  had  not  s{)oke  to  a  Fran- 
ciscan of  his  own  country,  but  to  another  whom  he 
met  near  Bourg  de  La-Royire,  w  ith  whom  he  joined 
company:  and,  because  he  had  no  acquaintance  in  this 
city,  he  gave  him  ]»art  of  his  own  lodgings,  and  carried 
letters  from  his  friends  to  procure  him  admission  into 
the  convent:  that  he  also  caiTied  his  bundle  for  him: 
and  that  the  name  of  this  friar  was  Le-Febure. 

It  was  observed  to  him,  that  during  the  reading  of  his 
examination,  when  the  wounds  he  had  given  the  king 
were  mentioned,  he  had  asked  pardon  of  God  for  that 
crime,  but  that  the  true  means  to  obtain  it,  was  to  ac- 
knowledge the  truth;  that  his  pretence  for  committing 
that  action  was  so  slight,  that  he  must  certainly  have 
been  prompted  to  it  by  some  one  who  was  concerned  in 
the  success  of  that  miserable  stroke,  of  which  we  feel 
the  effects.  , 

He  said,  since  he  had  been  under  confinement,  he 
had  been  urged  by  several  persons  to  make  this  confes- 
sion, and  even  by  the  archbishop  of  Aix;  but  rfiat  he 
had  been  prompted  by  no  person  whatever,  but  by  his 
own  desires;  and  that,  however  he  miglH  be  tormented, 
he  should  never  say  any  thing  else;  that,  if  torments 
could  have  forced  him  to  confess,  he  had  suifered  suffi- 
ciently by  the  torture  which  a  Huguenot  of  his  on  n  pri- 
vate authority  gave  him,  when  he  kept  him  prisoner  at 


210  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

the  HoteJ  de  Retz,  by  which  he  had  the  bone  of  his 
thumb  broke. 

He  was  told,  that  he  had  been  chosen  to  commit  this 
action  as  a  proper  instrument  of"  mischief;  he  whose 
whole  life  had  been  wicked,  and  who  had  begun  with 
using  a  father  and  a  mother  ill,  and  reducing  them  to 
beggary. 

He  said,  that  it  would  not  be  found  so;  and  that  his 
father  and  mother,  who  were  still  living,  would  witness 
the  contraiy,  as  well  as  the  people  where  he  dwelt;  that 
he  had  been  indeed  accused  and  condemned  for  it; 
but  it  was  by  false  witnesses;  for  he  was  innocent. 

He  was  asked,  when  he  was  at  Brussels? 

He  said  he  was  never  out  of  the  kingdom;  and  that 
he  did  not  know  Avhere  Brussels  is. 

This  examination  being  read  to  the  said  Ravaillac, 
he  persisted  in  his  answers,  and  signed  his  name. 

RAVAILLAC. 


The  Examination  taken  next  morning,  at  the  palace,  by 
us  the  Commissioners,  the  first  President  being  sick. 

The  prisoner  being  sent  for  as  before,  and  his  oath 
taken, 

He  was  asked,  what  was  his  rank  and  condition?  and 
if  had  a  father  or  a  mother  alive  ^ 

He  said,  that  he  is  a  practitioner  of  the  law,  and  that, 
before  his  confinement,  he  employed  himself  in  instruct- 
ing youth;  and  that  his  father  is  likewise  a  practitioner 
of  the  kw,  and  that  his  mother  is  separated  from  his 
father. 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  211 

We  having  again  ordered  his  examination  to  be  read 
to  him,  he  persisted  in  his  answers,  without  adding  or 
diminishing  any  thing,  except  only  that  he  omitted  say- 
ing, as  he  did  now,  that  he  had  been  carried  to  the 
commission  of  that  crime,  because  the  king  would  not 
permit  justice  to  be  done  upon  the  Huguenots,  for  the 
attempt  they  made  last  Christmas  to  murder  all  the 
Catholics,  for  which  attempt  many  of  the  Huguenots 
had  been  taken  prisoners,  and  brought  into  this  city: 
yet,  he  had  been  told,  by  several  persons,  were  not 
punished. 

He  was  told,  that  this  was  false;  and  that,  although 
he  had  heard  it,  he  should  not  have  believed  it,  nor 
have  been  induced  to  commit  a  deed  so  wicked  and 
abominable. 

He  said  that  this  was  one  of  the  circumstances  which 
helped  to  strengthen  the  temptation. 

He  was"  told,  that  it  was  the  advice  and  instruction 
of  others  which  strengthened  it. 

He  said,  that  no  one  was  engaged  in  the  design  but 
himself 

He  was  asked,  if  he  lived  in  the  same  country  with 
his  father  and  mother.^ 

He  said  that  he  had  lived  with  his  father  and  moth- 
er, but  that  his  father  neither  loved  him  nor  his  mother. 

He  was  asked  how  he  maintained  himself.'* 

He  said:  that  he  had  eighty  scholars,  and  that,  with 
what  he  gained  from  them,  he  supported  himself  in  the 
journies  he  had  made  to  this  city. 

He  was  asked  if  his  father  and  mother  observed  his 
conduct.^ 

He  said,  that  his  father  had  not  lived  with  them  these 
six  years;  that  he  hated  him;  and  that  he  had  lived 


212 


TtfE  TRIAL  OP  RAVAISLLAC 


with  his  mother  only,  his  sisters  having  iitewise  left 
her. 

He  was  asked,  what  means  he  had  of  hving? 

He  said,  that  his  father  and  mother  Hved  upon  alms, 
iand  he  himself  Uj3on  what  he  gained  from  his  scho- 
lars, one  of  whom  gave  him  bacon,  another  flesh,  ano- 
ther corn,  wine,  &c.  and  by  what  his  friends  furnished 
him  with. 

He  was  asked  who  were  his  friends? 

He  said,  that  they  were  the  fathers  and  mothers  of 
his  scholars. 

He  was  asked  why  he  did  not  stay  in  his  own  coun- 
try, since  he  could  get  a  livelihood  there? 

He  said,  that  he  thought  he  should  prefer  the  honour 
of  God  to  all  things. 

He  was  told,  that  it  was  not  for  the  honour  of  God 
to  kill  his  king,  but  that  it  was  an  act  of  the  devil. 

He  said  that  it  was  a  wicked  temptation,  which  did 
not  proceed  from  Gou,  but  was  a  punistiment  to  him 
for  his  sins. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  was  not  filled  with  horror  at  the 
commission  of  an  act  so  abominable,  and  of  so  fatal 
consequence  to  all  France. 

He  said,  that  he  was  sorry  for  having  committed  it, 
but  that  since  it  was  done,  he  implored  God  to  give  him 
grace,  that  he  might  be  able  to  continue  till  death  in 
good  faith,  lively  hope,  and  perfect  charity;  and  that  he 
hoped  God"  was  more  merciful,  and  his  will  to  save  him 
more  powerful,  than  the  act  which  he  had  committed 
was  to  damn  him. 

He  was  told,  that  he  could  not  be  in  the  grace  of 
God,  after  having  committed  so  wicked  an  action. 

He  said,  that  he  hoped  our  all-powerful  Lord  would 
not  make  him  sutfer  for  it. 


THE  TRIAL  OF   RAVAILLAC.  2\S 

He  was  told  that  he  ought  not  to  hope  for  the  mercy 
of  God,  unless  he  acknowledged  the  truth,  and  declared 
who  the  persons  were  who  had  incited  aad  persuaded 
him  to  so  wicked  a  deed. 

He  said,  that  his  only  reason  for  committing  it  was, 
what  he  had  declared  before  at  liis  examinatioin. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  imparted  his  intention  to 
any  one? 

He  said,  that  he  had  not  to  any  person  whatever. 

He  was  told,  that  he  was  too  mean  and  inconsidera- 
ble a  person  to  have  conceived  such  a  design,  and  that 
he  must  have  been  advised  and  supported  by  others. 

He  said  that  no  person  had  advised  liim. 

He  was  told,  that  he  was  so  much  the  more  wick^, 
if  he  undertook  such  an  enterprise  without  being  advi- 
sed to  it;  therefore  he  would  do  well  to  declare  who 
were  his  advisers. 

To  tliis  he  answered,  that  the  reason  why  he  did  not 
declare  this  pernicious  intention  to  priests,  and  men 
who  have  the  care  of  souls,  was,  that  he  was  well  as- 
sured if  he  had  disclosed  to  them  his  design  of  killing 
the  king,  it  was  their  duty  to  seize  his  person,  and  put 
him  into  the  hands  of  justice;  since,  whenever  the 
public  is  concerned,  priests  are  obliged  to  reveal  all 
confessions;  for  this  reason  therefore  he  would  not  open 
himself  to  any  person,  through  a  fear  that  he  might  be 
punished  with  death,  as  well  for  his  intention  of  killing 
the  king,  as  if  he  had  really  done  it,  for  which  he  asked 
pardon  of  God, 

He  was  told,  that  the  church  commands,  that  all  evil 
thoughts  should  be  revealed  in  confession,  and  to  neg- 
liect  it  is  a  deadly  sm. 

He  said,  that  he  acknowledged  this. 


^14  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

He  was  told,  that  he  had  mentioned  it. 

He  said,  he  had  not. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  spoken  of  it  to  a  Francis- 
can friar? 

He  said,  No. 

He  was  told,  that  he  did  not  speak  the  truth,  for  that 
he  had  mentioned  it  to  a  Franciscan  friar,  asking  him, 
whether,  if  a  man  had  strange  visions,  such  as  to  kill 
the  king,  he  ought  to  declare  them  in  his  confession  ? 

He  said,  that  it  was  true  he  had  consulted  a  friar 
upon  this  head,  but  did  not  tell  him  that  he  would  do  it. 

He  was  asked  who  it  was  that  he  consulted.'^ 

He  said,  a  young  Franciscan  friar,  named  Le-Fe- 
bure,  to  whom  he  put  this  question,  Whether,  if  a  man 
was  assaulted  with  a  temptation,  such  as  to  kill  a  king, 
and  should  confess  it  to  the  penitentiary,  he  should  be 
under  a  necessity  of  revealing  it;  but  being  interrupted 
by  another  friar,  he  could  not  know  the  friar's  opinion 
concerning  the  case  that  he  put  to  him. 

He  was  told,  that  he  did  not  say  the  truth,  and  that 
the  Franciscan  did  make  him  an  answer;  and  he  was 
asked,  if  he  would  believe  the  Franciscan  if  he  owned 
it? 

He  said,  that  he  would  not  beheve  him;  but  that  it 
w^as  his  opinion,  that  if  the  friar  had  given  him  an  an- 
swer, it  was,  that  he  ought  to  reveal  his  imaginations, 
but  he  was  interrupted,  and  therefore  would  not  give 
him  an  answer;  neither  did  he,  the  accused,  propose 
the  question  to  him,  as  if  he  was  the  man  who  had  the 
temptation,  but  in  general,  as  if  it  should  happen  to  any 
man. 

He  was  told,  that  he  did  not  acknowledge  the  truth, 
and  that  he  did  declare  his  intentions  to  him. 


THE    TRIAL  OP  RAVAILLAC.  215 

He  said,  that  it  was  very  unlikely  that  he  should  do 
so;  that  he  had  applied,  as  well  to  laymen  as  to  others, 
even  to  an  equerry  belonging  to  queen  Margaret,  whose 
name  was  De-Ferrare;  he  declared  his  visions  to  him, 
and  intreated  him  to  procure  him  an  opportunity  to 
speak  to  the  king;  that  the  equerry  answered,  he  must 
first  have  proofs  that  he  was  a  good  man,  and  one  who 
was  fit  to  speak  to  the  king:  to  which  he,  the  accused, 
made  answer,  that  he  thought  he  was  good  enough  to 
speak  to  the  king.  He  added,  that  probably  if  he  had 
spoke  to  his  majesty,  he  would  have  lost  his  temptation. 
That  he  afterwards  applied  to  the  secretary  of  madame 
d'Angouleme,  who  told  him  that  the  king  was  sick; 
yet  he  went  again  to  the  house  of  the  cardinal  Du- 
Perron,  where  he  had  the  answer  he  formerly  repeated, 
that  he  would  do  better  to  return  to  his  own  house. 

He  was  told,  that  that  was  good  council,  and  he  ought 
to  have  followed  it. 

He  said  that  it  was  true,  but  he  was  so  weakened  by 
his  sins  that  he  had  no  power  over  himself;  and  that 
the  devil  made  him  fall  into  this  temptation. 

He  was  told  that  the  devil  made  use  of  others  to 
tempt  him. 

He  said  that  no  man  had  ever  spoke  to  him  on  the 
subject. 

He  was  told,  that  he  could  not  hope  for  the  grace  of 
God,  unless  he  discharged  his  conscience. 

He  said,  that  he  had  some  fears,  but  he  also  had 
great  hopes  of  the  grace  of  God. 

He  was  told,  that  he  could  not  expect  it  but  by  de- 
claring the  truth. 

He  said,  that  if  he  had  been  employed  by  any  one  in 
France,  or  by  a  foreigner,  and  should  be  so  abandoned 

VOL.  V.  EC 


216  THE   TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

by  God  as  to  die  without  declaring  it,  he  should  not  be- 
lieve that  he  would  be  saved,  or  that  there  would  be  any 
paradise  for  him,  because  ahissus  abissunt,  &c.  as  he 
had  learned  of  the  preachers  of  our  Lord;  that  one 
abyss  of  sins  leads  into  others:  that  it  was  so  double 
his  crime,  that  the  king,  more  especially  the  queen,  the 
whole  house  of  France,  the  court,  the  nobility,  and  all 
the  people,  should,  on  his  account,  be  induced  to  offend 
God,  while  their  minds  remained  in  a  perpetual  inqui- 
etude, suspecting,  unjustly,  sometimes  one,  sometimes 
jinother,  of  their  subjects;  none  of  whom,  he  believed, 
were  so  imprudent,  as  to  entertain  a  thought  of  being 
disloyal  to  their  princes. 

He  was  told,  that  if  that  was  his  opinion,  he  ought 
the  more  readily  to  declare  who  had  persuaded  him  to 
the  crime. 

He  said,  that  no  Frenchman,  foreigner,  or  any  other, 
had  ever  advised,  persuaded,  or  spoke  to  him  on  this 
subject;  neither  had  he,  the  accused,  ever  mentioned  it 
to  any  one:  he  was  not  so  wicked  as  to  have  committed 
that  deed  for  any  other  cause  than  what  he  had  declar- 
ed to  us,  namely,  that  he  believed  the  king  intended  to 
make  war  upon  the  Pope. 

He  was  told,  that  this  was  a  false  pretence. 
He  said,  that  he  was  very  sorry  for  what  he  had 
done,  and  that  he  earnestly  begged  of  every  one  to  lay 
aside  their  suspicions  of  his  having  been  set  on  to  mur- 
der the  king,  and  to  believe  that  he  only  was  concerned 
in  that  deed;  and  that  they  would  not  look  with  an  evil 
eye  or  bear  any  one  ill  will,  since  he  alone  was  guilty. 
He  was  asked,  if  he  had  ever  been  in  service.'' 
He  said,  that  he  had  served  the  late  monsieur  Ro 
sieres,  a  councellor  of  Angouleme;  and  that  he  had  lived 
likewise  with  some  attorneys,  who  were  now  dead. 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  2  I  7 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  ever  served  any  nobleman, 
as  a  page,  footman,  or  valet  de  chambre? 

He  said  that  he  had  not;  but  when  he  hved  with 
counsellor  Rosieres,  as  his  clerk,  he  likewise  served 
him  as  a  valet  de  chambre. 

He  was  asked  if  he  had  seen  the  coronation  last 
Tuesday,  and  if  he  had  followed  the  king? 

He  said  he  had  not. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  been  on  the  road  to  Saint- 
Denis.'^ 

He  said,  not  this  last  journey,  but  at  Christmas  last, 
when  he  went  to  beg  alms  of  the  bakers. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  been  there  last  week.^ 

He  said,  he  had  not  gone  farther  than  Saint-Jean- 
Greve,  and  le  Pont  Notre-Dame. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  had  any  magical  characters 
about  him?  and  who  had  given  them  to  him? 

He  said  he  should  have  thought  it  a  wicked  thing  to 
have  them. 

His  examination  being  read  to  him,  he  persisted  in  his 
answers,  and  signed  his  name 

RAVAILLAC. 

Underneath  which  he  wrote  these  lines. 

Qiie  toujours  en  inon  coeur, 
Jesiis  soit  le  vahiqiieur. 

In  my  heart  let  Jesus  be  always  conqueror. 

Father  James  Daubigny,  priest  of  the  college  of  Jesuits, 
was  this  day  sent  for  into  court  by  us  the  commis- 
sioners, in  the  presence  of  Ravaillac;  both  of  them 
acknowledged  the  oaths  they  had  taken.     ...    .>  .^    ,. 


S18  THE    TRIAL   OF  RAVAILLAC. 

The  said  Ravaillac  acknowledged,  that  the  said  fa- 
ther Daubigny  was  the  person  whom  he  had  heard  say 
mass  some  time  after  last  Christmas,  in  their  c  hurch  in 
Saint  Antony's-street:  that  having  been  told  that  he  was 
the  friend  of  father  Mary  Magdalen  the  Feuillant,  he 
went  to  seek  him,  to  intreat  him  to  procure  his  admis- 
sion into  that  order;  that  after  mass  was  over,  he  spoke 
to  him  by  the  means  of  a  lay-brother,  and  declared  to 
him,  that  he  had  had  great  visions  and  imaginations, 
importing,  that  the  king  ought  to  reduce  the  followers 
of  the  pretended  reformation;  and  that  he  showed  the 
said  Daubigny  a  little  knife,  whereon  was  a  heart  and 
a  cross;  believing,  that  the  king  ought  to  bring  back  the 
followers  of  the  pretended  reformation  to  the  catholic 
and  Roman  church. 

The  said  Daubigny  replied,  that,  all  this  was  false, 
and  that  he  had  never  seen  the  said  Ravaillac. 

The  said  Ravaillac  answered.  By  the  same  token  you 
gave  me  a  penny,  which  you  asked  of  one  that  was 
near  you. 

To  this  the  said  Daubigny  answ^ered,  that  the  priso- 
ner was  a  very  bad  man;  and  after  having  committed 
so  wicked  an  action,  he  had  sins  enough  to  answer  for, 
without  being  the  cause  of  an  hundred  thousand  others, 
which  might  be  committed. 

The  prisoner  was  then  told,  that  if  he  had  any  objec- 
tions to  make  to  father  Daubigny,  he  must  make  them 
immediately. 

He  said  that  he  had  none;  that  he  looked  upon  the 
said  father  Daubigny  to  be  an  honest  man,  a  good  reli- 
gious, and  that  he  would  believe  him. 

In  like  manner,  the  said  Daubigny  being  told  of  the 
ordinance,  that  he  must  make  his  objections  to  the 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  2\9 

prisoner  immediately,  for  they  would  not  afterwards  be 
received. 

He  said,  that  he  had  nothing  else  to  say,  but  that  the 
prisoner  was  a  very  wicked  man,  and  had  uttered  seve- 
ral falsehoods. 

The  examination  of  the  said  Daubigny  being  read  in 
the  presence  of  the  said  Ravaillac,  he,  the  said  Daubig- 
ny,  persisted  in  his  answers,  and  declared  that  they 
were  true. 

But  the  said  Ravaillac  declared,  that  he  had  spoke  to 
the  said  Daubigny:  that  he  went  to  look  for  him  when 
he  came  out  of  the  Louvre,  and  told  him  that  he  had 
temptations;  and  that  when  he  was  in  prison  making 
his  meditations,  by  permission  of  father  Mary  Magda- 
len, his  hands  and  feet  had  sent  forth  a  stench  of  sul- 
phur and  fire,  which  were  proofs  of  the  existence  of  a 
purgatoiy,  contrary  to  the  erroneous  opinion  of  here- 
tics; that  he  had  visions  of  the  sacred  hosts  on  each 
side  of  his  face,  having  before  sung  the  Psalms  of  Da- 
vid; and,  in  a  word,  that  he  had  related  all  those  cir- 
cumstances to  him  which  he  had  declared  to  us  the  day 
before  in  his  examination;  and  that  the  said  Daubigny 
said  to  him,  in  answer,  that  he,  the  said  Ravaillac,  ought 
to  apply  to  some  great  man  to  admonish  the  king:  how- 
ever, since  he  had  not  done  it,  it  was  more  proper  for 
him  to  pray  to  God,  he  being  of  opinion,  that  those  vi- 
sions he  spoke  of  were  merely  imaginaiy,  and  the  effects 
of  a  disordered  brain,  as  might  be  perceived  by  his 
looks;  that  he  ought  to  eat  good  soup,  go  to  his  own 
country,  tell  his  beads,  and  pray  to  God. 

To  this  the  said  Daubigny  replied,  that  these  were 
all  dreams  and  hes. 

We  having  caused  the  questions  that  were  put  to  the 
said  Ravaillac  concerning  the  said  Daubigny,  with  his 


220  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

answers,  to  be  read  to  him  in  the  presence  of  Daubig- 
ny,  the  said  Ravaillac  persisted  in  his  answers,  and  de^ 
clared  that  they  were  true. 

The  said  Daubigny  rephed,  that  all  which  the  said 
Ravaillac  had  deposed  against  him  was  false,  as  he  had 
before  declared  to  us. 

Upon  this,  Ravaillac,  being  farther  questioned,  repli- 
ed, that  he  had  never  seen  the  said  Daubigny  but  that 
one  time. 

Their  examination  being  read  to  them,  they  persist- 
ed in  their  answers,  and  signed  their  names. 

The  Examination  taken  on  the  1 9th  of  the  said  month  of 
May,  in  the  morning,  at  the  Palace,  by  us  the  Com- 
missioners. 

The  said  Ravaillac  being  brought  into  court,  and  his 
oath  taken,  he  was  required  to  declare,  who  those  per- 
sons were  that  had  prompted  him  to  so  wicked  an  un- 
dertaking. 

He  said,  that  all  which  now  remained  for  him  to  de- 
clare was  his  intention  and  earnest  desire  to  free  him- 
self from  the  load  of  his  sins;  that  the  whole  nation  was, 
upon  his  account,  led  to  believe  that  he  had  been  bri- 
bed by  the  enemies  of  France  to  kill  the  king,  or  by 
foreign  kings  and  princes,  who  were  desirous  of  ag- 
grandising themselves,  as  was  too  common  among  the 
kings  and  great  potentates  of  the  earth,  who  do  not 
consider  whether  their  motive  for  making  war  is  agreea- 
ble to  the  will  of  God;  or  else  through  a  covetous  de- 
sire of  appropriating  unjustly  to  themselves  the  territo- 
ries of  other  princes;  but  that  the  truth  was,  he,  the 
prisoner,  had  not  been  incited  to  that  action  by  any  per- 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC  221 

son  whatever;  for  if  he  could  have  been  so  wicked  as  to 
have  committed  it  for  money,  or  for  the  interest  of  for- 
eigners, he  would  have  acknowledged  it  in  the  pres- 
ence of  God,  before  whom  he  now  maintained  the  truth; 
that  he  therefore  intreated  the  queen,  the  court,  and 
the  whole  nation,  to  believe  him,  and  not  to  charge  his 
soul  with  the  crime  they  commit,  in  supposing  he  was 
prompted  to  that  parricide  by  any  other;  for  that  this 
sin  would  fall  heavy  on  him,  the  prisoner,  for  being  the 
cause  of  the  uncertainty  they  were  in  which  gave  rise 
to  their  suspicions;  and  he  therefore  implored  them  to 
lay  those  suspicions  aside,  since  no  one  but  himself  was 
able  to  judge  of  the  fact,  and  it  was  such  as  he  had 
confessed. 

It  was  remonstrated  to  him,  that  since  he  had  neither 
been  injured  in  his  person  or  goods  by  any  command  or 
ordinance  of  the  king,  it  was  not  probable  he  would 
make  an  attempt  upon  his  sacred  person,  whom  he  knew 
to  be  God's  anointed,  unless  he  had  been  persuaded  to 
it  by  some  other  persons,  and  had  received  money  from 
them;  he  being  a  poor  man,  in  want  of  the  necessaries 
of  life,  and  the  son  of  parents  who  Uved  upon  ahns. 

He  said,  that  it  is  sufficiently  proved  to  the  court 
through  the  course  of  his  examination,  if  he  had,  through 
the  force  of  money,  or  by  the  persuasions  of  persons 
who  are  ambitious  of  the  sceptre  of  France,  been  pre- 
vailed upon  to  murder  the  king,  he  would  not  have  come 
three  times  expressly  from  Angouleme  to  Paris,  which 
were  a  hundred  leagues  distant  from  each  other,  to  ad- 
monish the  king  to  bring  back  the  followers  of  the  pre- 
tended reformation  to  the  Cathohc,  Apostolic,  and  Ro- 
man church,  as  being  persons  who  acted  contrary  to  the 
will  of  God  and  his  church;  for  a  man  who  could  be  so 
wicked  as  to  suffer  himself  to  be  corrupted,  through  ava- 


22^  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

rice,  to  assassinate  his  prince,  would  not  have  come  three 
several  times  to  admonish  him,  as  he  had  done;  and  that, 
since  he  had  committed  this  parricide,  the  sieur  de  la 
Force,  captain  of  the  guards,  has  acknowledged  that  he, 
the  prisoner,  had  been  at  the  Louvre,  and  earnestly  en- 
treated him  to  procure  him  the  means  of  speaking  to 
the  king;  and  that  the  said  sieur  de  la  Force  told  him 
he  was  a  furious  papist,  asking  him  if  he  knew  mon* 
sieur  d'Epernon;  to  which  he,  the  prisoner,  replied,  that 
he  did  know  monsieur  d^Epernon,  and  that  he  himself 
was  not  a  furious  Papist:  but  that,  when  he  had  taken 
the  habit  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Bernard,  father  Fran- 
cis de  St.  Peter  was  appointed  to  be  his  spiritual  father; 
and,  since  he  was  a  true  Roman,  and  apostolic  Catho- 
hc,  he  was  desirous  of  living  and  dying  such:  and  he 
entreated  the  said  sieur  de  la  Force  to  bring  him  to  the 
speech  of  the  king;  for  he  durst  not  declare  to  him  the 
temptation  he  had  so  long  had  to  kill  the  king;  all  he 
wanted  was  to  tell  it  to  his  majesty,  to  the  end  that  he 
might  no  longer  be  troubled  with  this  bad  intention. 

He  was  asked,  whether,  when  he  took  those  journeys 
to  advise  the  king  to  make  war  upon  the  followers  of 
the  pretended  reformation,  he  designed,  in  case  his  ma- 
jesty had  not  complied  with  his  desires,  to  have  com- 
mitted the  wicked  act  he  had  done. 

He  said,  he  did  not  intend  it  in  that  case;  for  he  should 
have  laid  aside  his  design,  and  have  thought  that  it  was 
better  to  make  him  that  remonstrance  than  to  kill  him. 
It  was  objected  to  him,  that  he  had  not  changed  his 
wicked  intention ;  since,  after  his  last  journey  from  An- 
gouleme,  in  Easter,  he  had  not  sought  for  an  opportunity 
to  speak  to  the  king,  which  was  a  proof  that  he  left 
Angouleme  with  a  resolution  to  do  what  he  had  done. 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  22S 

He  said,  it  was  true. 

He  was  asked,  if,  from  Easter-day  to  that  on  which 
he  left  Angouleme,  he  had  received  the  holy  communion  ? 

He  said,  he  had  not:  and  that  he  received  it  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent;  but  that  he  had,  nevertheless,  caused 
the  holy  sacrifice  of  the  mass  to  be  celebrated  in  St. 
Paul's  church  at  Angouleme,  which  was  his  parish 
church,  as  acknowledginghimself  unworthy  of  the  most 
holy  and  august  sacrament,  full  of  mystery  and  incom- 
prehensible virtue,  because  he  was  troubled  with  the 
temptation  which  prompted  him  to  kill  the  king,  and 
would  not,  in  such  a  state,  approach  the  precious  body 
of  his  God. 

It  was  objected  to.  him,  that,  since  he  perceived  he 
was  not  worthy  of  that  mystery  which  he  called  incom- 
prehensible, he  could  not  assist  with  any  devotion  at  that 
holy  sacrifice  celebrated  by  the  priest,  of  which  all 
Christians  participate,  receiving  spiritually  that  which 
he  who  consecrates  receives  actually. 

To  this  he  was  silent  He  continued  some  time  pen- 
sive and  in  thought,  and  then  said,  that  he  did  not  well 
know  what  to  answer  to  their  remonstrance;  but  after- 
wards he  said,  that  he  remembered  it  was  his  great  af- 
fection for  the  most  holy  sacrament  of  the  altar,  which 
induced  him  to  have  it  celebrated;  and  that  he  hoped 
he  should  participate  of  the  communion  by  means  of  his 
mother,  who  was  going  to  receive  her  God  in  that  sa- 
crifice; because  he  was  always  of  opinion,  that  she  was 
more  pious,  and  had  more  love  for  her  God  than  he  had. 
Saying  this  he  shed  many  tears. 

He  was  told,  that  he  could  have  no  reverence  for,  nor 
any  faith  in  the  holy  communion  and  sacrifice  of  the 
mass,  since  he  had,  for  a  long  time,  been  under  the  in- 

VOL,  v.  F  f 


224<  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

fluGiice  of  the  devil,  and  been  accustomed  to  invoke  de- 
mons, whom  he  caused  to  appear  to  him,  when  he  lodg- 
ed in  this  city,  about  four  years  ago. 

He  said,  that  he  never  had  invoked  demons. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  knew  a  man  named  Dubois,  born 
in  Liiuoges?  and  whether  they  lodged  together  in  this 
city,  and  lay  in  the  same  chamber? 

He  said,  he  did  know  him:  that  they  lodged  together 
at  the  sign  of  the  Rats,  opposite  to  the  Green  Pillar  in 
Harp-street. 

He  was  asked,  if  he  would  believe  what  the  said  Du- 
bois should  say? 

He  said,  yes,  he  would  beheve  him. 

He  was  asked,  whether,  as  he  lay  in  bed  with  the  said 
Dubois,  he  did  not  use  some  magical  incantation,  invo- 
king the  demons?  and  in  what  manner? 

He  said,  that  this  was  so  far  from  being  true,  that  he 
did  not  even  lie  in  the  same  chamber  with  the  said  Du- 
bois, but  in  a  garret  over  the  room  where  he,  the  said 
Dubois,  lay:  that,  about  midnight,  the  said  Dubois,  re- 
peating Credo  inDeum,  earnestly  entreated  him,  several 
times,  to  come  down  to  him;  saying, Ravaillac, my  friend, 
come  dovv^n;  and  crying  aloud.  My  God,  have  mercy  upon 
me!  that  thereupon  he,  the  prisoner,  would  have  gone 
down  to  him  to  know  why  he  cried  out  for  help  in  such 
a  manner,  but  he  was  hindered  by  some  persons  in  the 
room  with  him,  who  were  terrified  with  the  cries  of  the 
said  Dubois:  but  that  he,  the  prisoner,  going  down  to 
Dubois  some  time  afterwards,  he  told  him,  that  he  had 
seen  a  black  dog  of  a  monstrous  size,  and  very  terrible, 
whicii  came  and  laid  its  two  lore-paws  upon  his  bed;  and 
that  the  terror  this  vision  threw  him  into  made  him  ut- 
ter those  cries,  and  entreat  that  he,  the  prisoner,  ^vould 
come  into  his  room  and  stay  with  him;  upon  which  he, 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  225 

the  prisoner,  advised  the  said  Dubois  to  have  recourse 
to  the  celebration  of  the  holy  i^acriMce  of  the  altar,  in 
order  to  get  rid  of  his  horrible  visions,  and  to  cause  mass 
to  be  said  the  next  morning;  and  that  they  went  together 
accordingly  the  next  morning  to  the  convent  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan friars,  and  caused  the  holy  mass  to  be  said,  to 
dravv  down  the  grace  of  God  upon  them,  and  to  preserve 
them  from  the  incursions  of  the  devils,  the  common  ene- 
mies of  mankind. 

It  was  objected  to  him,  that  it  was  not  at  all  probable 
that  the  said  Dubois  should  have  called  to  him,  who  lay 
so  high;  or  that  he  should  have  heard  his  voice. 

He  answered,  that  nothing  was  more  likely,  it  being 
one  of  the  properties  of  the  voice  to  ascend;  but  that, 
since  the  court  would  not  believe  him,  the  truth  of  what 
he  said  would  be  attested  by  those  persons  who  were 
in  the  room  where  he  lay,  and  who  hindored  him  from 
going  to  the  said  Dubois:  that  they  were  his  landlady, 
Mary  Moiseau,  and  a  cousin  of  hers,  named  John  le 
Blond,  who  came  into  his  room  en  account  of  the  great 
noise  they  had  heard,  and  for  which  he  had  quitted  the 
room  of  the  said  Dubois,  vvliere  lie  had  lain  before. 

He  was  told,  that  he  had  no  desire  to  get  rid  of  his 
temptation,  and  therefore  would  not  receive  the  com- 
munion on  Eastcr~day,  lest  it  should  hare  the  power  to 
divert  him  from  his  purpose. 

He  said,  that  his  reason  for  not  receiving  the  com- 
munion was,  that  be  had,  on  East^r-day.  taken  a  reso- 
lution to  kill  the  king,  and  upon  that  account  he  would 
not  really,  and  in  fact,  receivs  the  precious  body  of  our 
Lord;  but  had  a  desire  to  hear  the  holymais  before  he 
set  out,  believins;  that  the  sacrament,  which  his  mother 
received  that  day,  would  be  sufficient  both  for  her  and 
him,  as  he  then  begged  of  God  that  it  might,  and  as  he 


226  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

did  now,  and  would  to  his  death  implore  him,  that  he 
might  be  made  partaker  of  all  the  holy  communions, 
taken  by  the  religious  of  both  sexes,  by  good  men  se- 
culars, and  others  in  the  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Ro- 
man church,  receiving  in  the  faith  of  our  holy  mother 
the  Church,  the  precious  body  of  our  Redeemer;  and 
that,  being  thus  received  by  them,  he  might  be  made 
partaker  of  it,  as  believing  himself  a  member  of  one 
only  Jesus  Christ. 

He  was  told,  that,  having  resolved  upon  so  wicked 
an  act,  he  was  in  the  state  of  mortal  sin,  and  in  danger 
of  damnation,  and  could  not  partake  of  the  grace  of 
God,  and  the  communion  of  good  Christians,  while  he 
continued  to  have  this  wicked  intention  and  that  he 
ought  to  have  altered  it,  if  he  hoped  to  be  in  the  grace 
of  God  as  a  good  Cathohc  and  Christian,  as  he  would 
be  thought  to  be. 

He  said,  that  he  did  not,  in  the  least,  doubt  but  that 
he  was  prompted  to  it  by  the  motions  of  his  own  mind, 
against  the  will  of  God,  the  author  of  all  truth,  contrary 
to  the  devil,  who  is  the  father  of  lies;  but  that  now, 
through  the  remonstrance  of  the  court,  he  acknowledged 
that  he  either  could  not  or  would  not  resist  that  temp- 
tation, it  being  out  of  the  power  of  men  to  hinder  him 
from  commiuing  that  wicked  action;  that  he  now  de- 
clared the  whole  truth,  without  suppressing  or  con- 
cealing any  thing;  therefore  he  hoped  that  God,  who 
was  all  good  and  merciful,  would  grant  him  pardon  and 
remission  of  his  sins,  he  being  more  powerful  to  save 
him,  provided  he  made  confession  and  received  absolu- 
tion, than  men  were  to  hurt  him;  and  that  he  beseeched 
the  Holy  Virgin  Maiy,  Monsieur  St.  Peter,  Monsieur 
St.  Francis  (here  he  wept,)  Monsieur  St.  Bernard,  and 
all  the  celestial  court  of  Paradise,  to  be  his  advocates 


THE  TRIAL  OP  RAVAILLAC.  227 

and  intercessors  with  the  most  sacred  Majesty,  to  the 
end  that  he  might  interpose  his  cross  between  his  soul 
and  hell;  and  by  that  he  hoped  to  be  made  partaker  of 
the  merits  of"  our  Saviour  Christ's  passion,  most  humbly 
beseeching  him  that  he  would  give  him  grace  to  con- 
tinue associated  with  the  merits  of  all  those  treasures 
he  gave  to  the  apostolic  power  on  earth,  when  he  said, 
Thau  art  Peter,  &c. 

His  examination  being  read  to  him,  he  persisted  in 
his  answers,  and  signed  his  name 

RAVAILLAC. 

On  the  21th  of  May  y  1610,  in  the  mm^ning,  at  the  Pa- 
lace. 

The  Confrontation  of  the  Wittiesses  before  us,  Achilles 
de  Harlay,  Knight,  first  President;  Nicholas  Potier, 
President;  Prosper  Bavin  and  John  Courtin,  Coun- 
sellors, Sic. 

Paul  Noster,  exempt  from  the  guards,  was  confi-onted 
with  the  prisoner;  both  of  them  acknow^ledged  the  oath 
they  had  taken. 

The  accused  said,  that  the  witness  was  the  person 
who  took  him  prisoner;  and  the  witness,  that  the  ac- 
cused was  the  prisoner  whom  he  took. 

The  prisoner  then  was  told,  that,  if  he  had  any  ob- 
jections to  make  against  the  witness,  he  must  make 
them  immediately,  according  to  the  ordinance  of  the 
realm. 

He  said^  that  he  had  none. 

The  deposition  of  this  witness  being  read  to  him,  he 
persisted  in  it;  and  the  prisoner  acknowledging  that  it 
was  true,  they  both  signed  it. 


2iS  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

The  prisoner  was  then  confronted  with  James  de 
Pluviers,  Esq.  of  St.  Michael. 

The  oath  idem,  &c. 

The  prisoner  was  then  confronted  with  Jerome  de  la 
Robye,  equerry  to  the  king. 

The  oath  idem,  &c. 

The  prisoner  was  then  confronted  with  Gamaliel 
Edovart,  one  of  the  king's  footmen. 

The  oath  idem,  &c. 

The  prisoner  said,  that  he  knew  him  to  be  one  of  the 
king's  footmen,  but  that  he  did  not  know  if  he  was  the 
person  who  seized  him  after  he  committed  the  act;  and, 
being  put  in  mind  of  the  ordinance,  he  said,  he  had  no 
objection  to  make  to  him. 

The  prisoner  was  then  confronted  with  Peter  Dubois. 

The  oath  idem,  &c. 

The  prisoner  acknowledged,  that  what  he  said  was 
true;  but  that  it  was  by  his  advice  that  the  witness  had 
been  to  hear  mass  at  the  convent  of  the  Franciscan  fri- 
ars, at  which  he  likewise  was  present. 

They  both  signed  their  names. 

May  21th,   1610,  tlie  couii  sat  in  the  afternoon  in  the 
chamber  de  La-Beuvette. 

We  the. presidents,  and  several  of  the  counsellors  being 
present,  the  prisoner,  Francis  Ravaillac,  was  brought 
into  court,  who  having  been  accused  and  convicted  of 
parricide  committed  on  the  person  of  the  late  king,  he 
was  ordered  to  kneel,  and  the  clerk  of  the  court  pro- 
nounced the  sentence  of  death  given  against  him;  as 
likewise  that  he  should  be  put  to  the  torture  to  force  him 
to  declare  his  accomplices. 

His  oath  being  taken,  he  was  exhorted  to  redeem  him- 
self from  the  torments  preparing  for  him,  by  acknow- 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVArLLAC.  229 

leclging  the  truth,  and  declaring  who  those  persons  were 
that  had  persuaded,  prompted,  and  abetted  him,  in  that 
most  wicked  action,  and  to  whom  he  had  disclosed  his 
intention  of  committing  it. 

He  said,  by  the  salvation  I  hope  for,  no  one  but  my- 
self was  concerned  in  this  action. 

He  was  then  ordered  to  be  put  to  the  torture  of  the 
brodequin,*  and  the  first  wedge  being  drove,  he  cried 
out,  "  God  have  mercy  upon  my  soul,  and  pardon  the 
"  crime  I  have  committed;  I  never  disclosed  my  inten- 
"  tion  to  any  one."  This  he  repeated  as  he  had  done  in 
his  interrogation. 

When  the  second  wedge  was  drove,  he  said  with  loud 
cries  and  shrieks,  "  I  am  a  sinner,  I  know  no  more  than 
"  I  have  declared,  by  the  oath  I  have  taken,  and  by  the 
"  truth  which  I  owe  to  God  and  the  court:  all  I  have 
"  said  was  to  the  little  Franciscan,  which  I  have  al- 
"  ready  declared:  I  never  mentioned  my  design  inconr 
"  fession,  or  in  any  other  way:  I  never  spoke  of  it  to 
"  the  visiter  of  Angouleme,  nor  revealed  it  in  confession 
"  in  this  city.  I  beseech  the  court  not  to  drive  my  soul 
"  to  despair.^^ 

The  executioner  continuing  to  drive  the  second 
wedge,  he  cried  out,  "  My  God,  receive  this  penance 
"  as  an  expiation  for  the  great  crimes  I  have  commit- 
"  ted  in  this  world:  Oh  God!  accept  these  torments  in 
"  satisfaction  for  my  sins.  By  the  faith  I  owe  to  God,  I 
"  know  no  more  than  what  I  have  declared.  Oh!  do 
"  not  drive  my  soul  to  despair." 

*  Tilt  brouequiii  is  a  strong  wooden  box,  niade  iu  the  form  of  a  boot,  ju.  t 
big-  enough  to  contain  both  the  legs  of  the  c;iiiiiiiai,  wiiich  being  put  there- 
in, a  wooden  wedge  is  then  drove  with  a  mallet  between  his  knees;  and  after 
that  is  forced  quite  through,  a  second  wedge,  of  a  larger  size,  is  applied  in 
he  same  manner. 


230 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 


The  third  wedge  was  then  drove  lower  near  his  feet, 
at  which  a  universal  sweat  covered  his  body,  and  he 
fainted  away.  The  executioner  forced  some  wine  into 
his  moutJi,  but  he  could  not  swallow  it;  and,  being  quite 
speechless,  he  was  released  from  the  torture,  and  water 
thrown  upon  his  face  and  hands.  Some  wine  being 
forced  down  his  throat,  his  speech  returned,  and  he 
was  laid  upon  a  mattrass  in  the  same  place,  where  he 
continued  till  noon.  When  he  had  recovered  his  strength, 
he  was  conducted  to  chapel  by  the  executioner;  and 
messieurs  Fillesasqs  and  Gamaches,  two  doctors  of  the 
Sorbonne,  being  sent  for,  his  dinner  was  given  him; 
but  before  the  divines  entered  into  a  conference  with 
him,  the  clerk  admonished  him  to  think  of  his  salva- 
tion, and  confess  by  whom  he  had  been  prompted, 
persuaded  and  abetted,  in  the  wricked  action  he  had 
committed,  and  so  long  designed  to  commit;  it  not  be- 
ing probable,  that  he  should  of  himself  have  conceived 
and  executed  it,  without  communicating  it  to  any  other. 

He  said,  that  if  he  had  known  more  than  what  he  had 
declared  to  the  court,  he  w^ould  not  have  concealed  it, 
well  knowing,  that  in  this  case  he  could  not  have  the 
mercy  of  God,  which  he  hoped  for  and  expected;  and 
that  he  would  not  have  endured  the  torments  he  had 
done,  if  he  had  any  farther  confession  to  make.  He 
said,  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  committed  a  great 
crime,  to  which  he  had  been  incited  by  the  temptation  of 
the  devil;  that  he  entreated  the  king,  the  queen,  the 
court,  and  the  whole  kingdom  to  pardon  him,  and  to 
cause  prayers  to  be  put  to  God  for  him,  that  his  body 
might  bear  the  punishment  for  his  soul.  And  being 
many  times  admonished  to  reveal  the  truth,  he  only  re- 
peated what  he  had  said  before.  He  was  then  left  with 


Ji'HE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAO.  231 

the  doctors,  that  they  might  perform  the  duties  of  their 
office  with  him. 

A  httle  after  two  o'clock  the  clerk  of  the  court  was 
sent  for  by  the  divines,  wUo  told  him,  that  the  con- 
demned had  charged  them  to  send  for  him,  that  he 
might  hear  and  sign  his  confession,  which  he  desired 
might  be  revealed,  and  even  printed,  to  the  end  that  it 
might  be  known  to  the  whole  world;  which  confession 
the  said  doctors  declared  to  have  been.  That  no  one 
had  been  concerned  with  him  in  the  act  he  had  com- 
mitted; that  he  had  not  been  solicited,  prompted,  or 
abetted,  by  any  other  person  whatever,  nor  had  disco- 
vered his  design  to  any  one;  that  he  acknowledged  he 
had  committed  a  great  crime,  for  which  he  hoped  to 
have  the  mercy  of  God,  which  was  still  greater  than 
his  sins,  but  which  he  could  not  hope  to  obtain  if  he 
concealed  any  thing. 

Hereupon  the  clerji  asked  the  condemned,  if  he  was 
wilHnghis  confession  should  be  known  and  revealed.'^ 
and  as  above,  admonished  him  to  acknowlege  the  truth 
for  the  salvation  of  his  soul.  He  then  declared  upon  hi$ 
oath,  that  he  had  said  all  he  k^iew,  and  that  no  one  had 
incited  him  to  commit  the  murder. 

At  three  o'clock  he  came  from  the  chapel;  and  as 
he  was  carrying  out  of  the  Conciergerie,  the  prisoners, 
in  great  numbers,  thronged  about  him,  with  loud  cries, 
and  exclamations,  calling  him  Traitor,  Wicked  Wretch, 
Detestable  Monster,  Damned  Villain,  and  the  like; 
they  would  have  struck  him,  had  they  not  been  hinder- 
ed by  the  archers,  and  the  other  officers  of  justice,  who 
kept  them  off  by  force. 

When  he  was  put  into  the  tumbril,  the  crowd  was  so 
great,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  the  archers 

VOL.  V.  G  g 


2S2  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

and  officers  of  justice  could  force  themselves  a  passage: 
and  as  soon  as  the  prisoner  appeared,  that  vast  multi- 
tude began  to  cry  out,  as  above,  Wicked  Wretch,  Trai- 
tor, &c. 

The  enraged  populace  continued  their  cries  and  exe- 
crations till  he  arrived  at  the  Greve;  where,  before  he 
was  taken  out  of  the  tumbril  to  mount  the  scaffold,  he 
was  again  exhorted  to  reveal  his  accomplices;  but  he  per- 
sisted in  his  former  delaration,  that  he  had  none;  again 
imploring  pardon  of  the  young  king,  the  queen,  and  the 
whole  kingdom,  for  the  crime  he  had  committed. 

Wlien  he  had  ascended  the  scaffold,  the  two  doctors 
comforted  him,  and  exhorted  him  to  acknowledge  the 
truth;  and  after  performing  the  duties  of  their  func- 
tion, the  clerk  approached  him,  and  urged  him  to  think 
of  his  salvation  now  at  the  close  of  his  life,  and  to  con- 
fess all  he  knew;  to  which  he  only  answered  as  he  had 
done  before.  • 

The  fire  being  put  to  his  right-hand,  holding  the  knife 
with  which  he  had  stabbed  the  king,  he  cried  out,  Oh  God! 
and  often  repeated  Jesu  Marie!  while  his  breast,  &c. 
were  tearing  with  red  hot  pincers,  he  renewed  his  cries 
and  prayers;  during  which,  being  often  admonished  to 
acknowledge  the  truth,  he  persisted  in  denying  that  he 
had  any  accomplices.  The  furious  crowd  continued  to 
load  him  with  execrations,  crying,  that  he  ought  not  to 
have  a  moment's  respite.  Afterwards,  by  intervals, 
melted  lead  and  scalding  oil  were  poured  upon  his 
wounds;  during  which  he  shrieked  aloud,  and  continued 
his  cries  and  exclamations. 

The  doctors  again  admonished  him,  as  hkewise  the 
clerk  to  confess,  and  were  preparing  to  qflfer  up  publicly 
the  usual  prayers  for  the  condemned;  but  immediately 
the  people,  with  great  tumult  and  disorder,  cried  out 


THE    TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  233 

against  it,  saying,  that  no  prayers  ought  to  be  made  for 
that  wicked  wretch,  that  damned  monster.  So  that  the 
doctors  were  obhged  to  give  over.  Then  the  clerk 
remonstrating  to  him,  that  the  indignation  of  the 
people  was  a  judgment  upon  him,  which  ought  to  in- 
induce  him  to  declare  the  truth,  he  persisted  to  answer 
as  formerly,  saying,  I  only  was  concerned  in  the  mur- 
der. 

He  was  then  drawn  by  four  horses,  for  half  an  hour, 
by  mtervals. 

Being  agained  questioned  and  admonished,  he  per- 
sisted in  denying  that  he  had  any  accomplices;  while 
the  people  of  all  ranks  and  degrees,  both  near  and  at  a 
distance,  continued  their  exclamations,  in  tokefl  of  their 
great  grief  for  the  loss  of  their  king.  Several  persons 
set  themselves  to  pull  .the  ropes  with  the  utmost  eager- 
ness; and  one  of  the  noblesse,  who  was  near  the  crimi- 
nal, alighted  off  his  horse,  that  it  might  be  put  in  the 
place  of  one  which  was  tired  with  drawing  him.  At 
length,  when  he  had  been  drawn  for  a  full  hour  by  the 
horses,  without  beingdismembered,  the  people,  rushing 
on  ih  crow^ds,  threw  themselves  upon  him,  and  with 
swords,  knives,  sticks,  and  other  weapons,  they  struck, 
tore,  and  mangled  his  hmbs;  and  violently  forcing  them 
from  the  executioner,  they  dragged  them  through  the 
streets  with  the  utmost  eagerness  and  rage,  and  burnt 
them  in  diflerent  parts  of  the  city. 

May  the  twenty-first,  1610. 

THE  jailor  caused  the  court  to  be  informed,  that  he 
had  heard  the  prisoner  say  something  of  consequence; 
upon  which  he  was  sent  for,  and  the  oath  being  admi- 
nistered to  him, 


2S4>  THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC. 

He  said,  that  the  even  before,  carrying  the  prisoner's 
supper  to  him,  with  one  of  his  men,  the  two  archers 
who  guarded  him  being  present,  he  asked  the  prisoner 
where  he  was  when  the  king  went  out  of  the  Louvre? 
to  which  the  prisoner  rephed,  that  he  was  sitting  in  the 
hall  among  the  footmen:  and  being  again  asked,  why 
he  committed  such  an  action?  the  prisoner  answered, 

"  Because  of  a  great but  I  will  not  tell  you,  but  I 

"will  tell  the  court  to-morrow;  and  I  could  not  help  do- 
"  ing  it,  as  I  shall  prove  by  my  body/' 

Then archer  of  the  provost  of  PHotel,  being 

sent  for,  the  oath  was  administered  to  him; 

He  repeated  what  the  jailor  had  said,  adding,  that 
the  prisoner  said,  that  his  mother  had  a  mark  like  his; 
for  which  reason  he  could  not  avoid  doing  what  he  did; 
and  that  perceiving  the  king's  coach  to  stop,  he  saw  a  vi- 
sion, which  said  to  him,  JVow  is  the  time. 

Then  was  heard  upon  oath archer  likewise 

of  the  provost  of  THotel. 

He  also  repeated  what  the  jailor  had  said,  adding, 
that  the  prisoner  said,  he  was  under  the  necessity  of 
committing  that  action,  by  a  mark  which  he  and  his 
mother  had,  that  it  came  from  heaven,  and  that  he  would 
declare  it  to  the  court,  &c. 

Sentence  of  Death  against  Francis  Ravaillac,  May  28, 

•  1610. 

Extracted  from  the  Registers  of  the  Parliament. 

The  court,  consisting  of  the  great  chambers  of  the 
Toumelle  and  the  Edict,  being  assembled,  and  having 
seen  the  criminal  proceedings,  formed  by  the  presidents 


THE  TRIAL  OP  RAVAILLAC.  235 

and  counsellors  in  that  behalf,  appointed  by  commis- 
sion, at  the  requisition  of  the  king's  attorney-general, 
against  Francis  Ravaillac,  a  practitioner  of  the  law,  of 
the  city  of  Angouleme,  prisoner  in  the  Conciergerie  of 
the  palace;  as  also  the  information  made  against  him, 
the  interrogatories,  confessions,  answers,  and  cross-ex- 
aminations of  witnesses,  and  the  state  of  the  case  by 
the  king's  attorney-general;  and  the  said  Ravaillac  hav- 
ing been  heard  and  examined  by  the  said  court  touch- 
ing the  matters  laid  to  his  charge;  and  touching  the 
verbal  process  of  the  interrogatories  administrated  to 
him  on  the  rack;  which  by  order  of  the  said  court,  he 
underwent  on  the  25th  of  this  month,  for  discovery  of 
his  accomplices:  On  consideration  of  the  whole. 

The  said  court  hath  declared,  and  doth  declare,  the 
said  Ravaillac  duly  attainted  of  the  crime  of  high-trea- 
son, divine  and  human,  in  the  highest  degree,  for  the 
most  wicked,  most  abominable,  and  most  detestable  par- 
ricide, committed  on  the  person  of  the  late  king  Henry 
IV,  of  good  and  laudable  memory ;  for  reparation  where 
of,  the  court  hath  condemned,  and  doth  condemn  him, 
to  make  the  amende  honourable,  before  the  principal 
gate  of  the  church  of  Paris,  whither  he  shall  be  carried 
and  drawn  in  a  tumbril  in  his  shirt,  bearing  a  lighted 
torch  of  two  pound  weight,  and  that  he  shall  there  say 
and  declare,  that  wickedly  and  traitorously  he  hath  com- 
mitted the  aforesaid  most  wicked,  most  abominable, 
and  most  detestable  parricide,  and  murdered  the  said 
lord  the  king,  by  stabbing  him  twice  in  the  body  with  a 
knife;  that  he  repents  of  the  same,  and  begs  pardon  of 
God,  the  king,  and  the  laws:  from  thence  he  shall  be 
carried  to  the  Greve,  and,  on  a  scaffold  to  be  there 
erected,  the  flesh  shall  be  torn  to  pieces  with  red-hot 


236  THE  TRIAL  OP  RAVAILLAC. 

pincers  from  his  breasts,  his  arms,  and  thighs,  and  the 
calves  of  his  legs;  his  right  hand,  holding  the  knife 
wherewith  he  committed  the  aforesaid  parricide  shall 
be  scorched  and  burned  with  flaming  brimstone;  and  on 
the  places  where  the  flesh  has  been  torn  with  pincers, 
melted  lead,  boiling  oil,  scalding  pitch,  with  wax  and 
brimstone  melted  together,  shall  be  pom*ed:  after  this, 
he  shall  be  torn  in  pieces  by  four  horses,  his  limbs  and 
body  burnt  to  ashes,  and  dispersed  in  the  air.  His  goods 
and  chattels  are  also  declared  to  be  forfeited  and  con- 
fiscated to  the  king.  And  it  is  further  ordained,  that  the 
house  in  which  he  was  born  shall  be  pulled  down  to 
the  ground  (the  owner  thereof  being  previously  indem- 
nified) and  that  no  other  building  shall  ever  hereafter 
be  erected  on  the  foundation  thereof:  and  that  within 
fifteen  days  after  the  publication  of  this  present  sen- 
tence, his  father  and  mother  shall  by  sound  of  trumpet 
and  public  proclamation  in  the  city  of  Angouleme,  be 
banished  out  of  the  kingdom,  and  forbid  ever  to  return, 
under  the  penalty  of  being  hanged  and  strangled,  with- 
out any  farther  form  or  process  at  law.  The  court  has 
also  forbidden,  and  doth  forbid,  his  brotliers,  sisters,  un- 
cles, and  others,  from  henceforth  to  bear  the  said  name 
of  Ravaillac,  enjoining  them  to  change  it  to  some  other, 
under  the  like  penalties;  and  ordering  the  substitute  of 
the  king^s  attorney  general  to  cause  this  present  sen- 
tence to  be  published  and  carried  into  execution,  under 
pain  of  being  answerable  for  the  same;  and  before  the 
execution  thereof,  the  court  doth  order,  that  the  said 
Ravaillac  shall  again  undergo  the  torture  for  the  dis- 
covery of  his  accomplices. 

Pronounced  and  executed  the 
27th  day  of  May,  1610. 

VOISIN. 


THE  TRIAL  OF  RAVAILLAC.  237 

Extract  from  the  Register's  of  Parliament 

The  court,  consisting  of  the  great  chambers  of  the 
Tournelle  and  the  Edict,  being  assembled  and  proceed- 
ing to  judgment  on  the  criminal  process  extraordinaiy, 
formed  at  the  requisition  of  the  king^s  attorney-general, 
on  account  of  the  most  wicked,  most  cruel,  and  most 
detestable  parricide,  committed  on  the  sacred  person  of 
the  late  king  Henry  IV,  and  having  thereupon  heard 
the  king's  said  attorney-general;  hath  ordered,  and  doth 
order,  that,  at  the  instance  of  the  dean  and  syndic  of  the 
faculty  of  divinity,  the  said  faculty  shall  be  assembled, 
as  soon  as  may  be,  to  deliberate;  and  having  heard  the 
tenor  of  the  decree  of  the  said  faculty  of  the  1 3th  of 
December,  1413,  and  the  resolution  founded  on  the 
opinion  of  one  hundred  forty-one  doctors  of  the  said  fa- 
culty, since  confirmed  by  the  council  of  Constance; 
That  it  is  not  lawful  for  any  one,  whoever  he  he,  to  make 
any  attempt  on  the  sacred  pen  sons  of  kings,  and  other 
sovereign  pinces.  The  said  decree  thereon  to  be  made 
by  the  said  assembly,  shall  be  subscribed  by  all  the  doc- 
tors of  the  said  faculty,  who  shall  have  been  present  at 
the  deliberations;  and  also  by  all  the  batchelors,  who 
are  members  of  the  body  of  divinity;  which  said  decree 
being  communicated  to  the  said  attorney-general,  and 
produced  to  this  court,  such  order  shall  be  made  there- 
on as  reason  shall  require. 

Done  in  parliament,  the  27th  May,  1610. 


APPENDIX. 


Letters  from   Henry  IV  to  his  Mistress,  Corisande 
d'Andoin,   afterwards  CouiUess  of  Guiche. 

LETTER  I. 

Baigneres.  Sept.  12,   1570 

I  HAVE  nothing  to  write  to  you  except  that  I  have  been 
here  since  yesterday,  drinking  the  waters,  w  hich  do  me 
all  possible  good.  M.  de  Montluc*  is  also  here,  who  says 
he  is  more  devoted  to  me  than  to  any  other  man  living. 
I  govern  him  in  all  things.  Apropos  of  this,  I  beg  you 
will  search  in  my  Httle  desk,  the  letter  he  wrote  tome,  in 
which  he  tells  me  that  he  cannot  continue  the  garrison 
of  my  company  so  near  to  me,  since  I  employ  it  other- 
wise than  for  the  king's  service:  he  also  mentions  in  the 
same  letter  that  he  had  learnt,  that,  in  the  states  held  in 
Beam,  I  had  declared  against  the  king.f  Send  me  a  copy 
of  the  letter,  and  take  particular  care  of  the  original; 
for,  before  we  part,  he  must  make  me  some  reparation 
for  it.  I  entreat  you  to  send  it  me  by  a  careful  person, 
and  in  all  haste,  because  I  may  not  again  have  a  like 
opportunity.  I  shaU  act  graciously,  and  with  a  good  hu- 

*  Blaisa  de  Montluc,  governor  of  Guienne. 

f  This  letter  was  written  just  after  the  conclusion  of  a  peace  with  the 
Protestants. 

VOL.  y.  H  h 


240  APPENDIX. 

mour;  and  both  him  and  his  will  be  still  more  my  friends 
after  it.  I  entreat  you  not  to  fail  in  this.  I  send  you  the 

mules,  and  the ,  to  carry  part  of  the  furniture. 

As  soon  as  they  shall  be  on  their  way  back,  I  will  set 
out.  I  am  busily  engaged  at  Semeac.  Recommend  me 
to  the  little  girl.  I  have  sent  to  seek  master  Amanin. 
Farewell. 


LETTER  II. 


Sem^ac,  JimeWth,  1579. '^ 


Thanks  to  God,  I  have  at  last  recovered  those  places 
which  had  been  occupied  in  this  country  by  the  thieves 
and  robbers  who  had  seized  upon  them;  for  having  an 
enterprize  against  Ran^on,  I  sent  yesterday  to  put  it  in 
execution,  and  through  God's  favour,  it  succeeded  to 
my  wishes:  the  place  was  taken,  the  banditti  dispersed, 
a  part  slain,  and  some  made  prisoners,  so  that  this 
country  is  now  free,  on  which  account,  after  having 
spoken  to  M.  de  la  Valette,  I  shall  prepare  more  wil- 
lingly to  quit  this  place,  for  I  have  put  the  whole  of  this 
district  in  such  security,  that,  for  the  future,  they  may, 
if  they  w^ill,  protect  themselves,  while  I  undertake  what 
the  said  M.  de  la  Valette  shall  think  proper. 

You  may  tell  our  neighbours  of  Bayonne  and  Dax, 
of  what  is  mentioned  above,  and  say  that  I  desired  you 
to  do  it,  in  order  that  they  may  know  I  am  not  idle  where 
I  stay.  I  have  sent  the  upholsterer  to  seek  your  ward- 
robes at  Monreal;  they  will,  I  hope,  be  soon  here;  but  I 
do  not  know  whether  it  will  be  safe  to  send  them  by 
the  way  of  Beam;  it  will  be  less  so  the  other  way, 
therefore  I  will  not  dispatch  them  till  you  are  sure 

*  This  letter  alludes  to  events  which  took  place  immediately  on  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  in  1579.  See  vol.  I,  p.  76. 


APPENDIX.  241 

they  will  go  safe:  for,  notwitlistanding  the  passport  you 
formerly  had,  our  bullocks  are  still  seized  in  Beam, 
and  I  cannot  recover  them:  this  is  all  I  can  tell  you.  I 
shall  set  out  on  Friday  to  meetM.  de  laValetteat  Aulx. 
From  thence  you  shall  hear  from  me. 

P.  S.  If  Gabriel  be  not  engaged,  I  could  wish  him  to 
come  hither  to  do  what  I  want  to  have  done.  Fray  send 
me  word  if  he  rancome,  for  I  will  seek  out  for  another, 

LETTER  III. 

June  Mth,  [1586?]* 

One  of  your  footmen  is  just  arrived,  who  has  been  10 
days  a  prisoner  at  Brouage;  they  have  taken  your's 
and  my  sister's  letters  from  him;  but  St.  Luc,  hearing 
the  manner  in  which  he  is  sure  I  would  be  revenged 
for  this,  has  sent  them  by  one  of  his  own  people,  who 
will  not  be  here  till  this  evening.  The  vessel  in  which 
the  bearer  of  this  came,  sails  in  an  hour,  which  is  the 
reason  of  my  sending  him  back,  having  detained  Esprit 
for  reasons  which  you  will  hear  of  presently.  Yester- 
day I  received  intelligence  from  Germany:  by  the  last 
of  July  0.  S.  our  army  will  be  at  Place-Montre,  in 
France. 

The  horse-load  of  grain  costs  fifty  livres  in  Cham- 
pagne and  Burgundy,  and  thirty  at  Paris;  it  is  distress- 
ing to  see  how  the  people  die  of  hunger.  If  you  want  a 
coach-horse,  there  is  one  in  my  troop,  exactly  like  your 
others,  very  handsome. 

I  arrived  this  evening  from  Marans,  whither  I  had 
gone  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  it — Ah!  how  much  I 
wished  to  have  you  there! — it  is  a  place  more  suited  to 
your  disposition  than  any  I  have  ever  seen;  it  is  an  island 

*  See  Vol.  I,  p.  140 


242  APPENDIX. 

surrounded  by  marshy  groves,  where  at  every  hundred 
yards  are  canals  on  which  to  go  a  pleasuring  in  boats; 
the  waters  are  clear  and  not  rapid;  the  canals  are  of  all 
breadths,  the  boats  of  all  sizes;  amidst  these  solitudes 
are  a  tliousand  gardens  to  which  they  go  only  by  water. 
The  island,  thus  environed,  is  two  leagues  in  circumfe- 
rence;— a  river  passes  by  the  foot  of  the  castle  in  the 
middle  of  the  town,  which  is  as  convenient  asPau;  there 
are  few  houses  which  have  not  a  small  boat  at  their 
door.  This  river  divides  itself  into  two  branches,  which 
bear  not  only  large  boats,  but  vessels  of  fifty  tons  bur- 
then come  up  it;  it  is  only  two  leagues  from  the  sea:  in- 
deed it  is  rather  a  canal  than  a  river;  the  larger  vessels 
go  up  against  the  stream  as  high  as  Nyort,  distant  12 
leagues.  There  is  an  infinite  number  of  insulated  mills 
and  farms. — Here  are  all  kinds  of  singing  birds;  I  send 
you  the  feathers  of  various  species  of  sea  birds.  Offish 
there  is  here  an  immense  quantity,  large,  and  cheap; 
a  large  carp  for  3  sous,  and  a  pike  for  5;  it  is  a  place  of 
great  trade,  and  all  by  means  of  boats;  the  country  is 
full  of  grain,  and  very  beautiful.  Here  one  may  live 
agreeably  in  peace,  and  in  safety  in  war;  enjoy  those  we 
love,  or  complain  of  their  absence.  Ah!  this  makes  me 
very  eloquent!  On  Tuesday,  I  set  out  for  Pons,  where  I 
shall  be  nearer  you;  but  I  shall  not  make  a  long  stay 
there.  I  think  all  my  other  footmen  are  dead;  not  one  of 
them  has  returned.  My  soul,  hold  me  in  your  good 
graces;  believe  my  fidelity  to  be  pure  and  unspotted;  it 
never  had  its  like.  If  this  affords  you  gratification,  live 
happily,  your  slave  adores  you.  I  kiss,  my  heart,  thy 
hands  a  thousand  times. 


APPENDIX.  243 

LETTER  IV. 

Du  Mont  Dec.  ^. 

MoNGLAS  is  just  arrived;  he  hurries  me  more  than  any 
of  the  others,  and  for  reasons  which  are  greatly  to  be 
apprehended,  and  which  must  not  be  committed  to  pa- 
per; they  will  be  told  you.  There  has  been  no  battle 
since  that  near  Montargis.  The  duke  of  Maienne  has 
returned  to  his  government,  and  M.  d'Aumale  is  gone 
home.  Paris  will  neither  receive  the  king's  Switzers, 
nor  the  duke  of  Guise;  who  appeared  before  the  su- 
burbs. My  mind  is  greatly  distracted,  and  not  without 
cause.  See  if  Navaille's  ransome  cannot  be  moderated 
through  your  favour.  I  beseech  you  employ  your  influ- 
ence in  this  for  the  love  of  Tach  and  me.  The  bearer 
of  this  goes  by  St.  Severe,  and  will  return  the  same  way. 
Hold  me  in  your  favour,  as  one  who  will  be  faithful  to 
you  till  death. 

P.  S.    I  have  two  little  tame  boars,  and  two  fawns; 
send  me  word  if  you  will  have  them. 

LETTER  V. 

Montauban,  Jan.  14. 

There  is  not  a  footman,  or  at  least  very  few,  but  what 
is  searched,  or  the  letters  he  carries  opened.  Seven  or 
eight  gentlemen  have  arrived  of  those  who  were  at 
the  foreign  army,  who  assure  me  (and .  it  is  true,  for 
one  of  them  is  M.  de  Montluet,  Rambouillet's  brother, 
who  was  one  of  the  deputies  sent  to  treat)  that  there 
are  not  ten  gentlemen  who  have  promised  not  to  beai* 
arms.  M.  de  Bouillon  has  not  promised;  in  short,  no- 


244  APPENDIX. 

thing  is  lost  which  may  not  be  recovered  with  money, 
M.  de  Maienne  has  done  an  action  which  will  gain  him 
little  credit;  he  has  stabbed  Sacremore  with  a  poniard, 
as  he  asked  for  some  reward  for  his  services.  I  am  in- 
formed that^  not  being  willing  to  satisfy  his  demands, 
he  was  afraid  that,  through  discontent  he  would  reveal 
all  the  secrets  he  knew,  even  the  plot  against  the  king's 
person,  of  which  he  was  the  principal.  God  is  willing 
to  destroy  them  by  their  own  dissentions,  for  Sacre- 
more was  the  most  useful  servant  they  possessed;  he 
was  buried  before  he  was  quite  dead.  As  I  write,  Mor- 
lants  and  a  footman  from  my  cousin*  have  arrived,  who 
have  been  plundered  of  both  their  clothes  and  letters. 
M.  de  Turenne  will  be  here  to-morrow.  He  has  taken, 
in  three  days  eighteen  strong-holds  about  Syjac.  If  it 
please  God,  I  shall  perhaps  soon  do  something  better. 
The  report  of  my  death  spreading  to  Pau,  thence  to 
Meux,  reached  Paris;  where  some  of  the  priests,  in 
their  sermons,  set  it  forth  as  one  of  the  blessings  which 
God  had  promised  them!  I  kiss  thy  hands  a  thousand 
times. 


LETTER  VI. 

Jan.  12. 

Yesterday  Pychery  returned  with  a  short  letter  from 
you  and  tells  me  another  was  taken  Irom  him,  both 
were  opened;  take  care  what  you  write  to  me.  Yester- 
day also  came  a  man  to  me  from  Paris,  who  has  given 
me  full  information  of  every  thing.  The  king  is  arrived 
there  greatly  applauded  by  the  lower  orders,  who  ex- 

*  The  prioce  of  Cond^. 


I 


APPENDIX.  245 

claimed  aloud,  that  the  leaguers  did  nothing  but  threaten, 
but  that  the  king  had  driven  away  the  foreigners.*  The 
queen-mother  did  not  seem  rejoiced  at  his  arrival,  nay, 
she  says  every  where  that  the  duke  of  Guise  would 
have  defeated  them  without  the  king.  There  are  some 
circumstances  which  I  cannot  write,  having  lost  the 
cypher  used  between  you  and  me.  Neither  Guitry  nor 
Clervautf  would  sign  the  capitulation,  answering  that 
they  would  sooner  lose  their  possessions  than  fail  in 
their  duty  to  their  master:  They  are  at  Geneva:  I  shall 
have  them  with  me  immediately.  The  capitulation  con- 
sists of  three  articles;  those  who  are  willing  to  obey  the 
edict  may  live  freely  at  their  homes;  those  who  will  not, 
but  will  promise  not  to  bear  arms,  may  enjoy  their 
property,  in  a  foreign  country ;  and  those  who  will  do 
neither,  are  to  be  conveyed  in  safety  out  of  the  king- 
dom. TygnonvilleJ  will  be  here  to-morrow.  No  army  is 
yet  advancing  against  us.  My  life,  hold  me  ever  in  your 
favour,  and  be  assured  of  my  fidehty,  which  is  inviola- 
ble. I  kiss  thy  hands  a  thousand  times,  and  also  thy  lit- 
tle sister. 

LETTER  VII. 

February  23. 

You  do  not  find  the  roads  dangerous,  to  afford  pleasure 
to  the  least  of  your  friends;  but  if  I  wTite  to  you  to  gratify 
me  with  your  presence,  the  roads  are  too  dangerous: 
these  are  the  testimonies  of  the  part  I  occupy  in  your 
good  graces.  I  write  the  letter  you  desired  to  Meryteyn, 

*  This  and  the  precediog  letter  seem  to  allude  to  the  defeat  of  the  Ger- 
man auxiliaries  in  1587.  See  vol.  I,  p.  169. 

t  These  were  the  two  agents  sent  to  attend  the  German  troops. 
\  See  vol.  I,  p.  62. 


246 


APPENDIX 


and  send  it  you  open;  I  think  it  will  displease  her,  but 
I  like  your  favour  better  than  her's.  I  had  blockaded 
le  Masdagenes,  but  did  not  bring  up  the  artillery,  as  I 
was  apprehensive  the  marshaFs  army  might  oblige  me 
to  retire  in  haste,  the  grand-prior  of  Thoulouse  having 
joined  him  with  the  army  of  Languedoc.  I  am  just 
going  to  mount,  with  three  hundred  gentlemen,  and  I 
shall  advance  to  the  head  of  their  army:  it  is  a  great  chance 
if  I  do  not  perform  some  exploit.  I  conclude,  under  an 
idea  that  you  certainly  do  not  wish  me  well.  It  is  in 
your  power  to  inspire  me  with  such  opinions  as  you 
please.     I  kiss  your  hands  a  thousand  times. 

LETTER  VIII. 

March  \at 

I  HAVE  received  a  letter  from  you,  my  M ,  in 

which  you  tell  me  you  do  not  wish  me  ill,  but  that  you 
cannot  assure  yourself  of  so  changeable  a  creature  as 
I  am;  the  first  afforded  me  great  pleasure,  but  you  ai'e 
greatly  to  blame  in  entertaining  those  doubts  you  ex- 
press. What  action  of  mine  have  you  known  to  be  va- 
riable, I  mean  in  what  relates  to  you.''  I  have  always  con- 
tinued fixed  in  the  love  and  service  I  vowed  to  you,  God 

is  my  witness Yesterday  the 

marshal  and  the  grand  prior  offered  us  battle,  w^ell  know- 
ing that  I  had  disbanded  my  ti'oops:  it  was  at  the  top  of 
the  vineyards,  on  the  side  of  Agen.  Their  force  was 
five  hundred  horse,  and  near  three  thousand  infantry. 
After  being  five  hours  in  drawing  up  their  troops,  which 
after  all  were  sufficiently  confused,  they  advanced,  re- 
solved to  drive  us  into  the  ditches  of  the  town,  which  in- 
deed they  ought  to  have  done,  for  all  their  infantry  was 


\ 


APPENDIX.  247 

111  motion.  We  received  them  at  the  farthest  wall  of 
my  vineyard;  and  retired  gradually;  but  always  skir- 
mishing, till  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  town,  where 
our  main  body  was,  amounting  to  about  three  hundred 
arquebusiers.  Here  the  enemy  retired  to  where  they 
first  began  the  attack;  it  was  the  most  despeji'ate  skir- 
mish I  ever  witnessed,  and  produced  the  least  etfect,  for 
there  were  only  three  soldiers  of  my  gnaird  wounded, 
and  two  of  them  but  slightly.  Two  of  the  enemy  were 
left  dead  amongst  us,  of  which  we  took  the  spoil;  ethers 
we  saw  them  carry  off  with  them,  together  with  a  great 
number  of  their  wounded.  My  life,  hold  me  in  your  fa- 
vour; it  is  what  I  most  desire  in  this  world,  which  I  eon- 
firm  by  kissing  your  hands  a  thousand  times. 

LETTER  IX. 

[1588.*] 

To  complete  my  misery,  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes 
I  could  have  apprehended,  has  befallen  me;  this  is  the 
sudden  death  of  the  prince.  I  regret  him  as  what  he 
would  have  been  to  me,  not  what  he  was.  I  am  now 
the  mark  against  which  is  directed  all  the  perfidy  of  the 
mass.  The  traitors  have  poisoned  him;  through  God^s 
permission,  I  will  take  vengeance  on  them.  This  poor 
prince  (not  indeed  in  heart)  having  on  Thursday  run  at 
the  ring,  supped  in  good  health:  at  midnight  he  was  sei- 
zed with  a  violent  vomiting,  which  continued  till  the 
morning;  he  kept  his  bed  all  the  Friday;  in  the  evening 
he  eat  his  supper,  and  having  slept  well  during  the  night, 
rose  on  the  Saturday  morning;  he  sat  up  at  dinner,  and 
afterwards  played  at  chess;  after  which  he  rose  from 

*  See  vol.  I.  p.   170. 
VOL.    V.  I  i 


248  APPENDIX. 

his  seat,  and  began  to  walk  across  the  room,  conversing; 
with  those  about  him:  all  on  a  sudden  he  exclaimed — 
"  Give  me  a  chair,  I  feel  myself  extremely  weak."  He 
was  no  sooner  seated  than  he  became  speechless,  and 
shortly  after  expired  in  his  chair.  The  marks  of  poison 
suddenlyiSho  wed  themselves.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive 
the  astonishment  which  this  has  occasioned  hereabouts.* 
I  shall  set  oiit  by  day-break  to  examine  this  business.  I 
foresee  much  trouble  is  coming  upon  me.  Entreat  God 
fervently  for  me;  if  I  escape  it,  it  must  be  him  who  hath 
guarded  me  even  to  the  grave,  to  which  I  am  perhaps 
nearer  than  I  imagine.  1  will  remain  ever  your  faithful 
slave.  Good  night,  my  life.  I  kiss  thy  hands  a  thou- 
sand times. 

LETTER  X. 

Jferac,  March  8tk,  at  Midnight. 

God  knows  with  what  regret  I  quit  this  place,  without 
going  to  kiss  your  hands:  indeed,  my  life,  I  am  confined 
to  my  bed  with  sickness.  You  will  be  surprised  (and 
say  1  have  not  been  deceived)  at  what  Lyceran  will  tell 
you:  the  devil  is  unchained:  I  am  to  be  pitied,  and  it  is 
wonderful  that  I  do  not  sink  under  my  afflictions.  If  I 
were  not  a  Huguenot,  I  would  turn  Turk.  O,  by  what 
violent  trials  do  they  put  my  brain  to  the  test!  I  cannot 
fail  soon  of  becoming  either  a  fool  or  a  wise  man:  this 
year  will  try  me  thoroughly.  How  grievous  are  domes- 
tic evils!  all  the  troubles  which  can  afflict  a  mind  are 
continually  exercised  upon  mine.  I  say  every  thing  at 
once.     Pity  me,  my  life,  and  do  not  add  your  kind  of 

*  The  king  appears  to  have  been  at  this  time  about  Bergerac.    See  vol, 
I,  p.  170. 


APPENDIX.  249 

torment — it  is  what  I  dread  most  On  Friday  I  set  off 
for  Clayrac:  I  will  remember  your  advice,  namely,  to 
be  silent.  Believe  me,  nothing  but  a  want  of  friendship 
will  ever  make  me  change  the  resolution  I  have  taken 
to  be  eternally  your's.  Love  me,  my  all:  your  favour  is 
the  consolation  of  my  soul  in  the  midst  of  afflictions; — 
do  not  refuse  me  this  support.  Good  night,  my  life.  I 
kiss  thy  hands,  &c. 

LETTER  XL 

Aynset,  March  13. 

Yesterday  two  messengers  came  to  me  from  St.  Jean- 
d'Angely,  the  one  in  the  afternoon,  the  other  in  the  even- 
ing. The  former  relates  that  Belcastle,  page  to  the 
princess,  and  her  valet,  suddenly  fled  after  they  saw  their 
master  dead,  having  found  two  horses,  worth  two  hun- 
dred crowns,  at  an  inn  in  the  suburbs,  which  had  been 
kept  there  for  fifteen  days  before,  on  each  of  which  was 
a  bag  of  money.  Enquis,  the  master  of  the  inn,  says  a 
person  named  Brillant  sent  the  horses  thither,  and  came 
every  day  to  see  they  were  well  taken  care  of,  saying 
that  if  he  gave  four  measures  of  corn  to  the  other  hor- 
ses, he  should  give  eight  to  these,  and  that  he  would  pay 
him  for  the  double  quantity.  This  Brillant  is  a  man 
whom  the  princess  had  taken  into  her  house,  and  given 
to  him  the  entire  government  of  it.  He  was  immediately 
seized,  confessed  that  he  had  given  a  thousand  crowns 
to  the  page,  and  bought  these  horses  by  command  of  his 
mistress,  to  go  into  Italy.  This  story  is  confirmed  by 
the  second  messenger,  who  adds  farther,  that  this  Bril- 
lant had  been  made  to  write  a  letter  to  the  valet,  who 
was  known  to  be  at  Poitiers,  in  which  he  desired  him  to 


260  APPE]VDI5!^. 

come  about  two  hundred  yards  outside  the  gate,  as  he 
wanted  to  speak  with  him;  he  accordingly  came  imme- 
diately, and  w  as  seized  by  an  ambuscade  placed  there, 
and  brought  to  St.  Jean-d^Angely.  He  had  not  yet  been 
examined;  but  he  often  said  to  those  who  brought  him, 
"Ah!  the  princess  is  a  bad  woman!  Let  them  seize  the 
"  prince's  tailor.  I  will  disclose  every  thing,  w  ithout 
"  being  forced  to  it,"  which  was  done.  This  is  all  that 
is  yet  known.  Recollect  what  I  formerly  told  you;  my 
judgment  seldom  deceives  me: — .^  bad  ivoman  is.a  very 
dangerous  creature.  All  these  poisoners  are  Papists. 
These  are  the  lady's  instructions.  I  have  discovered  an 
assassin  designed  against  me.  God  will  protect  me:  and 
I  will  tell  you  more  about  it  presently.  The  governor 
and  officers  of  Taylebourg  have  sent  tw  o  soldiers  to  me, 
and  wi'ite  that  they  will  deliver  up  the  place  to  no  one 
but  myself;  which  affords  me  great  satisfaction.  They 
are  hard  pressed  by  the  enemy;  but  they  are  so  anxious 
to  keep  their  word  with  me,  that  they  are  not  discoura- 
ged by  it.  No  one  is  suffered  to  quit  St.  Jean,  but  those 
they  send  to  me.  M.  de  la  Tremouille  is  there  w  ith  only 
nineteen  followers.  They  send  me  word,  that  if  I  make 
much  delay  it  may  be  attended  with  bad  consequences: 
this  makes  me  hasten,  so  that  I  shall  take  twenty  troop- 
ers, and  travel  thither  day  and  night,  in  order  to  return 
to  St.  Foix,  to  the  assembly.  My  life,  I  am  very  well  in 
health,  but  in  much  affliction.  Love  me,  and  give  me 
proofs  that  you  do  so;  this  will  be  a  great  consolation 
to  me.  I  will  not  fail  in  the  fidelity  1  have  sworn  to  you. 
and  in  saying  this  I  kiss  your  hands  a  thousand  times. 


APPENDIX.  251 

LETTER  XII. 

JUarck  \5th. 

YESTERDay  I  wrote  to  you  all  that  I  knew;  news  has 
since  arrived  from  the  court.  The  duke  d'Epernon 
has  quarrelled  with  marshal  d'Aumont,  and  his  bro- 
ther with  Crillon.*  Their  dispute  is  so  violent  that 
they  cannot  be  reconciled.  The  king's  authority  will 
be  interposed  in  the  affair.  However,  the  league  is  in 
a  great  ferment:  this  affords  us  a  little  ease.  I  shall 
be  at  St.  Jean  by  Thursday,  from  whence  I  will  send 
you  all  the  news.  I  have  travelled  two  leagues  to-day, 
all  in  the  enemy's  countiy.  Good  day,  my  life  be  as- 
sured of  the  fidelity  of  your  slave;  he  will  never  deceive 
you;  he  kisses  your  hands  a  thousand  times. 

LETTER  XIII. 

JyJarch  21  St. 

On  my  arrival  at  Taylebourg,  I  found  that  Lavardyn 
had  taken  the  island  of  Marants,  with  his  army,  which 
consists  of  four  or  five  thousand  men,  and  that  nothing 
held  out  but  the  castle,  which  he  was  battering  with 
two  pieces  of  cannon.  I  set  out  immediately  for  this 
place,  from  Rochelle,  to  endeavour  to  succour  tlie  place, 
and  assemble  my  troops,  which  I  reckon  will  be  suffi- 
ciently strong  to  give  Lavardyn  a  check.  All  I  fear  is, 
that  the  castle  is  not  well  furnished  with  provisions, 
and  that  it  will  be  surrendered  from  their  hearing  no- 
thing  of  me.  I  have  taken  one  of  the  forts,  and  am  em- 
ployed day  and  night  in  constructing  bridges,  for  the 
water  is  veiy  high  in  the  marshes.     Yesterday  two  Al- 

"*  T  he  colonel  of  the  French  guards 


252  APPENDIX. 

banois  were  killed,  and  two  made  prisoners,  who  came 
to  reconnoitre  our  bridge.  I  have  only  slept  an  hour 
since  I  arrived  here,  being  always  on  horseback.  My 
life!  hold  me  always  in  your  good  graces;  and  never 
entertain  a  doubt  of  my  fidelity.  Let  me  hear  often 
from  you.  Adieu,  my  heart:  your  slave  kisses  your 
hands. 

LETTER  XIV. 

Lusignan,  May2Qth,  [1588. 

Sickness  has  broken  out  so  much  amongst  our  troops, 
that  it  will  compel  us  to  quit  the  field  sooner  than  our 
enemies  could  have  done.  I  am  just  on  the  point  of 
procuring  you  an  ambling  horse,  the  handsomest  you 
ever  saw,  and  the  best:  he  has  a  great  many  beautiful 
specks  on  him.  Bonyere  is  gone  to  Poitiers  to  buy  you 
some  lute-strings;  he  will  return  this  evening.  Yester- 
day I  had  news  from  the  court.  The  duke  of  Guise 
is  still  there.  The  prince  of  Parma  has  been  compell- 
ed by  the  English  to  raise  the  siege  of  a  town  he  had 
invested.*  The  battle  was  very  severe;  there  fell  2,5Q0 
men,  1,500  of  which  were  native  Spaniards,  22  of  these 
are  captains;  the  rest  are  Englishmen.  I  am  not  very 
well,  and  am  much  afraid  of  falling  sick.  Marshal  Bi- 
ron  does  every  thing  in  his  power  to  assemble  his  for- 
ces: he  will  not  be  able  to  compel  us  to  quit  the  field 
unless  he  receive  succours  from  France,  or  Gasco- 
ny.  My  heart!  remember  always  Petyot;  certainly  his 
fidelity  is  a  miracle.  He  wishes  for  you  a  thousand  times 
in  the  day,  in  the  avenues  of  Lyranuse.     You  will  con- 

*  Probably  the  siege  of  Graves  is  here  meant.  See  Bentivoglio,  b.  iv. 
pV2. 


APPENDIX.  S53 

sider  whether  he  shall  send  you  Rosambeau,  to  keep 
you  from  ennui.  That  place  must  be  wild  indeed, 
where  you  two  would  be  dull,  when  together.  Those 
whom  we  sought  yesterday  are  gone;  they  have  not  yet 
escaped.  Farewell,  my  heart;  I  kiss  thy  hands  a  thou- 
sand times.     Love  me  better  than  yourself. 

LETTER  XV 

Montgut/on,  June  25th. 

I  CAME  hither  in  hopes  of  striking  some  blow  against 
our  enemies;  but  the  weather  has  been  so  tempestuous, 
that  it  has  disconcerted  all  onr  plans.  I  return  to  night 
to  sleep  at  Barbesyeux,  and  to-morrow  to  Pons.  You 
will  gratify  me  by  going  to  Pau.  Ah,  my  dear,  what 
would  i  give  to  be  able  to  go  thither!  Such  a  pleasure 
is  inestimable.  [  send  you  the  copies  of  the  letters 
which  the  queen  of  England  wrote  to  the  kingand  queen, 
on  the  peace  of  the  league.  You  will  discover  in  them 
a  noble  language,  and  a  pleasing  style.  My  heart,  I 
cannot  write  a  longer  letter,  as  I  am  just  going  to  mount 
Qiy  horse.     Good-day,  my  life.     I  kiss  thy  hands,  &c. 

LETTER  XVI. 

October  21st 

God  has  done  more  than  man  could  expect — certainly 
more  than  I  could  have  expected,  as  you  will  see  by 
the  letter  I  wrote  you  yesterday.  He  sent  us  a  tem- 
pestuous season,  which  astonished  eveiy  one;  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  rendered  valiant  those  who  were  sick, 
and  increased  the  astonishment  of  the  weak-hearted;  so 
that,  in  the  evening,  after  I  had  invoked  him,  he  inspi- 
red me  with  the  resolution  to  summon  them  at  ten  o' 


254  APPENDIX. 

clock  at  night,  against  all  militaiy  order,  having,  during 
the  day,  discharged  fifty  shot  without  any  effect.  At 
the  first  sound  of  the  trumpet  they  came  to  a  parley, 
and  the  treaty  was  so  speedily  made,  that  they  surren- 
dered at  ten  o'clock;  and,  through  God's  special  favour, 
I  am  now  within  the  place.  It  is  a  strong  place,  and 
of  great  importance.  On  Monday  I  believe  we  shall 
make  the  grand  attempt:  therefore  I  will  say,  with  Da- 
vid, "  He  who  hath  thus  far  given  me  the  victory  over 
'*  mine  enemies,  will  also  make  this  affair  easy."  So 
may  it  happen  through  his  goodness!  My  heart!  I 
am  a  better  man  than  you  reckon  me.  Your  last  packet 
will  teach  me  again  that  speed  in  writing  which  I  had 
lost.  Every  night  1  read  your  letter:  if  I  am  in  love 
with  it,  what  must  I  be  with  her  from  whom  it  comes  .'^ 
Never  had  I  so  great  a  desire  to  see  you  as  I  have  at 
present.  If  the  enemy  does  not  press  hard  upon  us, 
after  this  assembly,  I  will  steal  a  month.  Send  me 
Lyceran,  under  colour  of  his  going  to  Paris.  There  is 
still  a  thousand  things  which  cannot  be  written.  Ah, 
my  life!  thou  art  made  for  me!  For  God's  sake,  do  as 
your  letter  says.  Is  it  possible,  that,  with  so  gentle  an 
edge,  I  have  cut  the  thread  of  your  caprice.''  I  would 
fain  think  so.  I  beseech  you  to  forget  all  your  hatred 
to  every  person  about  me:  it  is  one  of  the  first  changes 
I  wish  to  see  in  you.  Neither  fear,  nor  believe,  that 
any  thing  can  ever  diminish  my  love.  It  is  more  ar- 
dent now  than  ever.  Good  night,  my  heart,  I  am  going 
to  sleep,  my  mind  being  freer  from  care  than  it  has  been 
these  twenty  days.  I  kiss  thy  beauteous  eyes  a  thou- 
sand times. 


APPENDIX.  255 

LETTER  XYII. 

J^Tovember  SOth- 

Send  me  back  Biysquieres,  and  he  shall  return  with 
every  thing  you  want,  except  myself.  I  am  greatly  af- 
flicted at  the  loss  of  my  little  one,*  who  died  yesterday  ;^ 

ho  was  just  beginning  to  talk.  . 

The  enemy  is  before  Montaigu,  where  they  will  be  well 
drenched,  for  there  is  no  shelter  for  a  league  round. 
The  assembly  will  break  up  in  ten  days.  Yesterday  a 
great  deal  of  intelligence  reached  me  from  Blois.  I  send 
you  an  extract  of  the  most  authentic. — A  man  is  this 
instant  arrived  from  Montaigu.  They  have  made  a  bold 
sortie,  and  killed  a  great  number  of  the  enemy.  I  am 
sending  all  my  troops  thither,  and  hope,  if  the  place  can 
hold  out  fifteen  days,  to  strike  a  blow  there.  What  I 
wrote  to  you  of  not  wishing  ill  to  any  person,  is  re- 
quisite both  for  your  own  peace  and  mine.  I  am  speak- 
ing to  you  now  as  being  wholly  mine.  My  life!  I  have 
a  strange  desire  to  see  you.  Here  is  a  man  who  is  the 
bearer  of  letters  from  the  king  of  Scotland  to  my  sister: 
he  presses  me  more  than  ever  about  the  marriage;  he 
offers  to  send  me  six  thousand  men,  at  his  own  expense, 
and  to  come  himself  to  serve  me.  He  will  most  un- 
doubtedly be  king  of  England.  Prepare  my  sister  be- 
forehand to  accept  his  offers  favourably,  by  pointing 
out  to  her  again  our  present  situation,  and  the  great- 
ness of  this  Prince,  as  well  as  his  virtues.  1  have  not 
written  to  her  about  it.  Inti'oduce  the  subject  in  the 
course  of  conversation,  by  obseiTing  that  it  is  time  she 
should  be  married,  and  that  there  is  no  other  match  to 

t"  This  was  a  son  he  had  by  Corisande  d'Aodoin. 
VOL.  v.  Kk 


256  APEENDIX. 

be  expected  for  her  but  this;  for  as  to  our  relations,  it 
is  a  hopeless  matter.  Farewell,  my  heart!  I  kiss  thee 
a  hundred  thousand  times.* 

LETTER  XVIII. 

Dec.  20th. 

My  lii'el  the  messenger  who  returned  to  me  yesterday 
was  seized  near  Montgaillard,  and  carried  to  M.  Poy- 
anne,  who  asked  him  if  he  had  any  letters:  he  said  he 
had  one  which  you  had  written  to  me;  he  took  it  open- 
ed and  read  it,  and  then  returned  it  to  the  bearer.  M. 
de  Plessis  is  arrived,  and  the  rest  of  my  troop  from 
Nerac.  I  will  travel  in  such  wise,  to  visit  you,  as  to  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  garrison  of  St.  Severe.  There 
is  also  a  person  coming  from  the  foreign  army,  which 
is  at  Castel-jaloux;  he  will  be  here  this  morning.  I  will 
bring  you  all  the  news,  and  the  power  of  emptying  all 
the  strong  holds.  On  Sunday  there  was  a  fine  charge 
made  near  Moneurt,  which  is  well  worth  being  known: 
the  governor,  with  three  cuirassiers,  and  ten  horse  ar- 
quebusiers,  fell  in  with  the  lieutenant  de  la  Brunyere, 
governor  of  the  Masdagenois,  who  had  24,  horsemen 

*  The  contents  of  this  letter,  as  far  as  they  relate  to  the  king  of  Scot- 
land, are  curious  from  the  circumstance  of  their  being-  at  variance  with 
what  is  said  by  our  historians  respecting  tlie  proposed  union  between  James 
and  Henry's  sister.  Cambden  and  Robertson  say  it  was  the  wish  rather  of 
Elizabeth  than  of  James,  and  that  the  queen's  object  was  to  prevent  his 
marriage  with  Anne  of  Denmark.  But,  if  any  attention  is  to  be  paid  to 
what  is  mentioned  above,  both  these  opinions  are  erroneous;  for  James 
seems  to  have  most  anxiously  desired  the  match,  and  it  would  probably 
have  taken  place,  had  not  the  princess  Catherine  been  averse  to  it.  The 
offer  of  sending  succours  to  Henry,  and  of  coming  himself  to  serve  him,  is 
particularly  deserving  of  notice,  because  it  is  even  a  "  wider  deviation 
from  James's  general  character,"  than  his  gallant  voyage  to  Denmark  tc 
bring  home  his  bride. — See  Robertson's  Hist,  of  ScoUand. 


APPENDIX.  251 

with  him,  half  of  them  arquebusiers  also;  our  governor, 
seeing  his  party  so  weak,  and  as  if  lost,  said  to  his  com- 
panions. We  must  either  kill  them  or  perish  ourselves; 
and  immediately  charged  so  desperately,  that  they  kil- 
led the  lieutenant,  and  two  of  his  company,  took  other 
two  prisoners,  routed  the  rest,  and  gained  five  large 
horses,  and  all  those  of  the  arquebusiers,  having  only 
one  man  wounded.  I  have  a  great  number  of  dispatches, 
to  write  to-night:  the  messengers  will  set  off  to-morrow 
noon,  as  I  shall  also  do,  to  go  and  kiss  your  hands. 
Good-day,  my  sovereign  good. 

LETTER  XIX. 

December  22d. 

You  would  think  me  solaced  by  having  retired  into  our 
garrisons.  Truly,  if  another  assembly  were  to  be  held, 
I  should  become  a  fool.  Thank  God,  every  thing  is 
finished  well.  I  am  going  to  Saint- Jean  to  assemble  our 
troops,  in  order  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  duke  of  Nevers, 
and  perhaps  shall  occasion  him  a  signal  displeasure,  not 
in  his  person,  but  in  his  post.  You  vvill  hear  of  it  pre- 
sently. Every  thing  is  in  the  hands  of  God,  who  has  al- 
ways blessed  all  my  labours;  through  his  favour,  I  am 
in  good  health,  having  nothing  on  my  hearty  but  a  desire 
to  see  you;  I  know  not  when  I  shall  be  so  happy.  If 
an  opportunity  present,  I  will  shovv  that  I  know  how  to 
take  advantage  of  it  I  will  not  entreat  you  to  love  me; 
as  you  have  done  it  so  entirely  that  there  is  no  need  of 
that.  There  are  two  things  of  which  I  can  never  doubt 
— you,  my  love,  and  its  inviolability.  I  expect  Lyceran; 
good  friends  are  rarely  to  be  found.  At  how  high  a 
price  would  I  purchase  three  hours  conversation  with 


25S  APPENDIX. 

you!  Good  night,  my  life!  I  wish  I  were  in  the  corner 
of  your  chimney  warming  your  pottage!  I  kiss  you  a 
thousand  times. 

LETTER  XX. 

JVcw-ymr'*  day,  [1389.] 

Shall  I  never  have  any  thing  else  to  write  to  you  but 
the  surrender  of  towns  and  strong  holds  .^  This  night 
St.  Maixant  and  Maillesaye  surrendered  to  me,  and  be- 
fore the  end  of  this  month  I  trust  you  will  hear  me 
spoken  of.  The  king  is  triumphant;  he  has  thrown  the 
Cardinal  de  Guise  into  prison:*  he  showed  him  pubhc- 
ly  for  twenty-four  hours.  The  President  de  NeuiHy,  and 
the  provost  des  Marchands  have  been  hanged,  together 
with  the  secretary  of  the  late  duke  of  Guise,  and  three 
others: — "My  son,"  said  the  queen-mother  to  his  ma- 
jesty— "  grant  me  a  request  I  wish  to  make  you,^^ — 
"  That  depends  upon  the  purport  of  it,"  was  his  answer 
— "  It  is  to  grant  me  M.  de  Nemours  and  the  Prince  of 
Guise;  they  are  both  young,  and  will  one  day  do  you 
service" — "  With  all  my  heart,  madam,"  said  he — "  I 
give  you  their  bodies  but  I  will  keep  their  heads  to  my- 
self"— He  has  sent  to  Lyons  to  seize  the  duke  de 
Maienne:  it  is  not  yet  known  whether  he  has  succeed- 
ed. They  are  all  at  loggerheads  at  Orleans,  and  still 
nearer  here — at  Poitiers — of  which  I  shall  be  within 
seven  leagues  to-morrow.  If  the  king  would  permit  me 
I  would  reconcile  them.  I  pity  you  if  you  have  such 
weather  as  it  is  here;  it  has  froze  for  these  last  ten  days. 
—I  am  in  hourly  expectation  of  hearing  they  have  sent 
to  strangle  the  late  queen  of  N :t  this,  with  the 

*  Margaret  de  Valois?  f  See  Vol.  I.  p.  178. 


APPENDIX.  259 

death  of  her  mother,  would  make  me  sing  the  song  of 
Simeon.  What  a  long  letter  is  here  for  a  warrior!  good 
night,  my  life.  I  kiss  thee  a  hundred  million  times.  Love 
me,  as  you  have  reason  to  do. 

LETTER  XXI. 

{Mothe-Frelon,  Jan.  1589.]* 

It  was  impossible  to  send  Jere,  on  account  of  my  ill- 
ness, from  which  through  God's  help  I  am  now  recov- 
ering. You  will  presently  hear  of  me  in  as  honourable 
terms,  as  in  the  affau'  of  Niort.  - 

I  can  hardly  wi'ite.  Indeed,  my  heart,  I  have  seen  the 
heavens  open,  but  I  was  not  a  good  enough  man  to  en- 
ter there.  It  is  God's  will  still  to  maka  me  his  insti'u- 
ment.  Twice,  in  the  twenty-four  hours,  I  was  so  reduc- 
ed, that  they  were  obliged  to  turn  me  by  the  help  of 
my  sheets.  I  would  have  excited  your  pity:  had  I  con- 
tinued in  this  state  two  hours  longer,  the  worms  would 
have  had  a  plentiful  feast  of  my  body.  As  I  write,  a 
man  is  arrived  with  news  from  Blois:  two  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  which  marched  out  of  Paris,  under  the 
command  of  Saint-Pol,  to  succour  Orleans,  have  been 
cut  to  pieces  by  the  king's  troops;  it  is  therefore  believ- 
ed that  Orleans  will  be  taken  by  his  majesty  in  twelve 
days.  The  duke  of  Maienne  seems  not  to  be  much 
alarmed:  he  is  in  Burgundy.  I  conclude,  as  I  find  my- 
self ill.  Good  day!  my  life. 

*  See  Vol.  I.  p.  18?. 


^60  APPENDIX. 


LETTER  XXII. 

Monthazon  March  8th.  [1589.*] 

My  life!  God  continues  his  blessings  upon  me.  Since 
the  capture  of  Chatellerault,  I  have  taken  the  isle  of 
Bouchart,  a  passage  upon  la  Vienne  and  la  Creuse;  it 
is  a  fine  town  and  may  be  easily  fortified.  We  are  at 
Montbazon,  six  leagues  from  Tours,  where  the  king  is. 
His  army  is  encamped  within  two  leagues  of  ours,  with- 
out our  requiring  any  thing  of  each  other;  our  soldiers 
meet,  and  embrace  each  other,  instead  of  fighting; 
though  there  is  neither  truce,  nor  orders  to  this  effect. 
Many  of  the  king's  people  come  over  to  me,  but  none 
of  mine  are  wilfing  to  change  masters.  I  believe  his 
majesty  will  employ  me,  for  he  is  indisposed,  and  his 
loss  is  a  bad  omen  for  us.  I  am  going  to  Chatellerault  to 
seize  some  houses  that  are  in  rebellion.  Tell  Castille 
to  take  the  field  as  soon  as  possible.  This  is  the  moment 
in  which  all  my  servants  must  do  wonders;  for,  from 
natural  causes,  April  or  May  will  prepare  the  ruin  of 
one  or  other  of  the  parties — it  will  not  be  mine,  since 
it  is  God's.  My  life!  the  greatest  grief  at  my  heart,  is 
my  being  so  far  from  you,  and  that  I  can  only  testify 
in  writing  the  love  which  I  have,  and  always  will  have 
for  you. 

I  entreat  you  to  send  me  your  son.f 

*  See  Vol.  I,  p.  185.  f  See  Vol.  I,  p.  105, 


APPENDIX.  261 


LETTER  XXni. 


Chatellerault,  March  I8th. 

My  heart!  I  have  made  an  eight-days  journey  towards 
Berrj',  where  I  have  not  been  useless,  having  taken,  as 
if  by  miracle,  the  castle  of  Argenton,  a  stronger  place 
than  Leytour,  defeated  a  troop  of  fifty  chosen  men  of 
the  league,  who  were  marching  to  its  rehef,  compelled 
upwards  of  three  hundred  gentlemen  of  the  league,  some 
to  join  me,  others  to  promise  not  to  stir  from  their 
homes,  of  whom  I  have  taken  pledges,  and  others  not 
to  stir  under  pain  of  having  their  houses  seized.  I  have 
also  taken  le  Blanc  in  Berri,  and  ten  or  twelve  other 
strong  holds;  these  bring  in  about  100,000  crowns  an- 
nually. I  am  in  very  good  health,  thank  God,  and  love 
nothing  on  earth  but  thee! — I  have  received  your  letter, 
but  1  have  scarcely  had  time  to  read  it.  Good-night,  my 
life,  I  kiss  thee  a  milhon  times. 

LETTER  XXIV. 

Boisjancy,  May  21*< 

You  will  learn  from  the  bearer  of  this,  the  happy  suc- 
cess which  God  has  granted  us  in  one  of  the  most  des- 
perate engagements  that  has  taken  place  in  this  war.* 
He  will  tell  you  also  how  Messieurs  Longueville,  la 
Noue,  and  others  have  ti^iumphed  near  Paris.  If  the 
king  uses  dispatch,  as  I  hope  he  will,  we  shall  soon  be 
in  sight  of  the  spires  of  Noti'e  Dame.  I  wrote  to  you 
only  two  days  since,  by  Little  John.     God  grant,  that 

*  TSiis  took  place  near  Chartres.  See  Vol.  I.  p.  191,  2. 


262  APPENDIX. 

we  may  do  something  this  week  as  great  as  we  did  the 
last.  My  Hfe,  love  me  ever.  Farewell,  my  life! 

LETTER  XXV. 

Camp  before  Pontoise,  July  1 4th, 

I  expect  your  son,  who  is  at  no  great  distance;  what 
he  has  to  accomplish  is  full  of  danger;  he  will  bring 
with  him  some  troops  which  are  marching  to  join  me. 
We  are  before  Pontoise,*  which  I  do  not  think  we  shall 
take;  it  has  been  attacked  against  my  consent; — the 
old  ones  carried  the  point;  I  think  they  were  all  dream- 
ing. Hautefort  was  slain  yesterday;  his  death  is  a  great 
loss  to  the  league.  The  enemy  and  us  have  been  skir- 
mishing the  whole  day — the  river  between  us — their 
troops  are  not  equal  to  ours,  either  in  numbers  or  good- 
ness. Isle  Adam  has  also  surrendered,  which  is  a 
bridge  over  the  river  Oise;  I  shall  fix  my  quarters 
there  to-morrow,  there  will  then  be  no  longer  any  wa- 
ter between  the  duke  of  Maienne  and  me:  he  is  at  St. 
Dennis.  We  shall  in  six  days  join  the  Swiss,  who  are 
conducted  by  Longueville  and  la  Noue.  Though  we 
are  day  and  night  on  horseback,  yet  we  find  this  war 
less  fatiguing — the  reason  is,  the  mind  is  more  at  ease 
in  it.  The  day-before-yesterday  I  passed  my  troops  in 
review  before  the  king,  as  he  went  over  the  bridge  of 
Poissy:  there  were  1200  horse,  and  4000  arquebusiers. 
My  life!  I  am  sorely  displeased  when  I  find  you  en- 
tertain doubts  of  me;  through  spite  I  will  not  endeavour 
to  remove  them:  you  are  greatly  to  be  blamed,  fori 
swear  to  you  I  never  loved  you  more  ardently  than  I  do 
at  this  moment;  and  t  would  sooner  die  than  forfeit 

*  See  Vol,  I,  p.  194. 


APPENDJrX.  263 

the  promises  I  have  made  you.  Beheve  this  and  live  in 
confidence  of  my  fidelity.  Good  night,  my  life!  a  million 
kisses. 

LETTER  XXVI. 

Trenches  near  Arquesy  Sept.  9th.* 

My  heart!  it  is  wonderful  how  I  support  the  labour  I 
undergo:  God  hath  pity  upon  me;  and  grants  me  his  fa- 
vour; blessing,  as  he  does,  my  labours,  in  spite  of  many, 
I  am  in  good  health,  and  my  affairs  prosper,  contrary  to 
the  expectations  of  a  great  number  of  people.  Yesterday 
I  took  Eu;  the  enemy,  who  is  now  double  my  nufmbers, 
thought  to  catch  me.  Having  completed  my  enterprise, 
I  have  approached  near  to  Dieppe,  and  am  waiting  for 
them  in  a  camp  which  I  am  fortifying.  I  shall  see  them 
to-morrow,  and  hope  with  the  help  of  my  God,  that  if 
they  attack  me,  they  will  come  off  with  the  worst;  the 
bearer  goes  by  sea — the  wind  and  my  affairs  compel 
me  to  conclude,  with  kissing  you  a  million  times. 

LETTER  XXVII. 

Falaise,  Jan.  8th.  [1590.] 

My  hfe!  since  the  departure  of  Lycerace,  I  have  taken 
the  towns  of  Seez,  Argentan,  and  Falaise,  where  I 
caught  Brissac,  and  all  the  succours  he  had  brought  for 
Normandy.  I  set  out  to-morrow  to  the  attack  of  Li- 
gieux,  in  my  way  to  meet  the  duke  of  Maienne,  who  is 
besieging  Pontoise.f  Since  Lycerace's  departure,  my 
troops  have  increased  upwards  of  600  gentlemen  and 
two  thousand  infantry,  so  that,  through  God^s  favour,  I 

*  See  vol.  I.  p.  203.  f  See  vol.  I.  p.  211.12. 

VOL.    V.  L  1 


264  APPENDIX. 

fear  nothing  from  the  league.  I  have  received  the  sa- 
crament to-night,  a  ceremony,  which,  a  year  since,  I 
Httle  thought  of  being  able  to  perform  in  Normandy.  I 
shall  in  the  course  of  three  days  send  you  one  of  my 
footmen  by  sea,  on  whose  shores  I  nov*^  am.  Certainly 
I  make  good  progress,  and  go  as  God  conducts  me;  for 
I  never  know  what  I  shall  do  in  the  end;  nevertheless 
my  actions  do  miracles,  so  are  they  guided  by  the  su- 
preme master.  I  love  nothing  but  you,  and  in  this  reso- 
lution I  will  die,  if  you  give  me  no  cause  for  the  contrary. 
God  be  thanked,  I  am  very  well!  and  entirely  at  your 
service.  Farewell,  my  heart — a  thousand  kisses. 

As  I  finished  this  letter  the  inhabitants  of  Bayeux  have 
brought  me  the  keys — it  is  a  fine  town. 

LETTER  XXVIII. 

Lysieux,  Jan.  l6Ui. 

My  heart!  you  have  not  condescended  to  write  to  me  by 
By^ose.  Do  you  think  that  you  act  rightly  in  behaving 
thus  coldly.'^  I  leave  this  question  to  be  answered  by  your 
own  judgment.  I  was  very  happy,  to  learn  from  him  that 
your  health  is  good:  may  God  grant  you  a  long  continu- 
ance of  it,  and  me  a  continuance  of  the  blessings  he  has 
hitherto  showered  upon  me.  I  have  taken  this  place, 
though  I  did  not  fire  a  gun  except  as  a  feint;  within  it 
were  1000  soldiers  and  100  gentlemen:  it  is  the  strong- 
est place  I  have  reduced  to  my  power,  and  the  most 
useful — for  I  shall  draw  from  it  60,000  crowns.  I  live 
like  a  true  Huguenot,  for  1  entertain  10,000  foreigners, 
and  keep  my  right,  by  what  I  gain  daily;  and  I  will  tell 
you,  that  God  so  blesses  me,  that  there  is  scarely  any 


APPENDIX.  265 

sickness  in  my  army,  which  increases  daily.  I  was  never 
in  such  good  health,  nor  never  loved  you  more  ardently 
than  at  this  moment.  On  the  truth  ol"  this,  I  kiss  thee, 
my  life,  a  million  times. 

LETTER  XXIA. 

Jan.  20th. 

My  heart!  I  have  carried  my  conquests  to  the  borders 
of  the  ocean.  May  God  bless  my  return  as  he  has  done 
my  advance:  it  will  be  through  his  favour;  for  to  him  I 
assign  all  the  good  fortune  that  befalls  me.  I  trust  you 
will  soon  hear  of  some  of  my  exploits:  may  God  grant 
me  his  favour  in  them.  The  legate,  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador, the  duke  of  Maienne,  the  whole  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  enemy  are  assembled  at  Paris;  my  ears  ought  to  tin- 
gle, for  they  talk  a  great  deal  about  me.  Yesterday  I 
received  some  of  your  letters  by  de  Revignan.  I  was 
veiy  glad  to  hear  you  are  well;  for  myself,  I  am  in  good 
health,  and  love  you  more  than  ever. 

Good  night,  my  hfe:  I  shall  sleep  longer  to-night  than 
I  have  done  these  seven  nights.    A  thousand  kisses 

LETTER  XXX. 

Before  Vendmne. 

My  life!  be  under  no  apprehension  that  I  do  not  take 
care  of  myself:  but  my  chief  trust  is  in  God,  who,  through 
his  favour  will  protect  me.  Your  son  will  be  here  to- 
night completely  recovered.  We  are  before  Vendome, 
which  I  hope  to  take  to-morrow;  and  I  am  desirous  to 
clear  the  environs  of  Tours  before  I  repair  thither.  The 


266  APPENDIX. 

schemes  which  are  every  where  formed  are  incredible. 
I  say  within  myself,  the  devil  is  unchained,  but  God  will 
be  above  all,  consequently  my  affairs  will  go  on  well,  for 
in  him  is  all  my  trust.  Be  ever  assured  of  my  fidelity — 
it  is  inviolable.  Good-day,  my  life;  I  am  going  to  the 
trenches;  I  kiss  thee  a  million  times.  Our  German  horse 
have  entered  Champagne,  to  the  number  of  3000,  with 
5,000  foot;  for  the  great  levy  will  not  arrive  till  June.  I 
shall  send  in  the  course  of  two  days,  marshal  d^Aumont 
to  employ  them  in  Lorraine,  till,  after  I  have  completed 
my  work  at  Tours,  I  can  join  them,  which  will  be  in 
December;  I  think  I  can  assure  you  I  shall  be  in  Paris 
by  the  end  of  January.     Farewell. 

LETTER  XXXI. 

Chelles,  May  13<A. 

My  life,  I  beseech  you  to  excuse  me,  if,  in  case  M.  de 
Turenne  should  unhappily  die,  I  do  not  bestow  on  your 
son  the  post  you  have  asked  for  him;  it  is  not  a  proper 
one,  and,  besides,  it  would  make  him  useless;  for,  from 
the  moment  they  undertake  this  employment,  it  is  so 
slothful  a  one,  that  it  is  the  ruin  of  young  men.  You 
have  given  him  to  me;  let  me  bring  him  up  as  I  like; 
and  be  you  under  no  anxiety  about  him.  I  shall  take 
such  care  of  him  that  you  shall  know  how  much  I  love 
him  for  your  sake.  I  have  spoken  to  Labasse  about  him, 
and  your  other  affairs.  I  am  angry  when  you  think  I 
have  nothing  to  do  but  to  will:  I  protest  to  you,  that 
since  I  have  been  king  of  Navarre,  I  have  not  experien- 
ced so  much  want  as  during  this  last  year.  I  am  before 
Paris,  where  God  will  aid  me.  By  taking  it  I  shall  be- 
gin to  feel  the  effects  of  the  crown.  I  have  taken  the 
bridges  of  Charenton  and  St.  Maur,  by  battering  them, 


APPENDIX.  267 

and  hanged  all  I  found  there.    Yesterday  I  carried  the 
suburbs  of  Paris  by  storm.*  The  enemy's  loss  was  great 
— our's  but  trifling;  it  is  true,  indeed,  that  la  Noue  was 
wounded,  but  it  will  be  nothing.  I  have  burnt  all  their 
mills,  as  I  have  done»in  all  the  other  parts.     They  are 
reduced  to  great  want,  and,  if  not  relieved  within  twelve 
days,  must  surrender.     I  have  sent  for  your  son,  as  I 
think  he  will  perform  something  great  here;  I  keep  Cas- 
tille  with  me  for  eight  days.  1  am  in  good  health,  thank 
God,  and  love  you  far  more  than  you  do  me.  God  grant 
me  peace,  that  I  may  enjoy  a  few  years  of  rest! — indeed 
I  watch  without  ceasing.     It  is  scarcely  credible  how 
many  persons  are  employed  about  me  to  kill  me;  but 
God  will  defend  me.  I  am  very  faithfully  served;  and  I 
can  tell  you  that  the  enemy  will  occasion  me  no  more 
harm  than  fear.  With  this  assurance,  my  heart,  I  kiss 
thy  hands,  mouth,  and  eyes,  a  million  times. 

LETTER  XXXII. 

July  \Sth. 

You  will  presently  hear  of  me  by  Lavie,  for  whom  I 
have  done  in  your  favour,  a  thing  which  has  given  him 
satisfaction.  Saint  Dennis  and  Dammartin  have  yield- 
ed. Paris  is  so  closely  blockaded  that  there  must  either 
be  a  battle  this  week,  or  a  treaty  for  capitulation.  On 
Monday  the  Spaniards  will  join  the  Great  Duke;  we 
will  see  whether  he  will  have  courage  enough  to  fight. 
I  lead  your  son  daily  to  some  skirmish  or  other. 

Castille  is  enraged  that  his  regiment  does  not  arrive. 
Yesterday  I  saw  some  ladies  who  had  quitted  Paris; 
they  told  me  a  great  deal  about  their  sufferings.  I  am 
very  well,  thank  God,  and  love  notiiing  on  this  earth  so 
dearly  as  you;  this  is  what  I  trust  you  will  never  doubt 

*  See  vol.    I.  p.  235. 


268  APPENDIX. 

of.  On  the  truth  of  this,  my  life,  I  kiss  thy  beauteous 
eyes  a  thousand  times,  which  I  will  through  life  esteem 
the  dearest  objects  in  this  world. 

LETTER  XXXIII. 

[/nl590,] 

My  heart,  since  the  departure  of  Maraval,  nothing  fresh 
has  occurred,  except  that  the  remains  of  the  Walloons 
have  returned  into  Flanders,  in  spite  of  all  the  duke  of 
Maienne's  endeavours  to  stop  them:  the  Reitres  have 
done  the  same,  after  having  been  almost  all  plundered 
even  by  their  own  party.  The  Legate  is  at  this  moment 
desirous  of  treating  for  a  peace;  he  talks  no  longer  about 
excommunication:  believe  mc  I  shall  act  with  vigilance 
and  not  suffer  myself  to  be  over-reached.  I  am  very 
well,  thank  God,  and  love  you  as  much  as  you  can  de- 
sire. You  would  pity  me,  if  jou  saw  me,  for  I  am  so 
burthened  with  business  that  I  absolutely  sink  under 
the  weight  of  it.  Love  me  as  you  would  one  who  will 
never  change  his  sentiments  towards  you.  This  is  saying 
enough.  I  kiss  thy  beauteous  eyes  a  million  times. 

LETTER  XXXIV. 

October  IBih. 

I  HAVE  received  all  you  sent  me,  which  I  will  keep  as 
1  ought.  God  knows  with  what  joy  I  received  your  let- 
ter. Confess  now,  that  you  wish  to  afflict  me.  I  have 
always  loved  you  most  unfeignedly,  and  that  love  was 
founded  on  your  self  and  your  virtues;  these  two  pil- 
lars united  can  never  be  overthrown.  But  let  us  quit 
this  subject:  the  die  is  already  cast,  there  ought  to  be 
no  longer  any  doubts  between  us.  I  am  in  good  bodily 
health;  but  my  mind  is  ill  at  ease,  having  besieged  a  cas- 


APPENDIX.  269 

tie,  at  first  by  starving  the  garrison,  but,  afterwards,  the 

weather  frustrated  my  designs.  Though  your has 

told  you,  I  have  been  obliged  to  embark  in  it'  in  good 
earnest.  I  have  great  doubts  of  the  issue;  the  vi^eather 
is  much  against  me;  and  the  enemy  is  using  their  ut- 
most endeavours  to  collect  their  forces  to  overpovt^er  me. 
You  will  soon  know  the  result  of  it,  by  the  way  of  Mar 
san:  since  it  is  your  desire.  God,  who  hath  always  bless- 
ed my  labour,  will  perhaps  give  me  better  success  than 
I  hope  for;  therefore  visit  my  sister  oftener  than  you 
have  hitherto  done:  I  know  there  is  ho  danger  in  telling 
her  every  thing;  she  will  like  you  the  better  for  it. 

The  count  of  Soissons  says  his  marriage  with  Ma- 
demoiselle   is  much  spoken  of    He  denies  having 

loved  Essa,  though,  he  says,  she  loved  him.  The  states 
had  not  opened  yesterday:  their  meeting  is  variously 
spoken  of  Yesterday  fourteen  of  Bouille^s  troopers, 
under  his  lieutenant,  fell  in  with  the  best  company  of 
Mercoeur's  light-horse,  consisting  of  thirty  lances,  of 
which  only  three  escaped.  '  The  greater  part  of  ours 
were  unarmed,  not  thinking  the  enemy  were  so  near: 

their  leader  is  taken.     Of  ours is  wounded,  and 

eight  gentlemen,  but  none  of  them  mortally.  In  two 
days  I  shall  send  a  messenger  to  you,  and  will  be  as 
careful  to  let  you  hear  of  me,  as  I  am  to  hear  of  you. 
I  am  going  to  the  trenches.  Farewell,  my  soul;  I  kiss 
thee  a  million  times. 

Since  I  wrote  my  letter,  I  have  staid  two  days  at 
Arsac,  in  hopes  of  hearing  something  new. 


270  APPENDIX. 

LETTER  XXXV. 

Camp  be/ore  Amiens,  Sept.  lHh.  1591.* 

Madam, 

I  clearly  discover  that  you  have  been  on  the  other  side 
of  the  mountains,  where  you  were  occupied  in  my  ser- 
vice; I  also  know  that  your  presence  there  was  very  ne- 
cessary. Within  these  fifteen  days  the  forces  of  France 
and  Spain  have  been  in  sight  of  each  other,  and  it  was 
Ood's  pleasure  that  these  swaggerers  should  retire  with 
shame.  The  cardinal  came  to  relieve  tliis  place  by 
stratagem,  but  he  also  has  returned  shamefully  without 
doing  any  thing.  To  morrow  we  shall  enter  the  place, 
and  I  shall  then  immediately  take  the  field  with  my  ar- 
my, for  the  remainder  of  this  month  and  the  next.  If 
God  bless  my  efforts,  as  I  hope  and  pray  for,  we  will 
be  in  a  condition  to  bid  them  defiance.  As  Grammont 
is  no  longer  of  any  service  yonder,  I  have  ordered  him 
hither;  for  he  may  still  learn  with  me,  and  I  naturally 
love  him.  I  have  a  great  desire  to  make  a  tour  into 
Anjou  and  Brittany,  to  reduce  the  duke  of  Mercoeur  to 
reason.     Farewell,  madam.     I  kiss  your  hands. 


LETTl^R  XXXVI.f 

My  dear  heart,  yesterday  evening  I  showed  my  wife 
your  letter,  and  asked  her  advice  what  answer  I  should 
send  you.  I  remarked  her  countenance  particularly, 
to  discover  whether  she  betrayed  any  emotion  as  she 

*  See  Vol.  II-  p.  182.     Corisande  was  now  countess  of  Guiche. 
■\  The  five  followiug-  Letters  are  to  the  marcbioDess  d'Verneuil. 


APPENDIX.  271 

read  your  letter,  as  I  have  seen  her  do  at  other  times, 

when  she  heard  you  mentioned.  She  answered  without 

any  ill-will  that  I  was  master,  and  could  do  as  I  pleased 

but  that  it  seemed  to  her  I  ought  to  satisfy  you  in  this: 

she  was  very  merry  all  the  remainder  of  the  evening; 

and  we  talked  of  you  at  different  times;  and  she  told 

me  that  if  the  princess  of  Conti  had  seen  her  read  your 

letter,  she  would  have  been  greatly  grieved  at  it;  for  that 

she  torments  herself  so  much  about  every  thing,  that 

she  is  not  surprised  she  is  so  lean.    Send  your  carriage, 

and  what  is  necessary  to  bring  them:  on  Wednesday 

they  will  be  at  Chaillot,  as  I  did  not  wish  they  should 

stop  in  Paris,  on  account  of  the  flux  which  is  prevalent 

there.     I  shall  send  some  of  my  gentlemen  with  them. 

The  duke  of  Mantua  is  coming  to  see  me  incog,  with 

forty  post  horses:  he  will  be  here  by  the  21st.     When 

we  return  to  Paris,  I  will  send  you  word  to  return  our 

Marmots  to  Saint  Germain.    Love  me  sincerely,  my 

dear  heart,  I  swear  to  you,  you  are  as  dear  to  me  as 

ever.     Good-night,  a  million  kisses. 

LETTER  XXXVII. 

My  dear  heart,  I  was  engaged  the  whole  of  yesterday 
in  receiving  the  duke  of  Mantua,  who  is  certainly  an 
excellent  Prince,  and  one  of  the  most  courteous  in  the 
world.  On  Tuesday,  I  think  of  carrying  him  to  St. 
Germain.  Our  disturbers  are  very  busy,  and  sound  me 
on  all  sides;  these  women  are  very  wicked,  but  they 
possess  no  longer  my  wife^s  ear;  she  enquires  after  our 
son,  and  says  she  heard  you  were  very  ill.  She  has 
now  for  some  time  mentioned  you  without  changing 
VOL.  V.  M  m 


212  APPENDIX. 

colour,  for  she  betrays  no  emotion,  and  we  have  long 
talked  of  these  discords.  I  am  very  well,  thank  God, 
and  love  you  much  better  than  you  do  me,  for  it  is  not 
restrained,  or  qualified  as  your's  is.  Good  day,  my  all, 
a  million  kisses — I  beseech  you  talk  to  me  no  more 
about  to-mon'ow, 

LETTER  XXXVIII. 

My  dear  heart,  it  was  not  my  devotions  which  prevent- 
ed me  from  writing  to  you;  for  I  do  not  think  I  do  wrong 
in  loving. you  more  than  any  thing  in  this  world;  the 
cause  was,  that  on  quitting  the  chapel  I  found  myself 
so  much  indisposed,  that  I  was  obliged  to  go  to  bed 
almost-half  dead;  and  to  complete  my  misfortune,  on 
Easter-day,*  I  touched  two  hundred  and  fifty  sick  per- 
sons;— yesterday  I  took  some  medicine,  which  seems 
not  to  have  done  me  much  service;  for  I  have  not  slept 
any  these  eight  days,  and  my  blood  is  so  heated  that  I 
am  in  continual  uneasiness.  To  morrow  I  will  be  bled. 
In  the  evening  I  will  send  you  word  how  I  am.  I  can 
tell  you,  you  are  my  dear  heart,  which  I  kiss  a  million 
times. 

LETTER  XXXIX. 

When  you  refuse  to  do  what  I  request  of  you,  all  your 
fine  professions  will  not  satisfy  me:  I  find  them  always 
contrary  to  effects:  it  is  not  at  this  time  only,  that  I 
have  conceived  this  opinion;  but  your  conduct  and  ac- 
tions confirm  me  more  and  more  in  it.  With  respect 
to  the  Jubilee,!  as  it  is  general  you  can  just  as  well 

*  April  6th,  1608.  t  Sept.  6th,  1608. 


I 


APPENDIX.  273 

celebrate  it  with  your  chaplain,  as  here.  Good-night;  I 
kiss  your  hands. 

LETTER  XL. 

You  say  you  no  longer  know  what  to  do,  to  give  me 
satisfaction;  and  yet  you  have  not  even  tried  to  do  it, 
nor  answered  the  first  complaint  contained  in  my  letter. 
You  have  succeeded  so  badly  in  lording  it  over  me,  that 
you  ought  to  have  become  wise.  You  threaten  me  with 
going  to  Verneuil:  do  as  you  please;  if  you  do  not  love 
me,  I  can  very  well  dispense  with  seeing  you;  if  you 
say  you  love  me,  it  is  a  very  bad  proof  of  it  to  depart 
when  I  arrive.  By  this  action  I  shall  know  what  )^ou 
are.  I  shall  be  at  Paris  on  Thursday,  as  ill-satisfied  with 
you  as  ever,  unless  you  change  your  style.  On  this  truth 
I  kiss  your  hands. 

LETTER  XLI. 

You  are  mistaken  in  your  letter:  for  you  say  I  am  "  your 
"dear  heart,"  and  that  you  are  not  mine:  I  have  never 
-  robbed  you  of  any  thing,  but  you  have  deprived  me  of 
every  thing  you  could.  This  is  a  reason  against  which 
there  is  no  answer;  do  not  torture  your  mind  to  discover 
one;  for  it  is  better  to  remain  silent  than  to  utter  a  bad 
excuse.  For  me,  I  love  you  dearer  than  I  do  myself  I 
swear  this  to  you,  ray  love,  but  do  you  think  to  feed  me 
with  stones  after  having  given  me  bread  .^  Consider  my 
age,  my  rank,  my  mind,  and  my  affection,  and  you  will 
do  that  which  you  do  not.  Good-day,  my  all.  A  million 
kisses. 


INDEX 


A    GENERAL  INDEX. 


ABBEYS.  Taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Protestants:  Sully  disposes  of 
his,  V.  54,5,     See  Benefices. 

Abbeville.  Henry  IV  makes  his  entry  there,  ii,  13. 

Abjuration  of  Henry  IV,  i,  375.  And  other  particulars  relating  to  this 
ceremony,  ib. 

Absie,  abbey  of.  Sully  parts  with  it,  v,  55. 

Absolution  of  Henry  IV,  difficulty  of  prevailing  upon  the  pope  to  grant  it, 
ii,  68.  He  grants  it,  at  last,  upon  certain  conditions,  68.  Remarks 
upon  this  ceremony,  ib. 

Academy  Royale.  Proposed  to  be  instituted  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  317,18. 

Acharia,  lady,  to  whom  father  Cotton  was  confessor,  iv,  108. 

Achmet,  emperor  of  the  T\irks,  succeeds  Mahomet  III.  Troubles  at  Con- 
stantinople during  his  reign.  Obtains  permission  of  Henry  IV  to  have 
a  resident  at  Marseilles,  iv,  384. 

Admirals  of  France,  Coligny,  Epemon,  la  Valette,  Biron,  Villars,  Dao- 
ville.  See  these  names. 

Aersins,  Francis,  ambassador  fr<Hn  the  United  Provinces  to  France,  car- 
ries on  his  negociations  with  great  success,  iii.  13.  Cardinal  Richelieu's 
saying  of  him,  13.  Henry  IV  suspected  of  having  an  intrigue  with  his 
wife,  ib.  Gives  information  of  a  supposed  union  of  Spain  and  England 
to  invade  France,  86,  iv,  22.  Is  deputed  by  Henry  IV,  to  the  duke  of 
Bouillon,  90.  Makes  presents  to  the  king  and  queen,  and  receives  some 
from  them,  138.  Returns  to  Paris  to  finish  his  negociation,  166. 

Africa.  Designs  of  Charles  V,  of  PhiUp  II,  and  the  house  of  Austria, 
upon  that  part  of  the  world;  and  obstacles  they  meet  with,  iv.  67.  Part 
of  Henry's  great  design  relating  to  Africa,     See  Political  Design. 

Ageaux,  des,  lieutenant  du  Roi  of  St  Jean  d'Angely,  serves  Henry  IV, 
at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  i.  160.  Henry  refuses  to  give  his  post  to  the 
duke  of  Rohan,  iii.  402;  and  bestows  it  upon  la  Rochebeaucourt  iv, 
112.   See  Rohan,  Rochebeaucourt. 

Agelle,  mademoselle  d',  beloved  by  Henry  IV,  i.  71. 

Agen.  Taken  by  the  Roman  Catholics  during  the  peace,  i.  71.  Taken  a 
second  time,  ii,   116. 

VOL.  V.  a 


278  INDEX. 

Agoust.  Henry's  opiuioD  of  this  house,  iv,  210.  See  BonTie,  Crequy,  Lis- 
diguieres. 

Aides.  Abuses  ia  this  part  of  the  revenue  corrected  by  Sulh',  iii,  406. 
Regulations  for  this  purpose,  which  make  part  of  the  cabinet  of  state, 
iv,  326.     See  Cabinet  of  State. 

Aides,  court  of.  See  Sovereign  Court. 

Aignan,  count  de  Saint,  gratuity  granted  him  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  418. 

Aiguebelle.  Taken  by  Sully,  ii,  372.  An  adventure  there,  by  which 
GriUon  became  the  friend  of  Sully,  iii,  366.  See  Sully,  Grillon. 

Aigues-Mortes,  pawned  by  the  prince  of  Conde  to  prince  Casimir,  i,  83. 

Aillant.  Sully  visits  his  estates  there,  i,  243. 

Aipe.  The  passage  of  that  river,  and  the  Advantage  gained  tliere  by  Henry 
IV,  over  the  prince  of  Parma,  i,  242.     See  Henry  I V,  Parma. 

Aix,  Lewis  d',  his  party  in  Provence,  i,  307.  He  attempts  to  dehver  up 
Marseilles  to  the  Spaniards,  ii,  31.  See  Marseilles. 

Alagon,  See  JMeyrargues. 

Albe-Royale,  or  41ba-Regalis,  in  Hungary,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Mer- 
coeur,  ii,  462.  Retaken  by  the  Turks,  ii,  535. 

Albigny,  Charles  de  Semaine  d',  surprises  Geneva,  and  is  driven  from 
thence,  ii,  533.  See  Geneva. 

Albert,  house  of,  alhance  between  that  house  and  the  family  of  Rohan,  ii, 
115,  which,  in  failure  of  children  in  a  direct  line,  are  next  heirs  to  the 
estates  of  Albert,  iii,  400.  Henry  IV,  unites  those  estates  to  the  crown, 
iv,  178.  Law  suit  between  Henry  IV,  and  the  house  of  Nevers  for  those 
estates,  188.  See  Rohan,  J^Tevers. 

Albert,  Henry  d',  king  of  Navarre.  See  J^avarre. 

Jane  d',  queen  of  Navarre.     See  J^avarre. 

Henry  d',  baron  de  Miossens.  See  Miossens. 

Aldegonde,  Philip  Marnix  de  Saint,  a  Protestant  oflBcer.  The  prince  of 
Orange  informs  him  of  the  designed  treachery  at  Antwerp,  i,  101. 

Aldobrandini,  cardinal,  nephew  and  legate  of  Clement  VIII,  comes  to 
France  to  treat  of  a  peace.  Sully's  reception  of  him,  and  his  prudent  ad- 
vice to  him,  ii,  391.  His  conferences  at  Lyons  with  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  Henry  IV,  395.  Breaks  them  off  upon  account  of  the 
demolition  of  Fort  St  Chatherine,  397.  Resumes  the  treaty  with  Sully, 
and  concludes  it,  400.  His  friendship  for  Sully,  420.  Presents  from 
Henry  IV,  iv,  177.  See  Sully,  Peace,  Savoy. 

Alengon.  Hertray  seizes  it  for  the  princes.  They  join  their  forces  there,  i, 
54.  Taken  from  the  league  by  Henry's  forces,  211.  See  Hertray, 
Henry  I V. 

Alengon,  Francis  de  Valois,  duke  of,  afterwards  duke  of  Anjou.  See 
Anjou. 

Alexander,  father,  a  Jesuit,  endeavours  to  procure  the  re-establishment  of 
his  society  in  France,  iii,  192 


INDEX.  279 

Alexandrini,  cardinal,  called  to  the  council,  where  they  project  the  de- 
struction of  the  Protestants,  i,  32. 

Algiers.  Spain  endeavours  to  get  possession  of  it,  iii,  157. 

Alibour,  first  physician  to  Henry  IV.  i,  234.  A  humorous  dialouge  be- 
tween Henry  IV  and  him,  concerning' the  fair  Gabrielle,  ii,  34.  His 
death;  some  circumstances  relating  to  it,  35.  See  Henry.  Estrees, 
Sancy. 

Alincourt,  Charles  de  Neufville,  marquis  of,  governor  of  Pontoisc,  attempts 
to  surprise  Mante,  i,  252.  Concludes  a  treaty  with  Henry  IV,  427.  Ob- 
tains the  government  of  Lyons,  ib.  Henry  refuses  to  give  liiin  the  post 
of  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  ii,  179.  The  sum  of  money  granted 
him  by  his  treaty,  264.  Is  sent  to  Rome  on  occasion  of  the  designed 
marriage  between  Henry  IV,  and  Mary  of  Medicis,  3G4.  Gratuities  and 
favours  wliich  he  received  from  the  queen-regent,  v,  24,  30.  A  great 
dispute  in  tlie  council  respecting  these  favours,  27,  etseq. 

AUegre,  Andrew  d'.  See  Fervaques,  countess  of, 

AUegre,  Christopher,  marquis  d',  takes  Rouen  for  the  league,  i,  216. 
Assassinates  Hallot,  iv,  197. 

AUymes,  Rene  de  Luciuge  des,  the  duke  of  Savoy's  commissioner  in  the 
affairs  of  Sa luces,  ii,  347.  Endeavours  to  corrupt  SuUy  by  presents, 
348.     See  Savoy,  Saluces,  Sully. 

Almoner,  grand,  that  oflBce  given  to  cardinal  Perron  upon  Sully's  recom- 
mendation, iv,  104. 

Alpin,  Saint,  de  Bethune,  his  example  proposed  to  Sully  by  Paul  V,  iii, 
429.     See  Bethune. 

Alva,  duke  of,  has  a  conference  with  Catherine  of  Medicis  at  Baionne,  i, 
22.     See  Baionne,  Medicis 

Ambassadors  and  Embassies  from  Elizabeth  and  the  United  Provinces  to 
Henry  IV.  Political  discourse  of  this  prince  upon  this  occasion,  ii,  207. 
See  Henry,  Cecil,  Nassau,  Elizabeth,  &c.  Of  the  duke  of  Luxembourg 
to  Rome.  See  Luxembourg.  Of  Sillery  to  Rome.  See  Sillery.  From 
the  grand  seignior  to  Henry  IV .  See  Mustapha.  From  the  Venetians  to 
Henry  IV.  See  Venice.  From  the  archduke  to  Henry.  See  archdukes. 
Embassy  of  C'anaye  to  Venice;  of  Bethune  to  Rome;  of  marshal  Biron 
to  London,  and  to  the  Swiss  Cantons.  See  these  names.  A  solemn  em- 
bassy of  the  Swiss  cantons  to  France.  See  Swiss  Cantons.  Marquis  of 
Rosny  sent  ambassador  extraordinary  to  king  James  I.  See  Sully, 
James  I.  Ambassadors  appointed  by  Henry  IV,  during  the  war  of  Cleves, 
iv,  422. 

Amblise,  Africanus  d'Anglure  d',  defeated  by  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  265. 

Amboise,  one  of  the  five  towns  which  continued  faithful  to  Henry  III,  i,  182- 

— ,  George  de  Clermont  d',  follows  Henry  IV  into  Franche  Comt^,  iiy 

€5. 


280  INDEX. 

Alexander,  Bussy  d'.  See  Bussy. 

America.  Designs  of  Charles  V,  and  Philip  II,  upon  that  part  of  the 
world,  and  the  obstacles  they  meet  with,  iv,  67,  8.  See  Charles  V,  Phi- 
lip II.  Part  of  the  great  design  relating  to  this  part  of  the  world.  See 
Political  design. 

Amerval.  See  Liancourt. 

Amiens.  Henry  IV,  makes  his  entrance  into  tliat  city,  ii,  13.  He  stays 
there  some  time,  97.  His  answer  to  the  deputies  of  that  city,  ibid.  Ta- 
ken by  the  Spaniards,  162.  Disquiet  it  gives  Henry,  ibid.  His  prepara- 
tions to  retake  this  city,  168.  Begins  the  siege,  174.  Sully's  endeavours 
to  secure  the  success  of  it,  ibid.  The  Spaniards  unable  to  prevent  its 
being  taken,  182,4.  Henry  IV  goes  there  to  conclude  the  treaty  of 
Vervins,  226. 

Amours,  d',  commissioner  for  levying  the  tax  of  a  penny  in  the  shilling, 
ii,  466. 

Ancel,  William,  maitre  de  hdtel  to  the  king,  resident  at  Vienna,  iii,  380. 
At  Poland,  v,  102. 

Anchin,  John  de  Bethune,  abbot  d',  revered  as  a  saint,  i,  7.  See  Bethune. 

Anchorage,  rights  of,  established,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  of 
Sully,  iii,  169. 

Ancre,  marquis  d'.     See  Conchini. 

Andelot,  Charles  de  Chatillon-Coligny,  marquis  of,  disputes  Sully's  pri- 
soners with  him,  i,  226.  A  quarrel  between  them  on  that  ocasion,  227. 
Henry  IV,  decides  it  for  Sully,  232. 

,  Francis  de  Chatillon-Coligny,  marquis  of.  His  three  children  all 
died,  or  were  murdered,  at  one  time,  i,  244. 

• ,  Guy  de  Laval  d',  saved  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and 


fled  to  Geneva,  i,  40. 
Andr^,  Saint,  a  village  where  the  battle  of  Ivry  was  fought,  i,  221.  See 

Ivry. 

— ; ,  de  Saint,  an  officer  in  the  ordnance,  iv,  349. 

.^ndoin,  Corisande  de.  See  Guiche. 

Andresy.  Conferences  upon  religion  held  at  this  place,  ii,  342.  Names  of 

those  persons  who  assisted  at  the  conference,  and  the  subjects  treated 

of,  ib. 
Anet,  Sully  visits  the  dutchess  of  Aumale  there,  i,  406. 
Anfreville,  d',  taken  prisoner  by  Sully  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  222. 
Ange,  Frere.  See  Joyeuse,  Henry  de. 
Angel,  de  Saint,  assists  the  king's  party  in  Limosin,  ii,  115.  Contributes 

to  the  taking  of  Bourg,  366.  Solicits  for  marshal  Biron's  pardon,  ii,  494. 
Angely,  St.  Jean  d'.  Sully  visits  this  place,  iii,  262.  The  post  of  king's 

lieutenant  refused  to  its  governor,  403,  and  given  to  la  Rochebeaucourt, 

iv,  1 12.  Rohan  obliges  the  regent  to  grant  it  to  him,  v,  122.  See  Rohan, 

Rochebeaucourt. 


INDEX.  281 

Angennes,  Francis  d'.  See  Mont-Iuet, 

,  Jean  d'.  See  Poigny. 

,  Lewis  d'.  See  Maintenon. 

,  Nicholas  d'.  See  Rambouillet. 

Angers.  Prince  of  Cond6  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  this  place,  i,  1 25  et 
seq.  Henry  IV,  stays  some  time  there  in  his  journey  to  Brittany:  the 
business  he  transacts  there,  ii,  201.  See  Henry,  Mercoeur,  <^c. 

AngiUon,  la  Chapelle  d',  a  house  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53.  The  improve- 
ments he  makes  in  it,  150. 

Angouleme,  Charles  de  Valois,  count  of,  and  duke  of  Auvei^ne.  See 
d'Auvergne. 

,  Charlotte  de  Montmorency,  dutchess  of,  proxy  for  the  archduke 

at  the  baptism  of  the  princess  Elizabeth  of  France,  iv,  116.  See  France. 
Employed  in  the  amours  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  145,  213,  218. 

,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  count  of,  grand  prior  and  governor  of  Pro- 
vence  i,  306. 

Anjou,  cities  in,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  63. 

,  Charles  of,  receives  grekt  favours  from  the  family  of  Bethune  in 

his  wars  with  Mainfroi,  i,  7.  See  Bethune. 

,  Francis  de  Valois,  duke  of  Alengon,  afterwards  duke  of,  other- 


wise Monsieur.  Plots  with  the  king  of  Navarre  to  strangle  the  queen- 
mother,  i,  16.  They  endeavour  to  procure  a  marriage  between  him  and 
queen  Elizabeth,  48.  Joins  the  malecontents,  49.  Arrested,  51.  Recov- 
ers his  liberty,  54.  Great  enmity  between  him  and  Henry  HI,  48,  53. 
Joins  his  forces  with  Henry  IV,  and  the  prince  of  Cond^,  54.  Catherine 
disunites  them  from  the  Protestants  by  the  peace  of  Monsieur,  56,7. 
Design  of  this  princess  to  make  him  king  of  Algiers;  negociations  to 
this  effect,  89.  His  character,  92.  See  Sauves.  Goes  to  Flanders;  is  re- 
ceived into  Cambray,  and  takes  the  castle  by  assault:  his  treachery  to 
the  governor,  96,98.  Goes  to  England,  99.  Returns  to  Flanders,  where 
he  is  crowned  duke  of  Brabant,  99.  Enters  into  a  sort  of  engagement 
with  Elizabeth,  ib.  His  resentment  to  the  city  of  Antwerp,  100,101. 
Disobliges  SuUy  and  the  Protestants,  100.  He  loses  his  army  and  re- 
turns to  France,  102.  Retires  in  disgrace  to  Chateau-Thierry,  107. 
Sully  visits  him  there,  ib.  His  death,  ib.  His  titles,  ib.  Designed  to  be 
married  to  the  sister  of  Henry  IV,  li,  293.  Philip  II,  motives  for  engag- 
ing him  in  the  enterprise  of  Antwerp,  iv,  313.  See  the  names  mentioned 
in  this  article. 

Anjou,  Gaston  John  Baptist  de  France,  duke  of,  third  son  of  Henry  IV, 
afterwards  duke  of  Orleans;  his  birth,  iv,  231.  Henry  proposes  to  marry 
him  to  the  princess  of  Mantua,  307.  His  fondness  for  Sully,  v,  19. 

— — — ,  Henry  de  Valois,  duke  of,  king  of  France.  See  Henry  III. 


2S2  INDEX. 

Anspacb,  the  duke  of,  Sully  charged  with  holding;  a  criminal  correspon- 
dence with  this  prince,  iii,  391. 

Anti-Christ.  The  Protestants  g-ave  this  name  to  the  whole  family  of  Me- 
dicis,  i,  23.  The  Pope  Antichrist.  A  tenet  proposed  to  the  synod  of  Gap, 
and  opposed  by  Sully,  iii,  172.  Debates  upon  the  same  tenet  in  the  sy- 
nod of  Rochelle,  iv,  149. 

Antfreville.  The  Catholics  drove  from  that  place,  i,  211. 

Antoine,  de  St.  Henry  IV,  sends  him  to  the  king-  of  England,  iii,  143. 

Antibes,  Henry  IV,  proposes  to  make  a  purchase  in  the  neighbourhood  oi 
this  place,  iv,  288. 

Antonio,  Simon  d',  deputy  from  Spain,  opposes  the  treaty  between  Sully 
and  Villars,  i,  409.  The  conversation  betwixt  Sully  and  him  at  the  go- 
vernor's, 431.  Villars  obliges  him  to  leave  Rouen,  433. 

Antony,  Gate  St.  repaired,  iv,  200. 

Anton,  Claude  Batamay  d',  first  husband  to  the  wife  of  Admiral  Coligny. 
i,  19. 

Antwerp.  The  dukeof  Anjou  is  crowned  there  duke  of  Brabant,  i,  99. 
Insurrection  upon  account  of  the  prince  of  Orange  being  wounded 
there,  100.  Monsieur  endeavours  to  seize  it  by  surprise,  and  fails  in  his 
attempt,  101,102.  Cause  of  the  hatred  the  Dutch  bore  him,  100.  See 
Anjou,  Orange.  The  prince  of  Orange  makes  an  unsuccessful  attack 
upon  this  city,  iv,  164.  Motives  of  the  council  given  by  Philip  II,  against 
this  city,  313. 

Arambure  d',  present  at  the  battle  of  Aumale,  i,  271:  at  the  attack  of  the 
great  convoy  before  Laon,  459;  attends  Henry  IV,  in  the  campaign  of 
Franche-Comte,  ii,  65,  166;  Treated  with  great  familiarity  by  Henry 
IV,  iv,  456. 

Arau,  an  assembly  of  the  Protestants  of  the  Grisons  held  there,  iii,  337. 

Arcadius,  Emperor  of  the  East,  v,  65. 

Archant,  L.  d',  present  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  224. 

Archduke  of  Austria.  Albert  cardinal.  Loses  an  opportunity  of  beating 
the  French  before  Amiens,  ii,  183,  Bon-mot  of  Henrj-  on  this  occasion, 
184.  Signs  the  Treaty  of  Vervins  at  Brussels  for  the  king  of  Spain,  228. 
Goes  to  fetch  the  archdutchess  of  Gratz  to  Philip  II,  and  conducts  her 
through  Marseilles,  ii,  293.  Marries  the  Infanta  Isabella,  and  is  made 
governor  of  the  Low  Countries,  294.  He  loses  the  battle  of  Nieuport, 
404.  Besieges  Ostend,  419.  Sends  the  count  of  Solre  ambassador  to 
Henry  at  Calais,  424.  Indisposed  at  Brussels,  531.  The  disposition  and 
true  political  views  of  the  archduke  in  Flanders  with  regard  to  Spain 
and  the  house  of  Austria,  iii,  125.  He  favours  the  conspiracy  of  the  En- 
glish lords  against  king  James,  1 54.  Bad  success  in  the  war  against  the 
Dutch,  160.  He  concludes  the  treaty  for  a  suspension  of  arms  between 
Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  iv,  170.  Endeavours  sincerely  to  brintr 


INDEX.  28S 

about  a  peace,  274.  His  reception  of  the  prince  of  Conde  after  he  left 
France,  360.  Treaty  of  a  truce  for  twelve  years  between  him  and  the 
States-gcueml,  with  the  treaty  of  mediation  of  the  kings  of  France  and 
England,  370.  He  supports  the  interest  of  the  prince  d'Epinoi  out  of  re- 
gard to  Sully,  373.  The  letter  which  Henry  IV,  wrote  to  him  upon  his 
journey  into  Cleves,  and  his  answer  to  this  letter,  424.  His  motives  for  the 
little  precaution  he  took  against  Henry's  great  design,  425.  Sends  an 
embassy  into  France  upon  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  v,  12.  Permits  the 
troops  of  the  confederate  princes  for  the  great  design  to  pass  through  his 
dominions  115.  See  Cleves,  Political  Design,  and  the  other  names  men- 
tioned in  this  article. 

Archdukes  and  Archdutchesses.  Prince  and  princesses  of  that  name.  See 
Austria. 

Archpriest  established  in  England  by  the  pope,  the  cause  of  great  trou- 
bles, iii,  97.  See  Clement  VIII,  James  I,  and  Jesuits. 

Arderabourg.  The  archduke  Albert  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  that  place,  iii, 
318. 

Ardres.  Taken  by  the  Spaniards,  ii,  67. 

Aremberg,  John  de  Ligne,  count  of,  ambassador  from  the  archduke  to 
king  Barnes,  iii,  59.  Cabals  in  London,  54.  Audience  refused  him  by 
the  king  of  England  till  Sully  had  his,  60.  Compliments  and  presents 
which  Sully  and  he  make  each  other,  67,8.  King  James  complains  of  his 
conduct,  76.  Errors  he  is  guilty  of  in  his  negociation,  104.  Goes  to 
Windsor,  148.  The  king  delays  giving  him  his  second  audience,  154. 
Continues  to  Cabal  at  London,  154. 

Argentan.  The  duke  of  Montpensier  takes  that  city  for  the  king,  and  de- 
feats the  Gautieres  there,  i,  254.  See  Montpensier,  League. 

Argentier,  F,  one  of  the  farmers  of  the  revenue,  ii,  158. 

Argenton.  Henry  IV  dislodges  the  troops  of  the  League  from  that  place, 
i,  186. 

Argouges,  Florentd',  treasurer  of  the  queen's  household,  iii,  240.  Brings 
a  comptant  to  Sully,  which  that  minister  refuses  to  sign,  v,  6. 

Argoulets,  whence  so  called,  i,  127. 

Ariat,  N.  d',  succours  the  inhabitants  of  Villemur  against  the  forces  of  the 
League,  i,  309  et  seq.  See  Joyeuse,  Villemur. 

Arleux.  Monsieur  attacks  this  passage.  Sully  takes  some  prisoners  there, 
i,  96.  See  Anjou,  Sully. 

Armagnac,  county  of,  Erected  into  a  presidial,  ii,  189.  Law  suit  lost  by 
Henry  IV,  to  the  sieur  de  Frontrailles  for  this  county,  ib. 

Armngnac,  first  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber  to  Henry  IV  ii,  2,  iii,  11. 

Armand,  Father,  a  Jesuit,  labours  successfully  for  the  re-establishment  of 
that  society  in  France,  iii,  192. 

Armenians,  corruption  of  their  religion,  v,  83. 


284  INDEX. 

Arms,  wearing' of,  prohibited,  ii,  231. 

Arnei-le-duc,  encounter  of,  in  which  the  Protestants  have  the  advantage, 
i,  3.  Henry's  discourse  upon  this  battle,  ib. 

Aroaud,  the  eldest  of  four  brothers,  clerk  of  the  council  of  finances,  ii,  118. 

the  second  brother,  secretary  to  Sully;  marshal  Biron's  coversation 

with  him  upon  the  scaffold,  ii,  493,  Informations  given  him  by  a  canon 
of  Canterbury  upon  the  intrigues  of  Spain  in  London,  iii,  43.  Mary  of 
Medicis  makes  him  a  member  of  her  privy  council,  iv,  466.  Sully's  re- 
sentment against  him,  470.  Sully  sends  him  to  Conchini  to  make  him 
some  compliments  in  his  name:  what  passed  upon  this  occasion,  486. 
Favours  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  queen-regent,  v,  24.  She  makes  him 
intendant  of  the  finances.  Sully's  advice  to  him,  38. 

the  third  brother,  colonel.     Advice  given  him  by  Sully,  v,  38. 

the  fourth  brother,  treasurer  of  France,  and  overseer  of  the  high- 


ways ,  makes  his  court  to  Conchini,  iv,  4,  88.     Advice  given  him  by 
Sully,  V,  38. 
Arnes,  d',  a  Protestant  gentleman,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St  Bartholo- 
mew, i,  34. 
Arpentis.  Lewis  du  Bois  des,  Governor  of  Tourain,  i,  122;  Services  which 

Sully  receives  from  him,  130. 
Arques,  battle  of,  i,  204. 
Arquin    See  Montigny. 

,  Anthony  d',  commandant  of  the  Citadel  of  Metz,  iii,  5 

Arragon,  Admiral  of,  assists  for  the  king  of  Spain  at  the  publication  of  the 
peace  of  Vervins  at  Paris,  ii,  228.     Commands  the  Spanish  army  in 
Flanders,  294.     Unable  to  succour  Grave,  ii,  531. 
Arras,  Sully's  ancestors  have  the  title  of  protector  of  the  church  of,  i,  6. 
Marshal  Biron  the  cause  that  the  attempt  upon  this  place  failed,  ii, 
86.  Henry  resolves  to  besiege  it  in  form,  88.     The  taking  of  Amiens  by 
the  Spaniards  obliges  him  to  lay  aside  this  design,  162. 
Arrets.  Edicts  and  resolutions  upon  the  finances,  war,  politics,  and  com- 
merce, &c.     See  each  of  tliese  articles. 
Arscot,  duke  of,  assists  at  the  publication  of  the  peace  of  Vervins  at  Paris 

ii,  228. 
Arsenal  of  Paris.     The  duke  of  Sully  resides  there,  ii,  364.     Receives  the 
king  and  queen  there,  404.     Interlude  presented  there,  ii,  463.     Works 
carried  on  there  by  Sully,  304,  and  in  the  other  arsenals  of  the  kingdom, 
416.     He  establishes  a  school  for  military  exercises,  iv,  48.     Running  at 
the  ring,  Henry's  frequent  visits  there,  207,  and  following.  See  Henry 
IV,  Sully.  A  large  hall  and  amphitheatre  built  there  by  Sully  for  theatri- 
cal representations,  207.     He  entertains  and  lodges  Henry  there,  who 
goes  frequently  to  visit  him,  316. 
Arson,  deputy  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon  in  the  affair  of  Sedan,  iv,  89. 
Artillery,  regulations  respecting  it.  ii,  34 1. 


INDEX.  S83 

Artrois,  counts  of,  the  sovereignty  of  the  earldom  of  St.  Paul  contested  for 
by  them  and  the  counts  of  Boulogne,  iii,  344.  See  Saint  Paul. 

Arts.  A  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  tliera,  iv,  517.  See  Cabinet  of 
State. 

Arundel,  palace  of.  Sully  lodged  there  during  his  embassy  to  London,  iii 
46. 

Ascoly,  prince  of,  commands  the  Spanish  troops  in  Champagne,  i,  249, 
Suffers  Noyon  to  be  taken,  ib. 

Asia,  designs  of  Charles  V,  of  Philip  II,  and  of  tlie  house  of  Austria,  upon 
this  quarter  of  the  globe,  and  the  obstacles  they  meet  with.  Part  of  the 
great  design  of  Henry  IV  relating  to  that  part  of  the  world.  See  Politi- 
cal designs. 

Astrology  and  Atrologers.  An  adventure  of  the  duke  of  Sully  with  an 
astrologer,  ii,  92,  3,  The  science  of  astrology  very  much  cultivated  in 
the  age  of  Henry  IV,  309.  This  prince  makes  La-Riviere,  calculate 
the  Dauphin's  nativity,  437.     See  Henry,  Sully,  La-Brosse,  Sic. 

Atichj,  member  of  the  new  council  of  finances,  i,  173. 

Avantigny,  a  Protestant  officer,  monsieur  withdraws  his  confidence  from 
him,  I,  101.  Present  at  the  combat  of  Saveuse,  191.  At  the  battle  of 
Arques,  205. 

Aubagnac,  agent  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  iv,  31. 

Aubepine,  Charles  de  1',  marquis  of  Chateau-neuf.  Refused  the  office  of 
master-general  of  tlie  ordnance,  ii,  178.  Called  to  the  council  to  deli- 
berate upon  the  affair  of  recalling  the  Jesuits,  iii,  228.  Upon  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  public  revenue,  323.  Upon  the  affairs  of  the  United 
Provinces,  iv,  165.  Appointed  by  Henry  one  of  the  regents,  422. 
Admitted  by  Mary  de  Medicis  into  her  ordinary  council,  467. 

Aubeterre,  N.  d',  slanders  raised  upon  account  of  Sully's  friendship  for 
him,  iii,  390. 

Aubigne,  Theodore  Agrippa  d\  ill  affected  to  the  party  of  Henry  IV,    i,  8, 

ii,  175.     The  methods  used  by  him  to  raise  an  insurrection  among  the 

Protestants,  204.     Observes  Sully's  conduct  in  his  journey  into  Poitou, 
iii,  260.  Lays  the  foundation  of  a  Protestant  republic  in  France,  iv,  12, 

Aubigny,  father,  a  Jesuit.  See  Jesuit,  paracide,  Henry. 

Aubin,  Saint,  agent  of  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  ii,  511. 

Augustus.  The  conformity  between  the  reign  of  Henry  IV,  and  his,  iv,  21^. 

Augustiiis,  Order  of,  instituted,  iii,  173. 

Avias,  father,  mentioned  in  a  letter  of  fatlicr  Cotton's,  iv,  298. 

Avignon.  A  dispute  concerning  the  bridge  of  that  city,  between  the  pope 
and  the  king  of  France,  terminated  in  favour  of  the  king,  iii,  340. 

Avila,  D  John  Alvares  admiral  of  Spain,  killed  in  a  naval  fight  with  the 
Dutch,  iv,  168,9. 

Aumale,  battle  of,  i,  274.  Prince  of  Parma's  speech  upon  the  battle-  277- 
VOL.  V.  b 


SS6  INDEX. 

Aumale,  Charles  de  Lorraia,  duke  of,  assists  the  league,  i,  202,  Narrow- 
ly escapes  being  taken  prisoner  by  Sully,  211.  Defeated  before  Noyon, 
249,  250.  His  wife  treats  with  Sull}  about  his  return  to  the  king's  party, 
407.  Serves  the  Spaniards  in  Flanders,  iii,  69. 

Aumale,  Claude  de  Lorrain,  duke  d',  a  stem  of  the  house  of  Guise,  i,  14. 

Aumale,  Claude  de  Lorain,  chevalier  d',  fights  for  the  league  at  Ivry,  ij  223. 
Is  killed  at  the  attack  of  St.  Dennis,  301. 

Aumale,  Marj^  de  Lorraine,  dutchess  of,  treats  with  Sully  about  her  hus- 
band's returning  to  the  king,  i,  407 

Aumont,  Johnd'  marshal  of  France,  i,  122.  Takes  an  oath  of  fidelity  to 
Henry  ly,  after  the  death  of  Henry  III,  199.  Surprises  Meulan,  200. 
Attacks  the  suburbs  of  St.  Germain,  211.  The  victory  of  Ivry  partly 
owing  to  his  own  valour,  219.  Greatly  caressed  by  Henry,  22G.  Con- 
fers with  the  king  about  his  conversion,  360.  His  exploits  in  Brittany, 
ii,  14.  His  death,  ibid. 

Auneau,  defeat  of  the  foreign  troops  at,  accounted  for,  i,  170. 

Aurilly,  a  gentleman  attached  to  the  duke  of  Anjou,  i,  107. 

Aussonville.     See  George,  Saint. 

Austria,  house  of,  the  author's  sentiments  of  its  origin  i,  5.  From  whence  it 
descended;  distinction  between  the  original  and  the  second  house  of  Aus- 
tria: names  of  the  several  princes  of  this  house:  errors  in  all  these  respects 
rectified,  ibid.  See  Habsbourgh.  Estates  brought  into  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria by  that  of  Bethune,  ii,  106.  That  house  hated  by  the  Protestants  of 
the  North,  iii,  56.  The  complaints  of  king  James  against  it,  and  the  project 
concerted  between  him  and  Sully  to  humble  it,  92.  Countries  subject  to 
it  93.  See  Charles  V,  Philip  II.  The  necessity  and  means  of  humbling 
it,  111.  Sully  the  first  contriver  of  this  scheme,  208.  Strengthened  by  its 
alliance, -329.  Its  designs  of  acquiring  universal  monarchy,  iv,  66,  7.  Its 
first  advancement;  origin,  and  great  success,  ib.  Henrj'  IV,  and  Sully 
think  of  means  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  ibid.  AUiance  of  the  house  of  Be- 
thune with  the  house  of  Austria,  379.  Pre-eminence  of  the  house  of 
Bourbon  over  the  house  of  Austria,  380.  How  it  got  possession  of  the 
earldom  of  Gueldres,  386.  Death  of  the  duke  of  Cleves,  and  the  suc- 
cession of  his  dominions;  reasons  for  endeavouring  to  set  it  aside,  389. 
See  Political  Design,  Cleves,  Elizabeth.  States  and  princes  in  Europe 
opposing  the  house  of  Austria  on  this  occasion,  396.  Conspiracy  against 
the  life  of  Henry  IV  in  which  it  is  concerned,  41 1.  See  Spain,  Henry, 
Parracide,  &c.  Suffers  Juliers  to  be  taken  and  the  succession  of  Cleves 
to  be  divided,  504.  The  view  of  the  grand  design  of  Henry  IV  in  regard 
to  it,  V,  97-  Just  subjects  of  complaint  for  all  Europe  against  it,  113. 
Conjectures  on  what  measures  it  would  have  taken  with  respect  to  the 
grand  design,  and  what  would  have  been  the  consequence  of  it,  115. 
See  Political  design,  Spain,  Podol)  h. 

Austria,  dutchy  of.     See  Habsbourgh,  Austria,  Albert  and  Raoul  of. 


INDEX.  287 

Austria,  Albert  of.     See  Habsbourg-,  and  Austria,  house  of. 

,  Albert,  cardinal  and  archduke  of.  See  archduke,  Low  Countries. 

Austria,  Andi^,  cardinal  of,  lieutenant-general  in  Flanders  till  the  arrival 

of  the  archduke,  ii,  294. 

.  Anna  Maria  .Mauricetta  of.     See  Spain,  children  of. 

,  C'atlierine  of,  by  her  marrying  into  the  house  of  Betlaune  it  became 

allied  to  the  house  of  Austria,  175, 

,  Don  Carlos  of.     See  Carlos,  Spain,  Philip  II. 

,  Charles  IV  of,     See  Emperor. 

,  Charles  of,  marquis  of  Burga\r.     See  Burgaw,  Cleves. 

,  Claire  Ugene  of.     See  Spain,  children  of. 

Ernest,  archduke  of.     See  Ernest. 

,  Ferdinand  of.     See  Ferdinand,  emperors. 

,  Ferdinand,  archduke  of,  beaten  before  Canise,  ii,  462 

,  Frederick  III  of.     See  emperors,  Frederick. 

,  D.  John  of.  See  John,  Don 

,  Isabella  of.  See  Spain,  children  of. 

,  Leopold,  archduke  of,     See  Leopold. 

,  Margaret  of,  archdutchess  of  Gratz,'  marries  Philip  III,  ii,  293. 


Passes  by  Marseilles,  ib.     See  Philip  II,  Philip  III. 

,  Mary  of,  marries  WiHiam,  duke  of  Juliers,  iv,  390.     See  Cleves. 

,  Mathias,  archduke  of.     See  Mathias. 

,  Maximilian  I,  and  II,  of.     See  IMaximilian,  emperors. 

,  Rodolph,  or  Raoul  of.     See  Habsbourg,  Austria,  house  of. 

, Rodolph  of,  emperor.     See  Rodolph. 


Autun,  taken  by  marshal  Bioren,  ii,  44. 

Aurergne.     Account  of  Henry  the  fourth's  journey  to  that  province,  iv. 
32.     See  Henry  IV.     Bouillon,  Rebels. 

,  Charles  of  Valois,  count  of,  present  at  the  battle  of  Arques,  i,  207, 

Joins  with  the  seditious,  ii,  207.  Sully  watches  and  disconcerts  his  de- 
signs, ibid.  He  traverses  Henry's  amour  with  his  sister,  335.  See 
Verneuil,  marchioness  of.  His  correspondence  with  Spain,  455.  Signs 
an  association  with  Bouillon  and  Bioren,  453.  Incites  the  people  to 
mutiny  against  Henry  IV,  454.  Waits  for  an  opportunity  of  seizing 
Saint  Flour,  455.  The  resolution  of  arresting  him  taken  at  Blois,  472. 
He  is  arrested,  487.  Henry  grants  him  his  life,  but  imprisons  him,  501. 
He  is  afterwards  restored  to  liberty,  ibid.  Henry's  motives  for  acting 
thus,  503.  Auvergne  again  betrays'the  king,  505.  His  character,  ibid. 
Continues  his  intrigues,  iii,  171.  Loses  his  suit  against  queen  Mar- 
garet, for  the  succession  to  Catherine  de  Medicis,  252.  Engages 
with  Spain  in  a  wicked  plot  against  the  state  and  person  of  Henry,  254. 
Demands  his  pardon  of  the  king,  and  at  the  same  time  proceeds  in  his 
conspiracy  with  Spain,  269,  270.  Measures  used  to  arrest  him,  272. 
His  fears  and  irresolution,  275,6.     His  letters  to  and  from  Sully,  277: 


2SS  INDEX. 

How  he  was  arrested,  278.  Henry  ag-ain  pardons  him:  the  real  and 
supposed  motives  for  this  clemency,  350.  He  endeavours  to  escape  from 
the  Bastile,  352.  See  Entrag-ues.  Favours  granted  him  in  prison,  iv, 
368,     Involved  in  the  parricide  committed  by  Ravaillac,  v,  190. 

B 

Babou  de  la  Bourdasiere.  See  Estrees,  Sourdis. 

BacqueviUe,  employed  in  the  affair  of  Adrienne  de  Fresnes,  iv,  109. 

Baden  the  Catholics  of  the  Grison  league  hold  their  as-serably  there,  iii, 
337.  See  Grisons. 

Badcfou.  See  Saint  Genies. 

Baden,  duke  of,  and  de  Dourlach.  Sully  accused  of  holding  criminal  cor- 
respondences wilh  these  princes,  iii,  391.  The  share  they  were  to  have 
in  the  great  design,  v,  93. 

Badet,  company  of,  used  as  the  forlorn  hope  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  218. 

Baliol,  kings  of  Scotland  of  that  family,  iii,  271. 

Bailliwics.  Offices  to  be  erected  in  them  in  cases  of  necessity,  iv,  325. 

Baionne.  The  malecontents  endeavour  to  seize  upon  this  place,  ii,  203. 

Balls  and  feasts  at  Paris,  during  the  winter  of  1597,  ii,  160. 

Balagny,  Lamion  Montluc  de,  duke  d'Eguillon  and  he  rivals  in  amours. 
Is  assasinated  by  the  duke.  Indignation  expressed  by  Henry  IV,  and 
Sully  on  this  assassination,  iv,  242. 

,  John  de  Montluc  de.  Monsieur  gives  him  the  government  of  the 

castle  of  Cambray,  i,  99.  Heads  the  forces  of  the  league  at  the  battle 
of  Rouen,  237.  Made  sovereign  prince  of  Cambray,  441.  The  Span- 
iards drive  him  from  Cambray,  ii,  67,71.  Bon-mot  of  a  Spaniard  upon 
this  occasion,  ibid.  The  sum  paid  him  for  coming  over  to  Henry,  264. 

Balbany.  Henry  IV  pays  a  sum  of  money  which  he  owed  him,   iv,  123. 

Baltazar,  his  attachment  to  Sully.  MemorijJ  which  he  delivered  him  upon 
the  battle  of  Fontaine  Frangois,  ii,  58. 

Balzac.  See  Entragues,  Verneuil. 

Banchi,  father  Seraphin,  discovers  to  Branceleon  the  design  of  assassi* 
nating  the  king,  i,  385. 

Bankruptcy  and  Bankrupts.  Sully's  severity  to  Jousseaume.  See  Jous- 
seaume.  An  edict  against  fraudulent  bankrupts,  iv.   342. 

Baptism  of  the  children  of  France.  An  account  of  preparations  for  this 
ceremony,  iv,  116.  See  the  Dauphin  and  Children  of  France. 

Bar,  Henry  de  Lorraine,  duke  of,  his  marriage  with  the  princess  Catherine 
opposed  by  the  pope  and  the  clergy  of  France,  ii,  295.  See  Princess 
Catherine,  Ossat,  Clergy.  Henr\'  proposes  to  marry  him  to  the  princess 
of  Mantua,  iii,  421. 

— ,  dutchess  of,  her  great  expenses,  iii,  1 90.  Measures  taken  after  the 
death  of  the  princess,  to  secure  her  effects,  ib. 


INDEX.  289 

Bar,  suppression  of  its  officers,  ii,  417.  Sully  complains  of  the  luxury  of 
the  gentlemen  of  the  law,  iii,  182.  Regulation  upon  the  droit  annuel,  iv, 
323.  Reasons  for  and  against  this  regulation,  ibid.  Abuses  to  be  cor- 
rected in  it  with  respect  to  the  judges,  advocates,  and  attorneys,  331. 

Barbary.  Spain  designs  to  invade  it,  iii,  157. 

Barberiui,  the  pope's  nuncio  in  France,  iii,  426.  Employed  by  Henry  in 
adjusting  the  differences  between  Paul  V,  and  the  Venetians,  and  re- 
warded for  his  good  offices,  iv,  103,  4.  His  praises  of  Sully,  178,  9. 

Barbin,  one  of  the  counsellors  of  the  queen-regent,  v,  130. 

Barenton,  an  engineer,  sent  by  Sully  to  demolish  the  castle  of  Usson,  iv, 
48.  See  Margaret  de  Valois. 

Barges.  Sully  carried  in  one  of  the  king's  from  Gravesend  to  London,  iii, 
44.  See  Embassy,  Sully. 

Barlaymont,  count  of,  grants  a  passport  to  Sully,  i,  103. 

,  countess  of,  refuses  her  consent  to  the  marriage  of  mademoi- 
selle de  Melun  with  the  marquis  of  Cosuvres,  when  desired  by  Henry 
IV,  iii,  404. 

Barnard,  nuns  of  the  order  of,  instituted,  ii,  258.  The  marchioness  of  Bel- 
lisle  enters  into  this  order,  ii,  326. 

Barnevelt,  John  Olden  de,  principal  deputy  of  the  United  Provinces  to 
James  I,  the  first  conversation  which  he  had  with  Sully  at  London;  his 
confidence  in  Sully,  and  the  measures  which  they  take  together,  iii,  62, 
and  following.  Gives  advice  of  the  pretended  union  of  Spain  and  Eng- 
land against  France,  86.  Disgusted  with  the  English  ministers,  110. 
His  conference  with  Sully  upon  this  subject,  in  which  he  entrusts  him 
with  the  private  resolutions  of  the  States-General,  109.  His  conference 
with  Sully  and  the  English  ministers,  in  which  nothing  is  resolved  upon, 
110  et  seq.  (See  Cecil.)  A  quaiTcl  between  him  and  the  prince  of 
Orange,  occasioned  by  the  truce,  iv,  133. 

Barault,  Emerick  Gobier  de,  attempts  to  enforce  the  observation  of  the 
treaties,  iii,  200.  Endeavours  to  find  out  the  treachery  of  la  Hote,  210. 
An  instance  of  his  boldness  and  resolution,  ibid.  Rafis  informs  him  of 
the  treason  of  la  Hote,  211.  Gives  advice  to  Henr}-  IV,  212.  Instruc- 
tions given  him  by  Sully,  iv,  162. 

Barre,  Madam  de  la,  gives  bad  counsel  to  the  princess  Catherine  against 
Sully,  ii,  103,  115. 

Barreaux,  des,  one  of  the  members  of  the  new  counsel  of  finances,  ii,  48. 
He  supports  the  financiers,  who  had  been  guilty  of  unjust  practices,  127. 

Barriere,  or  Barre,  Peter,  his  plot  to  assassinate  Henry  IV,  how  discover- 
ed and  punished,  i,  385. 

Bartholomew,  massacre  of  Saint,  scheme  of  this  massacre,  i,  29.  Account 
of  it,  38.  Observations  upon  it,  34.  The  manner  in  which  it  was  ex- 
ecuted; how  Henry  IV,  the  prince  of  Condcj  and  Sully  preserved  theii* 


290  INDEX. 

lives,  39,  40.  Reflections  upon  this  action,  29.    Names  of  those  who* 
were  massacred,  and  other  particulars,  36,  8. 

Bassignac  or  Vassignac,  Gideon  de,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  cabals  against 
Henry  at  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  175.  Lieutenant  and  agent  for  the 
duke  of  Bouillon,  iv,  31. 

Baste,  George,  general  of  the  imperial  troops  in  Transilvania,  defeats  the 
Vaivodes,  Battory  and  Michael,  ii,  462.  A  noble  action  of  this  general, 
ii,  535. 

Bastclica.  See  Ornano. 

Bastile.  Sully  made  governor  of  it,  ii,  459.  Henry  IV  lays  up  his  trea- 
sures there;  regulation  upon  this  occasion,  iii,  291. 

Battles,  historians  seldom  agree  in  the  account  they  give  of  battles,  i,  279. 

Battori,  Vaivode  of  Transilvania,  defeated  by  George  Baste,  ii,  462.  He 
continues  the  war  against  the  Emperor,  ii,  534. 

Battarnai,  Claude  de.  See  Coligny. 

Bavaria,  Elector  of,  project  to  make  him  Emperor,  iv,  69. 

Baudelonis,  Yvon,  takes  a  Spanish  ship,  which  Henry  IV,  causes  to  be  re- 
stored, iii,  434. 

Baudouin,  earl  of  Flanders.  See  Flanders. 

Baugy,  agent  to  Henry  IV,  for  the  management  of  the  grand  design,  v,  10. 

,  Lands  of,  awarded  to  Sully:  he  visits  them,  ii,  41 7. 

Baumeville.  The  advice  he  gave  to  Henry  IV,  concerning  the  duke  of 
Bouillon,  iv,  31,  196, 

Bazeile,  Saint,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Maieune,  i,  135. 

Beam.  The  mass  abolished  there.  See  Navarre.  The  mass  restored;  af- 
terwards the  Jesuits,  iv,  258.  The  quarrel  with  Spain  relating  to  its 
boundaries,  terminated  to  the  satisfaction  of  Henry,  280. 

Beaton,  archbishop.  See  Glasgow. 

Beaucaire.  See  Martigues. 

Beaudisner,  Galliot  de  Crussol,  de,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  i,  27.  Killed 
at  the  Massacre  of  Saint  Baj-tholomew,  36. 

Beaufort,  dutches  of.     See  Estress  Gabrielle  d'. 

an  enemy  to  Sully  at  court,  ii,  240. 

Beaugrard,  of  great  use  to  Sully  at  the  taking  of  Louviers,  i,  253. 

Beaugency,  one  of  the  five  cities  which  continued  faithful  to  Henry  III,  i, 
182.     Granted  to  Henry  IV,  as  a  place  of  security  and  passage,    184. 

Beaulieu,  convent  of,  where  is  delivered  the  edict  of  sixty-three  articles,  i, 
56.     See  Peace,  Anjou. 

Beaulieu,  Henry  IV,  refuses  him  the  post  of  lieutenant  du  roi  of  Saint- 
Jean  d'Angely,  iv,  112. 

Beaulieu-rus^.     See  Rus.    . 

Beaumont,  Christopher  de  Harley,  count  of,  ambassador  from  France  at 
London,  gives  advice  of  the  sickness  of  Elizabeth,  iii,  17.     King  James 


INDEX.  291 

is  prejudiced  ag:ainsthim,  34.  He  is  of  great  service  to  Sully  in  his  em- 
bassy, 44.  Sully  lodg'es  with  him,  46.  Denies  his  request  in  favour  of 
Combaut,  40.  He  dissuades  Sully  from  appearing-  in  mourning  at  his 
audience  of  the  king  of  England,  69.  Admitted  to  dine  at  the  table 
with  king  James,  105.  His  eulogium  upon  Sully's  embassy,  134.  He 
continues  to  give  advice  of  tlie  state  of  affairs  in  England  after  the  re- 
turn of  Sully,  I4S.  His  praises  of  Sully,  150.  Other  important  advices 
sent  by  him  from  London,  152.  He  exerts  himself  in  the  affair  of  the  pro- 
hibition of  commerce  with  Spain,  313;  as  likewise  in  the  treaty  between 
England  and  Spain,  326.  He  brings  with  him  to  France  letters  from 
king  James  to  Henry  IV,  and  Sully,  and  gives  an  account  of  his  nego- 
ciation,  iii,  435.     He  praises  the  king  of  England,  437. 

Beaune,  inhabitants  of,  rise  against  ttieduke  of  Maienne,  and  drive  him 
from  thence,  ii,  15. 

,  Renard,  or  Bernard  de,  of  Semblantjai,  archbishop  of  Brouges, 

receives  the  abjuration  of  Henry  IV,  i,  375. 

Beaupre,  Saint  Germain  de,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  disaffected  Protes- 
tants, i,  118.  Made  governor  of  Argenton  forH-enry  IV,  186.  His  in- 
trigues during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  175.  He  endeavours  to  get  sup- 
pressed, in  the  sjTiod  of  Gap,  the  tenet  of  tlie  Pope's  being  Anti-Christ, 
iii,  172.     He  opposes  Henry's  enterprise  upon  Sedan,  iv,  72. 

Beauvais,  N.  de,  governor  to  Henry  IV,  persuades  the  queen  of  Navarre 
and  the  Protestant  chiefs,  to  go  to  Paris,  i,  21.     He  is  killed  at  the  mas- 
sacre of  St.  Bartholomew,  36.  A  duel  between  his  son  and  Usseau,  86. 

Beauvais  la  IS'ocle,  John  de  la  Fin  de,  deputed  by  the  Protestants  to 
Charles  I^,  i,  18.  He  escapes  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew,  34. 
He  is  partly  the  cause  of  the  defeat  at  Auneau,  170. 

Beauveau.     See  Tremblecourt. 

Beauville,  first  president  of  the  chamber  of  accompts,  iv,  100. 

Bcauvois,  the  count  of  Garnache  is  made  prisoner  tliere  by  his  mother,  i, 
146. 

Bee,  N.  du,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  ii,  23. 

Bedford,  countess  of,  present  made  to  her  by  Sully,  iii,   143. 

Beholens,  or  Bogole,  a  Protestant  officer,  attached  to  Henry  IV,  i,  59. 

Bel,  John  le,  a  Jesuit,  involved  in  the  process  of  Chatel,  ii,  43. 

Belgic  republic,  establishment  of  tliis  republic  in  the  gi-and  design,  v,  97. 

Beliu,  Francis  Faudonas  d'Averton  de  Serillac,  count  of,  governor  of  Paris 
for  the  League,  made  prisoner  by  Henry  IV,  at  Arques,  i,  205.  Em- 
ploys himself  usefully  for  Henry  in  the  affair  of  his  convention,  361.  He 
is  deputed  by  the  Catholics  to  Henry,  372.  Another  deputation  to 
demand  a  truce,  391.  He  is  inclined  to  surrender  Paris  to  Henry,  upon 
which  the  duke  of  Maienne  deprives  him  of  the  government  of  that 
city,  420.     A  decree  of  Parliament  highly  honourable  to  him,  ib.     He 


2d2  INDEX. 

is  deprived  of  his  places  for  surrendering  Ardres,  li,  61. 

,  Geoffroide  Saint,  bishop  of  Poitiers,  his  letters  in  justification  of  Sul« 

ly,  in  the  affair  of  the  college  of  Poitiers,  iii,  360. 

Bellanglise,  an  officer  in  the  army  of  the  Duke  d'Aumale,  i,  249. 

Bellebranche,  mentioned  in  a  letter  from  father  Cotton,  iv,  '296. 

Bellefonds,  defeated  at  the  head  of  the  garrison  of  Soissons,  ii,  44 .  The  go- 
vernment of  Cayenne  given  him  by  Henrj^  IV,  iii,  171. 

Bellegarde,  Roger  de  Saint  Larry,  duke  of,  master  of  the  horse  of  France, 
acknowledges  Henry  IV,  for  king  after  the  death  of  Henry  III,  i,  199. 
Present  at  the  battle  of  Arques,  208.  Was  one  of  the  favourites  of  Hen- 
ry III,  ii,  18,  365.  He  is  refused  the  honour  of  marrying  Mary  de 
Medicis,  by  proxj'  for  the  king,  364.  His  familiarity  with  Henry  IV,  ii, 
476.  Is  made  lieutenant  for  the  Dauphin  in  Burgundy,  496.  Is  made 
superintendant  of  the  mines,  527.  Goes  to  his  government  of  Burgun- 
dy, iii,  68.  His  friendship  for  Sully,  268.  He  is  involved  in  the  in- 
trigues at  court,  383.  Called  to  the  council  upon  the  expedition  to  Se- 
dan, iv,  81.  Protects  the  Jesuits,  298.  Conchini  jealous  of  him,  v,  3- 
His  quarrels  with  the  nobles  and  ministers,  1 1 . 

Bellemaniere.     His  company  defeated  by  Henry  IV,  i,  154. 

Bellengreville,  Joachim  de,  made  governor  of  Meulan,  i,  202.  Assists  in 
defending  Mante,  252. 

Belles-Letters,  establishment  for  the  improvement  of,  by  Henry  IV,  ii.^ 
231. 

Bellezuns.     Fights  for  Henry  IV,  at  Coutras,  i,  160. 

Bellievre,  Pomponne  de,  labours  to  convert  Henry,  i,  360.  Opposes  tlie 
malecontents.  Admitted  into  the  council  of  finances,  ii,  36.  Provides 
for  the  security  of  Picardy,  192.  Signs  the  peace  of  jVervins,  and  as- 
sists at  its  pubhcationat  Brussels,  226.  Manages  with  Sillery,  all  do- 
mestic affairs,  257.  Is  made  chancellor,  and  the  seals  delivered  to 
him,  310.  Made  one  of  the  commissioners  for  the  king's  marriage,  338. 
As  hkewise  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  350.  Opposes 
Sully's  reasons  for  a  war  in  Savoy,  351.  Takes  La-Fin's  depositions 
against  martial  Biron,  458.  Advises  Henry  to  arrest  the  heads  of  the 
disaffected  party,  ii,  470.  Assists  at  the  council  when  Sully  received 
the  instructions  for  his  embassy  to  London,  iii,  30.  His  sentiments  upon 
the  recall  of  the  Jesuits,  194.  Sully  endeavours  to  persuade  him  to  tol- 
erate different  religions,  223.  He  solicits  ?.  cardinal's  hat  for  M.  de  Vil- 
lars  and  de  Marquemont,  225.  His  advice  to  Henry  IV,  concerning 
the  marchioness  de  Vemeuil,  285.  Made  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
tlie  prohibition  of  commerce  with  Spain,  312.  As  likewise  for  the  pur- 
chase of  the  earldom  of  Saint  Paul,  343.  Henry  takes  the  seals  from 
him;  his  infirmities,  iv,  138.  Particular  circumstances  relating  to  him: 
his  eulogium,  139.  Summoned  to  the  council  upon  the  affairs  of  Flan- 
ders: his  death,  139. 


INDEX.  293 

Bellisle,  Antoinette  dc  Orleans  do  Longueville,  marchioness  of,  takes  the 
Labit^f  a  mm  of  the  order  of  Saint  Barnard:  cause  of  her  retreat:  her 
eulofium,  ii,  326. 

,  Charles  de  Gondy,  marquis  of     See  tlie  above  article. 

Bellozanne,  Johii  Touchard,  abbe  de,  one  of  the  chief;,  of  the  third  party, 

i,  323.     Sully  treats  with  him,  338,  9. 
Bellujon,  proposed  for  deputy -general  of-  the  Protestants  in  the  assembly 
of  Chatelleraut,  iv,  3,  but  rejected,  17.     Employed  by  Henry  IV,  in 
the  affair  of  Oi-ange  and  Blaccons,  22. 
Belly,  chancellor  of  Savoy,  commissioner  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisate 

of  Saluces,  ii,  347 
Benefices.     Henry  IV    proposes  to  reform  the  abiises  in  them  iv,  321 

See  Clergy,  Cabinet  of  State,  Abbeys. 
Benehart,  James  de  Maille  de,  governor  of  Vendome,  i,  126. 
Benon,  forest  of.  Sully  ^defeats  in  this  place  a  squadron  of  the  duke  of  Joy- 

euse's  army,  i,  131. 
Berault,  a  Protestant  minister:  his  intrigues  at  Chatelleraut  rendered  in- 
effectual by  Sully,  iv,   16. 
Berg,  earldom  and  earls  of  this  name,  dispute  for  its  succession.     See 

Cloves. 
Bergen-op-zoom.     Taken  and  lost  again  by  du  Terrail,  iii,  433. 
Bergerac.     Treat}- made  with  that  city.     Soe  Peace  of  1577.      Service, 

performed  by  this  city  to  Henrj-  IV,  iii,  176. 
Beringhen,  Peter  de,  Henry  IV  confides  to  him  the  projects  of  the  league 
and  of  the  third  party  discovered  by  the  papers  intercepted  by  Sully,  i, 
323.     His  scheme  for  taking  la-Fere,  ii,  84.     He  is  of  service  to  Sully 
upon  his  entering  into  the  council  of  the  finances,  122.     Made  comp- 
troller of  mines,  ii,  527. 
Bernet,  du,  king's  advocate  in  the  parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  iv,  198. 
Berniere,  counccUor  of  the  parliament  of  Rouen  for  the  king,  ii,  97. 
Bery,  Matthieu  Brulartde,  his  negotiations  in  Flanders,  iv,  132.    He  sup- 
ports the  interest  or  the  prince  of  Epinoy  with  the  archduke,  375. 
Berry.     Regulations  for  the  marshalseas  of  this  province,  iv,  186. 
Bersot,  one  of  Sully's  enemies  at  court,  iii,  387. 

Bertauville,  proposed  for  one  of  the  deputies  for  the  city  of  Pons,  iv,  151. 
Berthier,  agent  for  the  clergy,  his  obstinate  endeavours  to  procure  an 

amendment  of  the  edict  ofXantz,  ii,  305. 
Bertichere,  la,  assists  the  duke  of  Sully  at  the  attack  of  Cahors,  i.  78 

Cabals  for  the  Protestants  during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  176. 
Berton.     See  Grillon. 

Bessais,  his  intreagues  with  the  Protestant  party,  ii,  175. 
Besses,  adisjiffected  Protestant,  iii,  263. 
Bethune.     A  city  and  first  barony  of  the  earldom  of  Artois.  i,  6. 

VOL.  V  C 


294  INDEX. 

Bethune,  house  of,  its  origin:  alliances  with  the  house  of  Btourbon,  Austria, 
and  the  principal  houses  of  Europe;  and  the  great  men  it  has  produced, 
i,  6.  Errors  upon  this  subject  rectified,  5.  Estates  brought  by  this 
house  into  the  house  of  Austria,  ii,  106.  Its  alliances  with  the  house  of 
Bourbon  and  Luxembourg,  198.  Praises  bestowed  upon  it  by  Henry 
TV,  444.  Descended  from  the  counts  of  Flanders,  iii,  429.  Its  allian- 
ces with  the  houses  of  Austria  and  Coucy,  iv,  391. 

Several  persons  of  this  name,  ancestors  to  the  duke  of  Sully, 

i,  5. 

,  Alpin  de.     See  Alpin,  Saint. 

,  Antoine  de,  his  actions,  i,  7. 

,  Caesar  de,  second  son  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  v,  52.     The  share 

which  Sully  gives  him  of  bis  estate:  his  death,  172. 

,  Charles  de.    See  Rosny,  Francis  de  B6thune  de. 

— ,  Coesne,  or  Conon  de,  his  great  actions.     Made  regent  of  the  em- 


pire of  Constantinople,  i,  7. 

,  Francis  de.     See  Rosny  and  Orval. 

,  Florestan  de,  governor  of  Mont-flantquin,  i,  136. 

,  James  de,  bishop  of  Cambray,  i,  7. 


— ,  James  de,  archbishop  of  Glasgow.    See  Glasgow. 

— ,  John  de,  abbot  of  Anchine,  i,  7. 

— ,  John  de,  head  of  the  branch  from  whence  the  duke  of  Sully  de- 


scended, i,  8,  9,     Allied  with  the  house  of  Austria  by  that  of  Coucy,  iv, 

379. 
Bethune,  John    de,  grandfather  to   the  duke  of  Sully.      His  alliances. 

i,  9. 

,  John  de,  brother  of  the  duke  of  Sully.     See  Rosny. 

,  Lewes  de.     See  Mirepoix,  marquis  of. 

,  Margaret  de.     See  Rohan,  dutches  of. 

,  Maximilian  de.     See  Sully,  duke  of. 

,  Maximilian  II,  de,  marquis  of  Rosny.     See  Rosnj'. 

,  Maximilian  III,  Francis  of,  prince  of  Henrichemont.     See  Hen- 

richemont. 
,  Philip  de,  the  count  of  B^tliune,  brother  to  the  duke  of  Sully,  one 


of  the  favourites  of  Henrj-  III,  i,  138.  Disgraced,  ibid.  Disconcerts 
the  enterprise  of  the  duke  of  Maienne  upon  Houdan,  252.  Sent  ambas- 
sador to  Rome,  ii,  443.  Henry  refuses  to  give  him  the  post  formerly 
enjoyed  by  the  baron  de  Lux,  iii,  402.  He  gives  advice  of  the  death  of 
Clement  VIII,  422.  Praised  for  his  conduct  in  Italy,  and  honours  con- 
ferred upon  him  by  the  Pope,  ib.  Henry  IV  admits  him  into  the  coun- 
cil, iv,  148.  He  is  again  sent  ambassador  into  Italy,  232.  Is  deputed 
by  the  queen-regent  to  Sully,  459.     His  advice  to  Sully  after  Henry's 


IND£X.  29^ 

death,  v,  3.  Endeavours  to  persuade  liim  not  to  resign  his  employments, 
30.     Sully  resigns  to  him  the  abbey  of  Jard,  54. 

Bethune.,  Robert  de,  ancestors  of  Sully,  who  bore  this  name;  and  their  ac- 
tions, i,  7. 

,  Solomon  de,  brother  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  one  of  the  favourites  of 

Kenrj'III,  i,  108.  Disgraced,  109.  He  turns  Roman  Catholic,  108. 
SuUy  obliges  him  to  open  the  gates  of  the  castle  of  Rosny  to  him,  193. 
Is  made  governor  of  Mante,  249.  Prevents  this  place  from  being  ta- 
ken by  the  duke  of  Mienne,  250.     His  death,  iii,  180. 

,  de,  cousin  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  iv,  333. 


Beul,  Jacqueline  de.     See  Moret,  countess  of. 

Beuillaque,  marquis  of,  envoy  from  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany.  Gratui- 
ties bestowed  upon  him  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  176. 

Beyne,  or  Bays,  defeats  a  body  of  troops  belonging  to  the  League,  ii,  44. 

Beza,  Theadore  de,  accused  of  being  concerned  in  the  assassination  of  the 
duke  of  Guise,  i,  14.  Makes  a  speech  to  Henry  IV,  at  the  head  of  the 
deputation  from  Genoa,  ii,  394.  I'heir  reception  from  Henry,  ib.  His 
death:  his  esteem  of  Sully;  and  the  proofs  which  he  gives  him  of  it,  iv, 
38. 

Bezieres,  designs  of  the  malecontents  upon  this  city,  iii,  453. 

— ,  bishop  of,  one  of  the  secret  council  of  Mary  Medicis,  iv,  484. 

Bizouie,  or  Bicose,  deputed  by  Henry  IV,  into  the  districts,  ii,  127. 
Lieutenant  of  the  highways  in  Guyenne,  iii,  234. 

Bigot,  agent  for  the  duke  of  Guise  in  the  treaty  with  the  king,  ii,  21. 

Birague,  Reni  de,  chancellor,  advises  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
i,  32. 

BiroD,  Armand  de  Gontault,  marshal  of,  deputed  by  Charles  IX,  to  the 
Protestants,!,  19.  Fortifies  himself  in  the  Arsenal  durmg  the  massacre, 
40.  Concludes  a  truce  with  Henrj' IV,  in  Guyenne,  61.  Commands 
the  royal  army,  81 .  Attacks  Nerac,  84.  Submits  to  Henry  IV,  after 
the  death  of  Henry  III,  199.  His  important  service  upon  this  occa- 
sion, 200.  Good  council  given  by  him  at  Arques,  204.  He  brings  for- 
ces to  his  assistance,  210.  Takes  Evreux,  213.  Contributes  to  the 
victory  of  Ivry,  226.  A  bon-mot  of  his  to  Henry  IV,  ibid.  He  unsea- 
sonably attacks  the  fort  Saint  Catherine  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  259.  Is 
accused  of  having  endeavoured  to  ruin  this  enterprize,  260.  An  attack 
in  which  he  fights  valiantly,  269.  Occasions  the  raising  the  siege  of 
Rouen,  281.  Henry's  respect  and  consideration  for  him,  298.  His 
malicious  and  obstinate  disposition,  297.  His  speech  to  his  son,  ib.  His 
bad  advice  to  Henry,  ib.  Besieges  Epemai,  and  is  there  killed,  312. 
His  character  and  eulogium,  ib. 

,  Charles  de  Gonlault,  marshal  of,  Henry  IV,  saves  his  life,  i,  211. 

He  defeats  a  detachment  of  the  duke  of  Aumale's  army,  48.     Attacks 


296  mDEx. 

the  prince  of  Parma's  intrenchments,  and  carries  them,  287.  Emploj- 
ed  in  the  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  360.  Affronted  by  Grillon,  395.  In- 
terested in  the  treaty  with  admiral  Villars,  411.  Made  marshal  of 
France.  426.  Defeats  the  grand  convoy  before  Laou,  459.  His  arro- 
gant and  presumptuous  boasts,  460.  Henry  dissatisfied  with  him,  refus- 
es him  the  government  of  Loan,  460.  He  makes  Sully  watch  him  care- 
fully, 461.  Biron  assists  the  inhabitants  of  Burgundy  to  drive  out  the 
duke  ofMaienne,  ii,  16.  Takes  Beauue,  Nuys,  Autin,  Dijon,  44.  At- 
tacks the  castle  of  Dijon  and  of  Talan,  45.  Motives  of  those  who  pur- 
suaded  Henry  to  go  into  Burgundy,  ib.  Drives  the  League  from  Dijon 
and  Talan,  59.  His  actions  at  the  batUe  of  Fontain-Francoise,  61,  et 
seq.  Occasions  the  loss  of  Arras,  86.  A  speech  of  Henry's  in  his 
praise,  184.  Made  duke  and  peer  of  France,  and  assists  at  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  peace  at  Brussels,  228.  His  plots  in  Guienne,  331.  One 
of  the  commissioners  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisite  of  Saluces,  347. 
Takes  the  city  of  Bourge  without  intending  it,  365,  et  esq.  Endeavours 
to  destroy  Sully  in  an  ambuscade,  369.  Gives  bail  advice  to  Henrj', 
388.  Informs  the  duke  of  Savoy  of  all  that  passes  in  the  council  and  in 
the  army,  390.  Has  a  design  to  have  Sully  killed  before  Saint  Cath- 
erine, 393.  Confesses  to  the  king  his  plots  in  Spain  and  Savoy,  421. 
Asks  pardon  of  ^is  majesty:  conditions  of  his  treaty  with  Savoy,  446. 
Resumes  his  plots,  447.  Henry  endeavours  to  reclaim  him  by  kind- 
ness, 448.  Sully  endeavours  likewise,  but  to  no  purpose,  449.  Sent 
ambassador  to  England;  his  imprudent  discourse  with  queen  Elizabeth, 
452.  Sent  ambassador  extraordinary  to  Switzerland,  453.  His  char- 
acter, ib.  Binds  himself  in  a  criminal  association  with  Bouillon  and 
Entragues:  renews  his  intrigues  with  Spain  and  Savoy;  raises  an  insur- 
rection: his  designs  upon  the  principal  cities  in  France;  relies  upon  La- 
Fin,  who  betrays  him,  454  et  seq.  Sully  mentioned  in  this  cabal,  458. 
Endeavours  made  use  of  to  arrest  Biron,  ii,  466.  He  comes  to  Fon- 
tainebleau,  478.  Resists  all  the  counsels  of  SuUy,  485.  Arrested,  487. 
He  is  tried  and  beheaded,  492  et  seq.  Particulars  of  his  execution,  his 
character,  and  his  family,  ib.  In  what  manner  he  spoke  of  Sully,  493. 
Sohcitations  of  his  relations,  49.  The  excesses  which  he  allowed  his 
retinue  to  commit  when  in  Lor  don,  the  occasion  of  the  hatred  that  na- 
tion discovers  towards  the  French;  and  the  bad  treatment  Sully's  reti- 
nue received,  iii,  46. 

Bistrith,  a  noble  action  of  George  Baste 's  at  the  taking  of  this  place,  ii, 
535. 

Blaccotis,  governor  of  Orange  for  the  Protestants  and  the  prince  of  Orange, 
iv,  21.  Is  sacrificed  by  the  intrigues  at  court  to  Lesdiguieres,  not- 
withstanding the  representations  of  Sully,  iv,  23,  25.  See  Orange, 
Chatelleraut. 


INDEX.  297 

Blanc,  Francis  le,  the  duke  of  Bouillon's  agent  at  London,  iii,  67. 

Blancaid,  John  de  Gontault  de  Saint,  Biron's  advice  to  him  upon  the  scaf- 
fold, ii,  493. 

Blanchard,  John  de,  steward  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  discovers  to  Henrj- 
his  secret  practices,  iv,  35. 

Blauchefort.     A  saying  of  Henry  IV  upon  this  house,  iv,  210. 

Blanchuienil,  Nicholas  Potier  de,  president  of  the  parliament  of  Pari?, 
draws  up  the  process  against  marshal  Biron,  ii,  490. 

Blavet,  or  Port  Louis.    The  Spaniards  driven  from  this  place,  ii,  197. 

Blaye,  besieged  by  the  marshal  de  Matignon,  who  fails  in  his  attempt,  ii, 
116.     Marshal  Biron  endeavours  to  sieze  this  place,  ii,  435. 

Blerancourt,  a  gentleman  in  the  train  of  the  duke  of  Sully  at  London,  iii,  47. 

Blois,  the  states  of  this  city  send  a  deputation  to  Henry  IV,  i,  58.  Duke 
of  Guise  murdered  there,  178.  The  views  and  designs  of  the  states, 
180.  See  Henry  III,  Guise,  League.  Sully  negociates  there  a  union 
between  the  two  kings,  183  et  seq.  See  Momai.  Motives  for  Henry's 
journey  thither,  ii,  331,  A  second  journey  of  his  to  this  place,  and  the 
reasons  for  it,  ii,  466.  Resolutions  taken  there  to  arrest  the  leaders  of 
the  malecontents,  74.  See  Bouillon,  Epernon,  Auvergne,  &:c.  Henry 
IV  takes  a  violent  resolution  at  this  place  against  the  queen  and  her 
Italian  domestics,  but  is  dissuaded  from  it  by  SuUy,  478.  Henry  passes 
through  it  in  his  way  to  Auvergne,  iv,  33. 

Blood,  princes  of,  their  plots  with  the  states  of  Paris,  i,  354.  See  Leagues, 
States  of  Paris.  They  make  a  strange  proposal  to  Henry  IV,  in  pre- 
judice of  the  royal  authority,  ii,  74.  See  Montpensier.  Sully  takes 
from  them  the  farms  of  the  king's  revenues:  the  cause  of  their  hatred 
to  him,  272.  They  are  disgusted  at  the  king's  giving  the  dutchess  of 
Mantua  precedence  of  them,  iv,  115.  Their  divisions  and  quarrels 
after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  470.  They  pay  no  regard  to  Sully's  ad- 
vice, 504.  Quarrels  among  them,  and  with  their  ministers,  v,  12. 
Grants  which  they  extort  from  the  queen-regent,  22.  They  all  con- 
spire to  ruin  SuUy,  27.  They  rebel,  30.  See  upon  this  article  Bourbon^ 
Conde,  Conty,  Soissous,  Montpensier.  See  also  the  French  Lords,  Se- 
ditions, &c. 

Boderie,  la,  one  of  the  French  agents  in  the  United  Provinces,  iv,  167. 

Bodillon,  assassinates  Chilperic;  the  reasons,  iv,  270. 

Boesse,  one  of  the  king's  officers:  his  courage  in  the  taking  of  Bourg,  ii, 
366.  He  declares  himself  in  the  council  for  Sully's  advice  for  the  ex- 
pedition of  Sedan, iv,  81. 

,  steward  of  the  household  to  the  princess,  ii,  108. 

Bohemia.  The  view  of  the  grand  design  of  Henrv  IV,  in  regard  to  this 
kingdom,  v,  88.  Accedes  to  the  union,  98.  Forces  and  money  to  be 
contributed  by  this  crown,  107.     See  Design  Political. 


298  INDEX. 

Boisbreuil,  one  of  Sully's  g-entlemen,  i,  126. 

Bois-Dauphin,  Urbain  de  Laval  de,  one  of  the  four  marshals  of  France 
made  by  the  League,  i,  347.     The  sum  which  he  received  from  Henry 
IV,  by  his  treaty,  ii,  264.     Sent  ambassador  to  Vienna,  ii,  465. 
Bois-du-lis,  a  Protestant  oflScer,  i,  158. 
Boisleduc.     See  Bolduc. 

Bois-rose,  N.   de  Goutinal  de,  the  surprising  manner  in  which  he  made 
himself  master  of  Fescamp,  i,  389.     He  delivers  the  fort  to  the  king, 
391.     His  share  in  the  treaty  with  admiral  Villars,  412.     His  comical 
adventure  with  Sully  at  Louviers  434. 
Boissec,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew, i,  35. 
Boissiere,  Christopher  de  Lanoy  de  la,  brings  succours  to  the  duke  of 
Maienne,  but  does  not  arrive  till  after  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  225.     Has 
some  share  in  the  defeat  of  the  duke  of  Aumale,  148. 
Boisse,  the  Fiench  agent  with  the  hereditary  princes  of  Cleves,  iv,  391. 
Acts  usefully  in  this  affair,  402.  See  Cleves.  Is  sent  ambassador  to  Den- 
mark and  Sweden,  v,  102. 
Bolduc,  the  prince  of  Orange  besieges  this  place  against  the  advice  of 

Sully,  and  raises  the  siege,  ii,  420,  iii,  12. 
Bonacolsi,  lord  of  Mantua,  killed  by  the  Gonzagues,  iv,  115. 
Bongars,  James  de,  the  French  agent  in  Germany,  ii,  283.     Informations 
given  by  him,  iv,  136.  Nenry  IV  discontinues  to  employ  him,  ib.     Me- 
morial sent  by  him  to  Sully  upon  the  succession  and  the  affairs  of  Cleves, 
391.  A  bon-mot  of  him,  398.     See  Cleves.     Is  sent  ambassador  to  Ger- 
many, v,  102. 
Boniface,  captain,  receives  the  duke  of  Sully  into  fort  St.  Catherine  to 

treat  with  admiral  Villars,  i,  393. 
Bonne,  a  saying  of  Henry  IV  upon  this  house,  iv,  210.  See  Lesdiguieres, 

Crequy. 
Bonnefort,  engineer  to  the  king,  iv,  146. 
Bonnet,  N.  de  Saint,  receives  Sully  into  his  house  when  he  went  to  treat 

with  admiral  Villars,  i,  393. 
Bonneval,  battle  of.   See  Saveuse. 

Bonneval,  a  courtier,  in  great  familiarity  with  Hfenry  IV,  iv,  167. 
Bontemps,  makes  a  deposition  relating  to  the  effects  of  the  dutchess  oi 

Bar,  iii,  181. 
Boutin,  Sully  visits  his  estates  in  this  place,  i,  387. 

,  Anne  Frangois,  Francois  de  Courtenay.    See  Courtenai. 

Boquemare,  president  of  the  parliament  of  Rouen,  well  disposed  to  the 

king's  party,  i,  432. 
Horde,  la,  employed  by  Henry  IV  to  discover  the  intrigue  between  the 


INDEX.  299 

count  of  Sommerive  and  madam  de  Rloret,  and  ill  used  by  Sommerive, 
i?,  238. 

Bordes,  des,  proposed  at  Chitelleraut  for  the  deputy  general  of  the  pro- 
testant  party,  and  rejected,  iv,  17.  Employed  against  the  Jesuits  by 
Sully  in  the  affair  of  Metz,  104. 

Borghese,-  cardinal.  See  Paul  V. 

Borgia,  D.  Inigo  de,  commands  the  Spanish  troops  in  Flanders,  iii,  160. 

Bories,  des,  unable  to  prevent  the  taking  of  La-Mothe-Saint-Eloy,  i,  132. 

Born,  JohnDurefort  de,  commands  the  artillery  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  i, 
263.  At  the  siege  of  Laon,  443.  Lieutenant-general  of  the  ordnance,  ii, 
342. 

Bostkay,  obliges  the  emperor  to  grant  him  the  lordship  of  Translivania,iv, 
175.  See  Rodolphus. 

Both^on,  William  de  Gadagne  de,  assists  at  the  ratification  of  the  peace  of 
Vervins  for  the  duke  of  Savoy,  ii,  228. 

Bouc,  tower  of,  a  fort  purchased  by  Henry  IV  from  the  duke  of  Mercoeur, 
iv,  419. 

Boucalt,  president  of  the  court  of  aides  in  Montpellier,  iii,  255. 

Bouchage^  count  of.  See  Joyeuse,  Henry  de. 

Bouchavannes,  de  Bayancourt  de,  a  protestant  lord,  i,  27.  Charles  IX 
pardons  him,  37. 

Bouhier,  president  of  the  Bastille,  v,  110. 

Bouillon,  principality  of,  given  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon  by  his  wife,  ii,  3. 
See  Bouillon,  duke  of.  Bouillon,  dutchess  of.  Sedan.  Bouillon,  upon 
this  account,  claims  a  right  to  precede  the  dukes  and  peers  of  France, 
but  is  not  regarded,  iv,  115. 

,  Charlotte  de  La-Mark,  dutchess  of,  marries  the  viscount  of  Tu- 

renne;  political  reasons  for  this  match,  i,  255.  Her  death:  the  duke  of 
Bouillon  informs  Henry  of  it,  ii,  3.  Henry's  opinion  of  her  will,  11. 

,  William-Robert  de  La-Mark,  duke  of.  See  Mark,  La. 

,  Henry  de  La-Tour  d'Auvergne,  viscount  of  Turenne,  duke  of, 

enters  into  the  party  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  i,  59.  His  hatred  of  Sully, 
ib.  Is  challenged  to  figlit  by  the  prince  of  Conde,  74,  75.  He  fights 
with  Duras,  ib.  Reflections  upon  this  duel,  ib.  He  disconcerts  the  de- 
signs of  the  prince  of  Cond^,  132.  Is  taken  prisoner  before  Cambray, 
95.  Forms  a  project  for  establishing  a  protestant  republic  in  France, 
118.  His  character,  ib.  Commands  a  body  of  troops  in  Guyeiine,  133. 
His  troops  behave  ill  in  the  battle  of  Coutras,  161.  His  designs  after 
this  battle,  166.  He  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  Sarlat,  167.  Takes  Cas- 
tillon,  171.  Designs  to  dismember  the  monarchy,  182.  Raises  the  Ger- 
man horse,  255.  Marries  mademoiselle  de  Bouillon,  ib.  Political  rea- 
sons for  this  marriage,  ib.  See  Mark,  la.  Henry  IV  uses  the  foreign 
forces  brought  by  him  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  259.     Raises  a  mutiny 


300  INDEX. 

among-st  the  Getman  forces,  295.  Prevents  the  pursuit  of  the  duke  ol 
Parma,  after  he  h  d  passed  the  Seine,  ib.  Tabes  Dun  and  Stenia,  and 
defeats  the  sieur  de  la  Guerche,  301.  His  ingratitude  to  Henry  IV,  ii, 
2.  Informs  the  king  of  the  death  of  his  wife,  3.  Motives  which  induced 
Henry  to  send  Sully  to  him,  4.  He  endeavours  to  entrap  Sully  in  a  con- 
versation they  have  together,  6.  His  intrigues  and  political  projects,  7. 
His  character  and  maxims,  ib.  Refuses  to  let  Sully  peruse  tlie  dut- 
chess's  will,  11.  Opinion  upon  (he  donations  in  it,  ib.  His  designs  in  ad- 
vising a  war  against  Spain,  39.  Commands  the  forces  in  Picardy,  44. 
His  jealousy  of  the  duke  of  Nevers,  the  occasion  of  the  misfortunes  of 
this  campaign,  53.  His  justification,  ib.  Defeated  before  Dourlens,  54, 
et  seq.  Different  opinions  upon  his  conduct,  56.  Justifies  himself  badly 
to  the  king,  77.  Sent  ambassadar  to  London,  ib.  The  object  of  his  in- 
trigues during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  175,  6.  Endeavours  to  raise  an  in- 
surrection among  tlie  protestanti  in  Brittany,  205.  Reproached  by  Hen- 
ry IV,  212.  The  subtile  article  which  he  gets  inserted  into  the  edict  of 
Nantes,  and  the  purpose  of  it,  303,  4.  His  hatred  to  Sully  upon  account 
of  suppressing  this  article,  307.  He  cabals  with  the  lords  of  tire  king- 
dom, 398.  And  with  Spain,  416.  His  association  with  marshal  Biron 
and  the  count  of  Auvergne,  421.  Design  of  arresting  him:  he  artfully 
eludes  Henry's  proposal  forcontmuing  at  court,  472.  His  letters  to  the 
king  and  Sully  upon  this  subject,  508,  et  seq.  He  employs  the  elector 
palatine  to  solicit  Henry  for  him,  but  to  no  purpose,  iii,  24.  Sully  is 
charged  to  make  the  king  of  England  acquainted  with  his  practices,  34. 
Whom  he  wants  to  gain  over  to  his  interest,  66.  Continuation  of  his 
intrigues  at  the  court  of  the  palatinate,  at  London,  and  in  the  protestant 
assemblies  in  France,  226.  And  with  Lesdiguieres,  258.  He  fixes  him- 
self at  tke  court  of  the  elector  palatine,  265.  His  deputies  excluded  from 
the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut.  464,  5.  Sully  renders  ineffectual  his  en- 
deavours to  establish  a  protestant  republic  in  France,  iv,  12.  Henry  IV 
disconcerts  them,  by  seizing  his  cities.  29.  And  designs  likewise  to  take 
Sedan,  69.  Artifices  of  the  courtiers  to  ward  off  the  blow,  72.  Letters 
betwixt  Sully  and  him  upon  this  subject,  77.  All  the  courtiers  interest 
themselves  for  him,  81.  Sully  makes  public  his  behaviour  to  the  king, 
83.  His  hatred  to  this  minister,  85.  Other  artifices  to  prevent  Henry 
from  approaching  Sedan,  86.  He  at  last  submits,  and  treats  with  Ville- 
roi,  90.  Articles  of  the  surrender  of  Sedan,  92.  The  gracious  reception 
he  meets  wilh  from  Henry,  upon  his  paying  homage,  96.  He  attends 
this  prince  to  Paris,  99.  Insists  upon  precedency  with  the  dukes  and 
peers,  115.  Henry  restores  Sedan  to  him,  and  withdraws  his  garrison, 
204.  He  renews  his  intrigues,  248.  Henry  IV  opposes  his  taking  the  ti- 
tle of  sovereign  lord  of  Sedan,  376.  He  returns  to  France  after  the  death 
of  Henry  the  Great,  and  is  admitted  into  the  council  of  Mary  of  Medicis, 


INDEX.  801 

467.  He  disengages  the  prince  of  Conde  from  Sully,  whom  be  seeks  to 
ruin,  499.  Opposes  Sully's  advice  with  regard  to  the  armameat  of  Cleves, 
503.  Mutual  services  between  him  and  Conchini,  v,  3,4.  A  quarrel  be- 
tween him  and  Sully  m  full  council,  9.  Gratituities  which  he  procures 
from  the  queen-regent,  23.  The  hatred  he  discovers  against  SuUj  in 
the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  119. 

Bouillon,  Robert  de  La-Mark,  duke  of    See  Mark,  la. 

,  dutchess  of,  is  in  Sedan  when  Henry  IV  went  to  besiege  it,  iv, 

191. 

,  mademoiselle  de,  proposed  for  a  wife  for  the  marquis  of  Rosny. 


iv,  209.  Henry  IV  prevents  Sully  from  accepting  of  it,  210. 

Boulaye.  Charles  Echalard  de  la,  governor  of  Fontenai  for  the  king's  par- 
ty, i,  145.  Attends  Henry  IV  into  Franche-Comte,  ii,  65.  His  sonmar-r 
ries  mademoiselle  de  Marais,  daughter  in  law  to  Sully:  presents  given, 
and  favours  refused  him,  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  402. 

Boulogne,  a  conference  in  this  city  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Eng- 
lish, which  produces  nothing,  ii,  234. 

Boulogne,  counts  of,  lords  paramount  of  the  earldom  of  St.  Paul,  with  the 
counts  d'Artois,  iii,  344. 

Bourbon,  house  of,  its  great  appanages,  i,  8.  Estates  carried  into  this 
house  by  the  house  of  Bethune,  ii,  108.  The  alliance  of  the  house  of 
Rohan  with  it,  115.  The  necessity  and  means  of  uniting  it  with  the 
house  of  Stuart,  to  humble  the  house  of  Austria.  See  Political  design, 
Re-union  of  all  these  estates  in  the  house  of  France,  iv,  178.  Henry  IV 
forbids  Sully  to  marry  his  son  into  thehouse  of  Bourbon,  210.  See  Rosny 

Bourbon-Cond^.     See  Conde. 

Bourbon-Conti.     See  Conti. 

Bourbon-France.     See  France. 

Bourbon-Montpensier.     See  Montpensier. 

Bourbon-Rubenpre.     See  Rubenpri. 

Bourbon- Soisson.     See  Soisson. 

Bourbon,  Alexander  de,  second  son  of  Henry  IV,  and  the  dutchess  ©f 
Beaufort,  legitimated,  ii,  236.  Is  baptised  as  a  son  of  France,  and  cal- 
led Monsieur,  237.  Is  received  into  the  order  of  knights  of  Malta,  iii, 
345.     See  Estrees,  Henry  IV,  Sully. 

,  Antony  de,  king  of  Navarre.     See  Navarre. 

,  Catherine-Henrietta  de,  daughter  of  Henry  IV,  and  the  dut- 
chess of  Beaufort,  legitimated,  ii,  272.  See  Estress.  Henry  designs  to 
marry  her  to  tlie  marquis  of  Rosny,  iv,  209.  But  afterwards  marries 
her  to  the  son  of  the  Constable,  218.  Presents  which  he  makes  her, 
363. 

— ,  Charles,  first  cardinsil  de,  opposes  the  marriage  of  tlie  prince  of 


Navarre  with  Margaret  de  Valois,  i,  31.     See  Henry  IV.  Margaret 
VOL.  V.  d 


302  INDEX. 

The  conference  with  Catherine  of  Medicis  after  the  day  of  the  barrica- 
does,  173.  Is  put  in  prison  at  the  death  of  the  Guises,  178;  he  re- 
proaches Catherine  of  Medicis,  181.  See  Guise,  Medicis,  Henry  III, 
Made  king  by  the  league,  251:  his  death  and  character,  ib.  See 
League. 
,  Charies,  second  cardinal  de,  designed  by  the  third  party  to  be 


made  king,  i,  324.  He  treats  with  Sully  in  favour  of  Henry  IV,  305. 
His  marriage  with  the  infanta  of  Spain  proposed  by  the  states  of  Paris 
and  rejected,  353.  Endeavours  the  conversation  of  Henry  IV.  Servi- 
ces rendered  by  him  to  Henry  IV,  375.  See  Abjuration.  Sully  is  de- 
puted to  him  in  Paris:  their  conversation,  445.  He  supports  the  Jesuits 
in  their  process  with  the  University  and  Curates  of  Paris,  448.  Let- 
ters betwixt  him  and  Sully  454.  His  death;  regretted  by  Henry,  ii, 
16.  His  abbeys:  his  character,  ib.  Henry  IV,  disposes  of  his  bene- 
fices, 17. 
,  Charles  de,  natural  son  of  Antony,  king  of  Navarre,  archbishop 


of  Rouen,  refuses  to  marry  Catherine,  ii,  298.  Humourous  conversa- 
tion between  him  and  Roquelaure  upon  this  subject,  300.  See,  Bar, 
Madame,  Roquelaure. 

Bourbon,  Henry  de,  duke  of  Verneuil.     See  Verneuil. 

,  madame  Catherine  de.     See  Madame. 

— ,  mademoiselle  de,  daughter  of  Henry  I,  prince  of  Conde:  her 

death,  ii,  312. 

Bourdeaux.     Letters  from  this  city  upon  person  of  Henry  IV,  i,  11.     It 
shuts  its  gates  upon  this  prince,  22. 

Bourg-en-Bresse,  taken  by  marshal    Biron  in  spite  of  himself,  ii,   367. 
Strength  of  its  castle,  397.     See  Bresse. 

Bourg  a  manufacturer,  sent  for  to  Paris  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  177. 

■ ,  Antoine-du  Maine-du,  defends  Laon  against  Henry  IV,  i,  443- 

Refuses  to  deliver  up  the  Bastilc,  ib.  Laon  surrendered,  ii,  13. 

du,  the  advice  which  he  gives  against  Lesdiguieres,  iii,  258. 


Bfturges,  taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  23.     Delivered  up  by  La  Ch^tre  to 
Henry  IV,  392.     Sum  paid  for  its  reduction,  ii,  264. 

Bourrouge,  Michael.     See  Hallot,  du. 

Boursault,  de,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  advised  by  John  d'Albert  to  go  tt> 
Paris,  i,  21. 

Bouvens,  governor  of  Bourg-en-Bresse,  unable  to  prevent  its  being  sur- 
prised, although  warned,  ii,  367. 

Brabant,  monsieur  is  declared  duke  of  it,  i,  99. 

Braconnier,  deputed  by  tlie  city  of  Metz  to  the  duke  of  Sully  against  the 
Jesuits,  iv,  104. 

Brancaleon,  discovers  the  design  of  Barriere  to  assassinate  Henry  IVj  i, 
385. 


INDEX.  303^ 

Urancas.     See  Villars,  Oise. 

Brandenbourg',  Albert  Frederic,  elector  of,  his  rigfht  to  the  succession  of 

Cleves,  iv,  387.  Divides  tliis  succession  with  the  palatine  of  Neuburgh, 

506.     See  Cleves. 
,  John  George  de,  a  contest  and  process  between  him  and 

the  cardinal  of  Lorraine  for  the  bishopric  of  Strasbourg,  terminated  by 

Henry  IV,  iii,  6. 
,  marquis  of,  Henry's  reception  of  him  at  Paris,  ii,  463.     He 


es  to  see  Henry  at  Metz,  iii,  7. 

Brandis,  goremor  of  Montmelian,  delivers  up  the  castle  to  Henry  IV,  by 
capitulation,  ii,  390,  et  seq.  in  which  his  wife  has  some  share,  ib. 

Brassac.  See  Rochebeaucourt. 

Brasseuses,  a  protestant  officer,  i,  142.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Arques, 
205.  And  likewise  at  Ivry,  224. 

Breaut^,  Charles  de,  fights  in  a  combat  of  twenty  French  against  a  like 
number  of  Flemish,  ii,  405. 

Brederode,  deputy  from  the  Flemings  to  Henry  IV,  v,  102.  See  Flanders, 
Political  design. 

Bremont,  mentioned  in  a  letter  from  father  Cotton,  iv,  927. 

Bresse,  how  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  365,  et  seq.  Ceded  wholly  to  the  king 
by  the  duke  of  Savoy,  401.  See  Treaty  of  Lyons.  Re-united  to  Burgun- 
dy, 403.  Opposed  by  the  parliament  of  Dijon,  iv,  182. 

Brest,  besieged  by  the  duke  of  Mercoeur,  ii,  14. 

Bretauville,  an  officer  of  the  king's  household;  much  regretted  by  Henry 
IV,  iv,  199. 

Brotoline,  an  Italian  lady:  a  present  made  her  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  122. 

Breton,  a  fort,  furnished  with  provisions  and  ammunition  by  the  prince  of 
Orange,  iii,  433. 

Bretons,  chevalier  de,  agent  and  commissioner  for  the  duke  of  Savoy,  in 
the  affair  of  the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  ii,  329,  347,  351. 

Breton,  Hector  le,  receives  a  gratuity  from  the  king,  iii,  419. 

Breiiil,  du,  a  protestant  gentleman,  escapes  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartho- 
lomew, i,  34. 

Brezolles,  N.  de,  a  protestant,  disaffected  to  Henry  IV,  i,  231. 

Briare,  canal  of,  begun  by  Sully,  iii,  309. 

Bri-Comte-Robert.  Henry  IV  in  danger  of  life  there,  i,  386. 

Brienne.  See  Lomenie. 

Brigantin,  one  of  the  faction,  implores  a  pardon  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  32. 

Brigneux,  governor  of  Bougency,  delivers  up  this  place  to  Henry  IV,  i, 
184. 

Brillan,  a  domestic  of  the  prinee  of  Cende,  torn  in  pieces  by  four  horse,  i 
171. 

Briquemaut,  deputed  by  the  protestants  to  Charles  IX,  i,  18. 


304  INDEX. 

Brissac  Charles  de  Coss^,  count  of,  governor  of  Angers,  i,  123.  His  de- 
sign of  changing'  the  form  of  government  in  France,  420.  The  duke  of 
Mercoeur  makes  him  governor  of  Paris,  ib.  Betrays  his  party,  422. 
Made  marshal  of  France,  ii,  203.  The  sum  which  he  received  for  his 
treaty,  264.  Called  to  the  council  upon  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  iv,  81, 
347.  Named  by  Henry  IV  one  of  the  regents,  422.  Mary  of  Medicis  ad- 
mits him  into  her  council,  467. 

Brisson,  Barnaby,  president  of  the  parliament  of  Paris,  is  hanged  by  the 
council  of  sixteen,  i,  268.  His  eulogium,  ib. 

Brittany.  Cities  taken,  and  military  encounters  in  this  province,  ii,  14 
Other  military  exploits  on  both  side?,  116,  17.  The  duke  of  Mercceur's 
claims  upon  this  province,  192.  Henry  IV  resolves  to  go  thither  in 
person,  ibid.  Object  and  consequence  of  this  journey,  195.  Sully 
causes  plans  to  be  taken  of  all  its  fortresses  and  coast,  iv,  195. 

Brix,  saint,  Catherine  of  Medicis  has  a  conference  there  with  Henry  IV, 
i,  149.  Other  conferences  at  this  place,  ib.  Henry  is  in  danger  there,  ib. 

Broc,  du,  lieutenant  de  prevot,  allows  I'Hote  to  escape,  iii,  218. 

Brossard,  father,  a  Jesuit,  his  reception  from  Henry  IV  at  Metz,  iii,  7. 

Brosse,  la,  his  prediction  with  regard  to  Henry  IV  aiid  Sully,  i,  116,  117. 

Brosse-Saveuse;  See  Saveuse. 

Brossier,  Martha,  a  pretended  demoniac.  Designs  of  those  who  bring  her 
in  play:  Henry's  prudence  in  this  affair,  ii,  309.  Particularities  con- 
cerning her,  310. 

Brouage,  taken  by  the  protestants,  i,  4.  Retaken  by  the  duke  of  Maienne, 
69,70.  The  prince  of  Conde  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  it,  125.  Sully  vi- 
sits this  place  in  his  journey  into  Poitou,  iii,  167. 

Brulart.   See  Sillery  and  Berny. 

Brunswick,  Lunenbourg,  duke  of,  a  treaty,  begun  by  him  between  Spain 
and  England,  iii,  64.  Ambassador  in  London,  147.  Henry's  reception  of 
his  deputy,  iv,  376. 

Buda,  the  Imperialists  raise  the  siege  of,  ii,  535.   See  Nevers,  duke  of. 

Budos,  Louisa  de,  wife  of  the  constable  de  Montmorency,  her  death  ii, 
313. 

Bufalo,  cardinal,  the  pope's  nuncio,  he  concludes  with  Sully  a  treaty  of 
commerce  between  France  and  Spain,  iii,  316.  Is  rewarded  by  Henry 
IV,  317.  Sully  informs  him  of  Henry's  political  design,  332.  His  esteem 
and  praises  of  Sully,  iii,  426. 

Buhy,  Peter  de  Mornay  de,  his  plot  to  carry  the  princes  to  Saint-Germain- 
en-Laye,  i,  48.     He  prejudices  Henry  IV  against  Sully,  316. 

Buildings,  the  post  of  superintendant  of,  and  of  fortifications,  given  to  Sully. 
See  fortifications. 

Buisse,  la,  iv,  333. 


INDEX.  305 

Bullion,  de,  employed  in  the  affair  of  Orange  and  Blaccons,  iv,  22.  Sent 
by  Sully  into  Dauphiny,  111;  and  to  Rochclle,  1 12.  Sent  ambassador  to 
V^enicc  and  Savoy,  422.  Agent  for  the  quccn-rcgent  in  tlie  assembly  of 
Chatelleraut,  V,  122. 

Bully,  tlie  duke  of  Nevers  badly  seconds  Henr)'  IV  there,  i,  272  et  scq. 

Buquoy,  count  of,  refuses  the  alliance  of  the  marquis  of  Cceuvres  for  ma- 
demoiselle de  Meuln,  iii,  405.  Commands  the  Spanish  forces  in  Flan- 
ders, 432. 

Bure,  Henry  IV  defeats  at  that  place  a  squadron  of  the  duke  of  Guise  i, 
271, 

Burgaw,  church  of  Austria,  marquis  of,  his  right  to  the  succession  of 
Cleves,  iv,  388. 

liurgundy,  kingdom  of,  the  nothern  provinces  desirous  of  restoring  it,  iii, 
56. 

,  the  duke  of  Maienne  demands  the  sovereignty  of  it  from  Spain,  i, 

320,  which  is  agreed  to,  ii,  15.  This  province  rises  against  the  duke 
of  Maienne,  16.  The  successes  whioh  the  forces  of  Lorrain,  of  Henry 
IV,  and  of  marshal  Biron  have  tliere,  44.  Henry  makes  himself  master 
of  almost  all  Burgundy,  ib.  Disobedience  of  its  parliament,  in  the  af- 
fair of  Bresse,  iv,  1 82. 

,  Charles  de,  his  daughter  carries  the  earldom  of  Gueldres  into  the 


house  of  Austria,  iv,  386. 
,  Mary  de,  brings  the  Low  Countries  to  Maximilian:  objections  to 


the  legality  of  Lis  possession,  ib.     See  Cleves. 

Bussy  d'Amboise,  Lewis  de  Clermont  de,  in  disgrace  with  monsieur:  his 
deatli,  i,  60. 

,  Rene  de  Clermont  de,  wife  of  Balagny,   dies  of  grief  for 

the  loss  of  Cambray,  ii,  71 . 

Butrick,  envoy  from  the  elector  of  Palatine  to  the  assembly  of  Protestants 
in  France,  i,  118. 

Buzenval,  Paul  Choart  de,  French  ambassador  in  Holland,  ii,  229.  Com- 
municates to  Henry  IV  the  designs  of  the  prince  of  Orange,  418,  iii,  12. 
The  United  Provinces'  great  regard  for  him,  319.  Writes  the  king 
particulars  concerning  the  United  Provinces,  iv,  133.  Gives  an  ac- 
count of  his  negociations  to  Henrj'IV,  134.  Continues  to  be  of  g^eat 
use  in  the  affairs  of  Flanders,  165.     His  death  and  eulogium,  319. 


Cabinets  of  stale,  Henry  IV,  and  Sully  employ  themselves  in  composing 

it;  idea  and  object  of  this  great  and  useful  work,  iv,  318. 
Cabrieres,  governor  of  Cahors,  i,  80. 
Cadsand,  island  of,  taken  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  ii,  317'. 


306  INDEJC. 

Caen,  Henry  IV  visits  tiiis  place,  and  takes  the  government  of  it  frpm 

CreveccEur,  and  confers  it  upon  Bellefoud,  iii,  171. 
Cahors,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  76  etseq. 

Caillaudiere,  la,  sent  to  disband  the  cavalry,  iv,  36. 

Cajoux,  Charles  de.     See  Casaux. 

Calais,  acquired  to  France  by  the  duke  of  Guise,  i,  14.  Besieged  by  tlie 
Spaniards,  ii,  66.  And  taken,  notwithstanding  all  the  cares  of  Henry  IV, 
72.  Particulars  of  this  siege,  ib.  Henry's  journey  thither,  and  his 
motives  for  it,  420.     Another  journey  iii,  56.  Risbank  repaired,  iv,  342. 

Calatagirone,  Bonaventure  de,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  exerts  himself 
successfully  for  the  peace  of  Vervins,  ii,  193.  Attempts  to  hinder  Sully 
from  being  a  commissioner  in  the  affair  of  Saluces,  but  fails,  350. 

Calderon.     The  offer  which  he  made  to  Henry  IV  from  Spain,  i,  J 06. 

Cahgnon,  de,  employed  in  the  composition  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  ii,  176. 
Henry  IV  opposes  an  article  in  that  edict,  which  is  obliged  to  be  altered, 
302  et  seq.  Admitted  into  the  council  held  for  the  return  of  the  Je- 
suits, iii,  192.     As  likewise  into  tliat  for  the  proving  of  rents,  301. 

Calumniators  of  the  duke  of  Sully.     See  courtiers,  lords,  Jesuits. 

Calumniators,  anonymous.     See  Coeuvres,  Vendome. 

Calveyrac,  John  de  Sudrie  de,  informs  Henry  IV  of  the  plots  of  the  male- 
contents,  ii,  455- 

Cambray.  The  prince  of  Parma  raises  the  siege  of  that  place,  i,  94.  Taken 
by  the  Spaniards,  who  drive  out  Balagny,  ii,  67,  71.  Sum  paid  by  Henry 
IV  for  its  reduction,  264. 

Camord,  a  friend  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  ii,  50. 

Campagnac,  Madam  de.  Sully  resides  at  her  house  during  the  infection  at 
Rosny,  i,  146. 

Campo,  Alonso  del,  defeated  by  the  forces  of  queen  Ehzabeth  in  Ireland, 
ii,  460. 

Canada. '  A  colony  established  there  in  opposition  to  the  advice  of  Sully, 
iii,  285. 

Canard,  Saint,  iv,  292. 

Canals  for  the  joining  of  rivers,  very  useful,  iii,  399.  Of  Briare.  See 
Briare,  Seine,  Loire,  Saone.  Sully  disposes  of  the  post  of  hereditary 
master  of  the  canals  and  navigation  of  rivers,  v,  54. 

Canaye,  Philip  de-Fresne,  ambassador  at  Venice,  ii,  443.  See  Grisons. 
Gives  intelligence  of  the  difference  of  the  Venetians  and  Paul  V.  iv,  1 00. 
Instructions  which  he  gives  Sully  in  this  affair,  ib.  Ambassador  to  Ger- 
many, v,  102. 

Canise,  taken  by  the  knights  of  Malta,  ii,  462. 

Canisy,  de,  gratuities  granted  him  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  418.  Regretted  by 
Henry,  iv,  199. 

Cantons,  Swiss.     See  Switzerland,  Grisons. 


INDEX.  307 

Canterbury.     Sully's  reception  in  this  city  by  the  nobility,  iii,  42.     The 

advice  of  a  canon  to  him,  43.     Henry  IV's  opinion  of  this  advice,  86. 
Capelle,  la,  besieged  and  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  i,  442.     Retaken  ii,  54, 

67. 
Capet,  king,  Sully's  opinion  of  this  race,  v,  54.     See  France,  kings  of. 
Capuchins,  deputed  by  the  Parisians   to  Henry   HI  at  Chartres,  i,  177. 
Accused  of  endeavouring  to  assasinate  Henry  IV,  385.  They  embroil  the 
Protestants  with  the  Catholics  and  Orisons,  iii,  336. 

order  of,  instituted,  iii,  243. 

Carcassonne,  bishop  of,  money  due  to  him  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  199. 
Carces,  Gaspard  de  Pontevez,  count  of,  his  party  in  Provence,  i,  307. 

Gives  advice  of  the  designs  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  ii,  345. 
Cardinals,  promotion  of  French  cardinals,  ii,  234.     Sent  to  the  conclave 
after  the  death  of  Clement  VIII,  422.     They  act  well  for  Prance,  iii, 
424.     Promotion  of,  1606,  iv,  103.     Their  prerogatives  in  Italy,  381. 
Carl-Paul,  envoy  from  the  elector  Palatine  to  the  duke  of  Sully,  iv,  272. 
Carlat.    The  residence  of  queen  Margaret  in  this  castle^  which  Henry  IV 

causes  to  be  demolished,  iv,  45. 
Carlos,  don,  prince  of  Spain,  Philip  II  causes  him  to  be  executed,  i,  20. 

Motives  of  this  action,  ii,  292. 
Carlovingien  kings,  Sully's  opinion  of  this  race,  v,  53.     See  Francs, 

kings  of 
Carmelites,  barefoot,  established  in  France,  iii,  173. 
Camavelet,  madam  de,  g^ves  good  advice  to  Henry  IV,  i,  53. 
Carrouge.     See  Le-Veneur. 

Casaubon.  Henry  sends  for  him,  and  fixes  him  at  Paris,  ii,  232. 
Cassault,  Charles,  his  party  in  Provence,  i,  308.  Is  killed  in  endeavouring 

to  deliver  up  Marseilles  to  the  Spaniards,  ii,  31, 
Case,  la,  a  Protestant,  his  intrigues  during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  275. 
Casimir,  the  prince,  enters  France  with  an  army,  i,  53.     Is  bribed  to  de- 
part, 55.     See  Medicis,  Monsieur's  peace.  Cities  given  in  pledge  to  him 
by  the  prince  of  Cond^,  83. 
Cassaux,  an  exploit  of  Sully  in  its  neighbourhood  i,  66. 
Castle- Jaloux,  a  Protestant  town,  i,  68. 
Castenet,  takes  Bourg-en-Bresse,  though  opposed  by  marshal  Biron,  ii, 

367. 
Castests.     Marshal  de  Matignon  obliged  to  raise  the  seige  of  this  place, 

i,  132. 
Castile,  kings  of.     See  Ferdinand,  Isabel. 

,  constable  of     See  Velasco. 

Castile,  receiver-general  of  the  clergy,  is  accused  of  a  misdemeanor,  iii 
296.  Is  made  comptroller-general  after  the  death  of  Henry  FV.  Sully 
complains  of  him,  v,  22. 


308  II^DEX. 

Castillon,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Maienne,  and  retaken  by  the  duke  ot 
Bouillon,  i,  171. 

Cateau-Cambresis.     The  duke  of  Anjou  takes  this  place  by  storm,  i,  96. 

Catelet,  le,  taken  b^-  the  Spaniards,  ii,  54,  67. 

Catherine  of  Medicis.     See  Medicis. 

Catherine,  Madame.     See  Madame. 

Catherine,  Fort  de  Saint,  attacked  improperly  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  i, 
259.  See  Biron.  Sully  is  received  there  as  he  went  to  treat  with  ad- 
miral Villars,  393. 

,  Fort  de  Saint,  in  Savoy,  besieged  and  taken  by  Sully,  ii,  392. 

Demolished  at  the  entreaty  to  the  republic  of  Geneva,  397. 

Catholic  religion.     See  religion. 

Catholics  of  the  party  of  Henry  IV,  the  most  powerful  in  his  council,  i, 
243.  Design  to  revolt  at  the  siege  of  Rouen;  their  views,  265.  Their 
opposition  to  the  Protestants  occasion  the  raising  this  siege,  280,  1.  See 
Biron,  Bouillon,  Protestants.  Refuse  to  pursure  the  prince  of  Parma, 
295,  6.  Oblige  Henry  IV,  to  refuse  the  oifers  of  the  League,  348.  The 
wise  conduct  of  Henry  IV,  with  regard  to  them,  386.  Their  jealousy 
of  Sully,  ib.  They  murmur  at  his  embassy  to  London,  iii,  20.  The 
Catholic  power  in  Europe,  compared  with  that  of  the  Protestants,  and 
the  power  of  each  party,  122.  See  Political  design,  James.  Their  in- 
trigues against  Henry  IV,  in  favour  of  Spain.  See  League,  Pope, 
Spain,  Jesuits. 

Cavagne,  Amaud  de,  deputed  by  the  Protestants  to  Charles  IX,  i,  18. 

Caudebec,  surrendered  to  the  prince  of  Parma,  and  retaken  by  Henry  iv, 
i,  284,  289. 

Caumartin,  Lewis  le  FeiTC  de,  keeper  of  the  seals,  of  great  ser^  ice  to 
Henry  IV,  in  those  districts  in  which  he  is  sent,  ii,  127.  Appointed  to 
assist  at  the  conference  at  Boulogne,  234.  To  treat  with  the  Swiss 
ambassadors,  528.  Called  to  the  council  upon  the  affair  of  the  Jesuits, 
iii,  292.  Commissioner  in  the  affair  of  the  earldom  of  Saint  Paul,  343. 
Prepossesses  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  against  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  iv, 
6.  His  good  management  in  the  distribution  of  the  pay  to  the  Swiss 
Cantons,  194.  He  serves  the  prince  d'Epinoi  with  the  States  General. 
373.  Eulogium  of  his  negociation  in  Swisserland,  and  with  the  Grisons, 
383.  Appointed  ambassador  to  Switzerland,  394.  Admitted  into  the 
council  of  the  queen-regent,  467. 

Caumont,  Francis  Nonpar  de,  killed  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
i,  36. 

,  James  Nonpar  de.     See  Epemon,  duke  of 

,  a  Protestant  city,  iv,  252. 

Caussade.     An  estate  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  55. 
,  See  Megrin,  Saint. 


INDEX.  309 

Causse,  one  of  the  disaffected,  implores  pardon  of  Henry,  iv,  32. 

Caylus,  or  Qu61us,  James  de  Lems  de,  a  favourite  of  Henry  III,  ii,  18. 

Cazal,  Alphonso,  deputy  from  Spain  to  the  Grison  league  at  Coire,  but 
does  not  succeed,  iii,  338. 

Cecil,  Robert,  ambassador  from  queen  Elizabeth  to  Henry  IV,  his  conver- 
sation with  tliis  prince,  ii,  205. 

Cecil,  William,  secretary  of  state  to  queen  Elizabeth,  ii,  205.  His  cha- 
racter, iii,  54.  Visits  the  duke  of  Sully;  and  his  opinion  of  him,  60,  61. 
His  artifice  to  procure  the  favour  of  king  James,  82.  See  James. 
Conference  between  him,  the  English  counsellors,  and  Sully,  in  which 
he  endeavours  to  surprise  and  deceive  him,  100,  101.  He  is  deputed 
to  the  count  of  Arembei^,  103.  His  attachment  to  Spain,  104.  His 
conference  with  Sully  and  the  deputies  from  the  United  Provinces,  in 
which  he  exerts  all  the  craft  of  a  statesman,  109.  And  his  opposition 
to  giving  succour  to  the  states-general,  1 10.  The  king  of  England  dis- 
contented with  his  conduct,  130.  He  continues  to  assist  the  Spanish 
faction,  153.  At  last  declares  himself,  against  his  will,  for  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  France,  156.     Present  made  to  him  bj-  Sully,  144. 

Censors  A  scheme  for  establishg  them  in  France  for  the  punishment  of 
dissoluteness  and  prodigality,  iv,  327. 

Cercote.  Sully  has  a  meeting  at  this  place  with  queen  Margaret;  the  sub- 
ject of  their  conversation,  iv,  44. 

Chaalons.  Assembly  of  the  League,  and  conferences  in  this  city.  See 
League,  Henry  III.  Medicis,  Guises. 

Cfaalais,  port  and  passage  of,  seized  by  Henry  IV,  i,  159. 

Chalandeau,  a  protestant  ofBcer,  i,  142. 

Chalange,  an  enemy  and  calumniator  of  Sully,  iii,  387. 

Chaligny,  Henry  of  Lorrain,  counsellor  of,  kills  Chicot,  who  had  made 
him  prisoner,  i,  115.  Sully  accompanies  him  to  Paris.  393. 

Chalon-sur-Marne.  Henry  IV  narrowly  escapes  being  assassinated  there, 
i,  385. 

Chamant,  John  and  Anthony  de  St.,  employed  by  the  League  inLangue- 
doc  and  Limosin,  and  afterwards  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  116. 

Chamber  of  accounts,  guilty  of  some  disrespect  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  181. 
Abuses  in  it  corrected  by  the  duke  of  Sully,  272,  et  seq.  Opposes  the 
establishment  of  a  new  council,  iii,  301 .  Sully  complains  of  that  cham- 
ber, and  subjects  it  to  new  regulations,  iv,  265.  Other  regulations  made 
in  this  chamber,  266. 

Chamber  of  justice,  established  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  169.  Another  in  the  year 
1601,  and  called  the  royal  chamber,  413.  Another  in  1604,  iii,  301.  An- 
other in  1607,  contrary  to  Sully's  advice,  iv,  192,  Reflections  and  rea- 
sonings of  this  minister  upon  these  establishments,  ib. 

VOL.  V.  e 


310  INDEX. 

Chambertj  or  Chambaret,  one  of  the  chief  royalists  in  Languedoc,  ii,  llfr. 

Contributes  to  the  taking-  of  Bourg,  366. 
Chambery.  Henry  IV  takes  this  city  and  makes  entertainment?,  in  it,  367. 
Chambrai,  de,  present  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  224. 
Chamier,  a  protestant  minister,  behaves  disrespectfully  to  the  constable, 

iv,  151. 
Chamnite,  count  of,  governor  of  Franche-Comte:  assists  the  prince  of  Join- 

ville  and  other  malecontents,  ii,  506. 
Champaign,  revolts  against  the  duke  of  Guise,  ii,  23.     See  Rheims.     The 

Spani.sh  usurpation  upon  this  frontier  proved  by  Sully,  who  obliges  them 

to  make  restitution,  iv,  264. 
Champig-ny,  a  commissioner  in  Orleans  and  Touraine,  ii,  281. 
Champs,  des,  one  of  Henry  the  fourth's  household,  i,  84. 
Chancellors  of  France.    L'Hopital,  Birague,  Chiverny,  Bellievre,  Sillery 

See  each  of  these  names. 
Changer,  fathei',  a  Jesuit,  iv,  297. 
Chanlivant,  Rene  Viau  de,  attends  Henry  IV  to  Aumale,  i,  269. 

,  madam  de,  engrges  in  the  amours  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  188. 

Chaotalerie,  la,  is  defeated  in  endeavouring  to  succour  Noyon,  i,  248. 
Chanteloup,  de,  one  of  Sully's  prisoners  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  222. 
Chantilly,  the  ordinary  residence  of  Henry  IV  in  the  spring,  iii,  205,  225- 
Chapelle-Biron,  Charles  de  Charbonniere,  de  la,  one  of  the  officers  of  the 

League,  ii,  116.  Joins  the  malecontents,  iii,  454. 
Charbonnieres.     Sully  lays  siege  to  it,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of 

the  courtiers:  takes  it  with  great  trouble,  and  prevents  it  from  being 

plundered,  ii,  371. 
Charite,  la,  a  protestant  city,  i,  2. 

Charity,  Christian,  given  by  Henry  IV  for  a  royal  hospital  fordisabled  sol- 
diers, iii,  306. 
Charlemagne,  prevents  the  establishment  of  too  many  religious  houses  in 

France,  iii,  345.  SuJly's  judgment  concerning  his  reign,  iv,  293. 
Chai'les  Martel,  Sully's  opinion  of  this  king,  v,  65. 

Charles  V,  king  of  France,  his  reign  proposed  as  a  model  of  good  govern- 
ment, iii,  3t)8.  He  submits  to  the  authority  of  the  states  of  the  kingdom, 

iv,  271.  Remarks  on  his  reign,  v,  60. 
Charles  VI,  king  of  France:  his  reign  called  by  Sully  the  grave  of  laws  and 

manners,  iv,  271. 
Charles  VII,  king  of  France.     The  taillc,  in  his  reign,  becomes  a  settled 

tax,  iv,  271.  Remarks  on  his  reign,  v,  69. 
Charles  VIII.     His  reign  the  source  of  the   mal-administration  of  the 

finances,  ii,  17.  The  value  of  the  taille  in  his  reign,  iv,  271. 
Charles  IX.  King  of  France,  his  affection  for  Henry  IV,  i,  13.  Divides  his 

favours  amongst  the  princes  of  the  blood,  the  Guises,  and  the  constable, 


INDEX.  311 

15.  The  4eep  dissimulation  he  makes  use  of  to  destroy  the  protestants, 
17.  An  instance  of  his  hatred  to  the  duke  of  Guise,  18.  He  draws  the 
protestants  to  Paris,  21.  Escapes  being  taken  by  them  at  Meaux,  23. 
He  caresses  the  chiefs  of  the  protestants,  19.  See  Colig^ny,  protestants. 
The  security  with  which  he  inspires  them,  ib.  Reflections  upon  his  be- 
haviour to  Colig-ny,  28.  Concerned  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
39.  His  severity  t©  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  the  prince  of  C'ond^,  40. 
His  remorse  for  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew:  disavows  it,  42.  In- 
stances of  his  cruelty,  44.  Favours  the  protestants  out  of  hatred  to  his 
mother,  whom  he  suspects  of  having  poisoned  him,  47.  The  grief  he  ex- 
presses at  his  death  for  the  massacre,  50.  His  death:  good  and  bad  qua- 
lities, 51.  His  treaty  of  commerce  with  theEiiglish  disadvantageous  to 
France,  iii,  33.  Value  of  the  taille  in  his  reign,  iv,  272. 

Charles  IV.  Emperor,  assists  the  house  of  La-Mark  in  taking  possession  of 
the  dutchy  of  Cleves,  iv,  385.  See  Cleves. 

Charles  V.  A  bon-mot  of  his  upon  France,  i,  348.  His  ambition:  his  pro- 
ject: his  retreat,  ii,  284,  5.  He  orders  that  the  kingdom  of  Navarre 
should  be  restored  to  the  house  of  Albret,  287.  See  Philip  II.  An 
abridgmentof  his  life:  his  scheme  of  universal  monarchy,  285.  Sully's 
opinion  of  this  prince,  iv,  293.  His  dissipations  of  the  estates  of  Cleves, 
389.  His  oppression  of  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  German  princes, 
395.  His  engagements  with  the  electors,  v,  91. 

Charney,  jEleanor  de  iChabot,  count  of,  saves  the  protestants  in  his  go- 
vernment during  the  massacre,  i,  44.  Lieutenant  of  Burgundy  for  the 
king,  ii,  60. 

Charost.  See  Bethune. 

Charron,  le,  clerk  to  the  council  of  finances,  ii,  133,  135. 

Chartres.  Henry  IV  retires  thither  after  the  day  of  the  barricadoes.  What 
happened  to  him  there,  i,  171.  Taken  by  the  two  kings,  1 94.  Taken  by 
Chatillon,  246.  Henry  IV  crowned  there,  315.  The  queen  makes  a 
journey  to  this  city,  iv,  191 . 

Chartres,  John  de  Ferriere,  viscount  of,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, i.  34.  Present  at  the  baltHe  of  Arques,  205. 

Chartres,  Pregent  de  la  Fin,  vidame  de,  made  use  of  to  prevail  upon  La 
Fin,  his  uncle,  to  come  to  Fontainebleau,  ii,  456. 

Chastes,  Aymar  de,  governor  of  Dieppe,  promises  to  receive  Henry  in  it, 
i,  204. 

Chataignerie,  John  de  Vivonne,  de  la,  prisoner  to  Sully  at  the  battle  of 
Ivry,  i,  222.  Account  of  his  death,  224. 

Chateau-gay,  madame  de,  mistress  of  the  count  d'Aurergne,  iii,  276. 

Chateauneuf,  or  Passava,  taken  and  demolished  by  the  knights  of  i\4alta, 
ii,  463. 


312  INDEX. 

Chateauneuf,  Ren^de  St.  Marthede,  one  of  the  principal  royalists  in  Laiir 

guedoc,  ii,  116.  Implores  pardon  for  marshal  Biron,  494. 
Chateauneuf  1' Aubepine.  See  Aubepine. 
Chateau pers  Francis  Hurault  de,  first  husband  of  the  dutchess  of  Sully,  i, 

315. 
Chateaupers,  madam  de.  See  Sully,  dutchess  of. 
Chateau-Thierry,  given  to  d'Inchy  by  monsieur,  i,  98.     This  prince  die's 

there,  107. 
Chateaurieux,  Joachim  de,  captain  of  the  guards,  takes  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  Henry  IV  after  the  death  of  Henry  III,  i,  199.  One  of  the  disaffected 
catholics  during  the  siege  of  Rouen,  111.  Sent  bj^  Mary  of  Medicis  to 
queen  Margaret,  iv,  46.  Appointed  one  of  the  council  of  the  queen-re- 
gent, 46 1 .  Made  governor  of  the  Bastile,  v,  37. 
Chatel,  John,  wounds  Henr}' IV  with  a  knife,  ii,  42.  Particulars  relating 

to  his  wicked  attempt,  trial  and  death,  ib. 
Chatelet,  le,  an  estate  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53. 

Chatelleraut,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  185  The  general  assembly  of  the 
protestants  held  in  this  city.  Reciprocal  designs  of  Henry  IV  and  the 
protestants.  Artifice  of  the  latter.  Subjects  which  ought  to  have  been 
treated,  ii,  443.  Motives  for  sending  the  duke  of  SuUy  there:  the  public 
instructions  which  he  received,  444.  His  private  tnstructions  449,  50. 
His  advice  against  the  assembly.  See  Margaret,  Rodelle.  Letters  and 
artifices  of  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  to  make  an  insurrection  among  the 
Protestant  party,  450.  The  courage  and  wisdom  of  SuUy  in  declaring 
the  king's  intentions,  ib.  He  is  not  appointed  president,  151.  An  ar- 
rogant and  seditious  letter  to  Bouillon  intercepted,  456.  Sully  renders 
ineffectual  tlie  cabals  of  the  malecontents,  462.  He  causes  the  me- 
morial for  a  Protestant  republic  to  be  rejected.  Affairs  relating  to  the 
deputies-general  terminated  by  Sully  to  the  king's  satisfaction;  as  like- 
wise those  "relating  to  the  cautionarj'  towns.  His  bold  and  wise  speech 
at  the  closing  of  the  assembly,  iv,  1  et  seq.  Another  assembly,  when 
the  Protestants  support  Sully  against  the  court  and  the  queen-regent, 
V,  119.  Public  works  of  Sully  in  this  city,  147. 
Chatellier,  father,  a  Jesuit,  Henry's  reception  of  him  at  Metz,  iii,  7. 
Chatillon,  de,  Sully  hinders  his  deputies  from  being  addmitted  into  the  as- 
sembly of  Chatelleraut  and  into  the  Protestant  synods,  iv,  463. 

^ — ,  an  engineer,  supports  the  advice  of  Sully  for  besieging  Sedan, 

iv,  80.     He  makes  plans  of  the  frontiers  of  Champaign,  264. 
Chatre,  Claude  de  la,  commands  the  forces  of  the  league  at  the  siege  of 
Rouen,  i,  269.     Created  marshal  of  France  by  the  league,  347.     De- 
livers up  Orleans  and  Bourges  to  Henry  IV,  392.     Sum  of  money  re- 
ceived by  him  for  his  treaty,  ii,  264.     Consulted  by  SuHy  upon  the  re- 


INDEX.  313 

^lations  for  Berry,  iv,  186.  Henry's  letters  to  him  upon  the  affair  of 

Orleans,  296.    Commands  the  army  sent  to  the  siege  of  Juliers,  504. 
Chaufaille  and  his  mfe,  citizens  of  Paris,  sponsors  for  the  marquis  of  Ro8- 

n)',  who  was  bom  during  the  persecution,  i,  157. 
Chaumont.     See  Guitry. 
,  de,  one  of  the  courtiers  who  Tived  familiarly  with  Henry  IV, 

iv,  128. 
,  Saint,  lieutenant  of  the  king  in  Lyonnois,  makes  head  there 


against  d'Alincourt,  v,  81. 

Chauvelen,  Sebastien,  counsellor  of  parliament,  ii,  220. 

Chaux  viscount  of,  his  offers  to  Henry  IV,  on  the  part  of  Spain,  i,  105, 
382. 

Chef-boutonne,  a  French  officer,  goes  into  the  service  of  the  archduke, 
iii,  433. 

Chelles.     Henry  IV,  commits  an  error  in  choosing  this  post,  i,  236,  7. 

Chene,  le,  an  officer  in  the  army  of  Henry  IV,  i  142. 

Chesy,  the  abbot  of,  concerned  in  the  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  i,  360. 

Chevalerie,  la,  this  name  intended  to  be  assumed  by  Sully  upon  his  taking 
upon  him  the  government  of  the  Bastile,  ii,  459. 

Chevaher,  informs  Sully  of  the  intrigues  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  iii,  391. 

Chicot.  The  trick  which  he  plays  the  marshal  Lavardin,  i,  115.  His 
character  and  bon-mots,  ibid. 

Childerick.     The  reasons  of  his  being  dethroned,  iv,  270. 

Chilperic,  assassinated  by  Bodillon,  iv,  270. 

Chisay,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i  140.  Two  remarkable  accidents  which  hap- 
pened at  this  siege,  ib. 

Chivemy,  Henry  Hurault  of,  attends  Henry  IV,  into  Burgundy,  ii,  65. 

,  or  Chevemy,  Philip  Hurault,  of  chancellor,  i,  452.  The  cog- 
nizance of  the  treaty  of  the  duke  of  Guise  taken  from  him  by  Henry 
IV,  ii,  23.  Enters  into  the  new  councU  of  the  finances,  36.  Favours 
the  designs  of  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  46.  Employed  in  the  articles 
of  pacification  with  the  Protestants,  196.  Assists  the  dutchess  of  Beau- 
fort in  her  endeavours  to  be  made  queen,  237.  Sum  of  money  received 
by  him  for  his  treaty,  264.     His  death,  310. 

Choart.     See  Buzenval. 

Choirin,  employed  by  Henry  IV,  to  discover  the  secrets  of  the  league,  i, 
324. 

Choiseul.     See  Crsistin. 

Chouppes,  Peter  de,  preserved  at  the  massacre  of  Paris,  i,  34.  Comes  to 
the  assistance  of  Henry  IV,  ai  Cahors,  80. 

Church,  one  besieged  by  Henry  IV,  i,  67.  Churches  built  and  repaired 
by  this  prince,  iv,  180, 


314  INDEX. 

Church  of  England,  conferences  between  its  ministers  and  the  Puritans. 
iii,  154. 

Clairvant,  Claude-Antoine  de  Vienne  de,  soUcits  forces  in  Germany  for 
Henry  IV,  i,  139.  Partly  the  cause  of  the  defeat  at  Auneau,  170.  See 
German  horse,  Swiss. 

Clan,  St.  German  de,  one  of  the  ^jrotestant  chiefs,  enemy  to  Henry  IV,  i, 
118.  His  plots  during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  175.  Sides  with  the  duke 
of  Bouillon  against  Henry  and  Sully,  iv,  3.  Endeavours  to  raise  an  in- 
surrection in  the  assembly  at  Chatelleraut,  5.  Supports  the  project  of 
a  protestant  republic  in  France,  12.  Sully  excludes  him  from  the  gene- 
ral deputation,  1 8.  Attempts  to  divert  Henrj'  from  the  enterprise  upon 
Sedan,  72.  Employed  by  Sully  in  the  affair  of  Metz  against  the  Jesuits, 
103.  Quarrel  between  this  family  and  the  family  of  La-Force,  244. 

©larengal,  madam  de,  employed  in  the  affair  of  Adrienne  de  Fresne,  iv, 
107.  See  Cotton. 

ClaveUe,  la,  attached  to  the  queen,  iv,  130.  His  obligations  to  Sully,  and 
his  counsel  to  him,  v,  39. 

Clausembourg,  taken  by  the  imperialists.  See  Baste. 

Claye,  a  skirmish  at  this  place,  i,  236,  7. 

Clement,  James,  a  dominical  friar,  kills  Henry  III,  i,  195.  Particulars  re- 
lating to  this  action,  ib. 

Clement  VII,  his  conduct  censured  by  Sully,  iv,  200. 

Clement  VIII  makes  difficulties  in  receiving  the  abjuration  of  Henry  IV, 
and  granting  his  absolution,  i,  378.  Eulogium  upon  this  pope,  446.  In- 
terests himself  for  the  Jesuits  in  their  process  against  the  university. 
Grants  absolution  to  Henry  IV;  the  condition,  ii,  68.  Endeavours  to 
procure  a  general  peace,  197.  Inclined  to  the  dissolution  of  the  mar- 
riage of  Henry  IV  with  queen  Margaret,  214.  Refuses  a  dispensation 
for  the  marriage  of  madame  with  the  duke  of  Bar,  297.  Resolves  not  to 
concern  himself  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  328.  Agrees 
to  Henry's  marriage  with  Mary  of  Medicis,  364.  Henry's  deference  for 
him  in  the  treaty  of  Savoj',  399.  Presents  made  to  his  chamberlain,  iii, 
55.  Henry  satisfies  him  with  regard  to  his  armaments,  70.  Disturbances 
in  England  by  his  endeavouring  to  establisli  an  archpriest  there,  97. 
Reciprocal  civilities  between  him  and  the  king  of  England,  99.  Inte- 
rests himself  for  the  recal  of  the  Jesuits  into  France:  complains  of  the 
synod  of  Gap;  establishes  many  religious  orders,  172,  3.  Promotion  of 
cardinals,  in  which  he  has  regard  to  the  recommendation  of  the  duke  of 
Sully,  225.  See  Du-Perron,  Ohvary.  His  moderation  to  llie  protes- 
tants  praised  by  Sully,  265.  He  exerts  himself  for  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty  of  commerce  with  Spain,  313.  Favours  the  design  of  Henry 
against  Spain,  333.  His  death.  Particulars  of  his  death  and  character, 
421. 


INDEX.  315 

Clergy  of  France,  in  the  states  of  Paris,  unite  with  Spain  in  favour  of 
the  duke  of  Guise,  against  Henry  IV,  i,  353.  Their  hatred  to  this 
prince,  358.  See  League. 

,  assembly  of,  in  1598,  ii,  140.    Opposes  the  marriage  of 

the  princes  Catherine  with  the  duke  of  Bar,  297.  As  likewise  the  re- 
gistration of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  and  makes  alterations  in  it,  303,  4. 
Project  for  their  reformation  by  Henry.     See  Cabinet  of  Sate. 

Clermont,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  202,  240.  Danger  of  madam  de  Liaa- 
court  in  her  journey  to  this  place,  ii,  94. 

,  d'Amboise.  See  Amboise. 

,  Resnel.  See  Resnel. 

,  Tonnere.  See  Tonnere. 

,  de,  commands  the  artillery  at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  i, 

158.  Advises  the  amendment  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  ii,  302.  Sent  to 
Sully  by  the  prince  of  Conde,  v,  54. 

Cleves,  dutchy  of,  motives  to  undertake  a  war  with  the  house  of  Austria, 
iii,  127.  See  political  design.  Death  of  its  last  duke.  See  Cleves,  Wil- 
liam, duke  of.  Account  of  this  principality:  of  the  princes  and  princess- 
es of  this  name,  iv,  385.  The  German  princes  who  have  claim  to  it,  meet 
at  Hall,  and  send  a  deputation  to  Henry  IV,  402.  Henry  begins  to 
march  his  troops  to  this  place,  415.  An  extraordinary  council  held  by 
Mary  of  Medicis  upon  this  occasion,  475.  See  Sully.  Sends  an  army  to 
the  siege  of  Juliers,  505.  Conclusion  of  this  affair,  506.  Division  of  its 
succession,  ib.  See  Henry  IV,  Sully,  Medicis,  Mary  of,  Rodolph,  Bran- 
denbourg,  Newbourg,  Leopold. 

,  Ann  of,  right  of  Philip  Lewis,  count  palatine  of  Neuburgh  by  her, 
to  this  succession,  iv,  388. 

,  Catherine  of  See  Guise,  dutchess  of. 

,  John  William,  duke  of,  his  death:  his  children:  his  alliances:  seve- 
ral princes  claim  a  right  to  his  succession,  iv,  385. 

Cleves,  John  William  of,  son  to  the  former.     By  his  death,  his  sisters  be 
comes  his  heirs,  iv,  386. 

,  Madeline  of,  right  of  John,  count  palatine  de  Deux  Ponts,  to  the 

succession  of  Cleves  by  this  lady,  iv,  388. 

Cleves,  Mary  of,  married  to  Henry  I  prince  of  Conde,  i,  19. 

,  Mary-Eleanor  of.     Right  of  Albert-Frederick  of  Brandenbourg 

to  the  succession  of  Cleves,  by  her,  iv,  387. 

,  Sybile  of,  right  of  Charles  of  Austria,  by  her,  to  the  succession  of 


Cleves,  iv,  388. 
Clielle,  la,  yeoman  of  the  mouth  to  Henry  IV,  iv,  125. 
Clotaire  I,  and  II,  Sully's  opinion  of  these  kings.     See  Merovingiens; 

race  of. 
Cloudj  Saint,  Henry  III,  assassinated  at  this  place,  i,  195. 


31^  INDEX. 

Clovis,  Sully's  opinion  of  this  king,  iv,  293. 

Cluseau,  Nicholas  Blanchard  de,  killed  at  the  taking  of  Ham,  ii,  54. 

Coasts  of  France.     Sully  causes  plans  to  be  drawn  of  them,  iv,  264. 

Cobhara,  Lord,  visits  Sully  at  Dover,  ii,  428.  One  of  the  disaffected  party 
in  London,  iii,  55.  His  advice  to  Sully,  86.  Conspires  against  king 
James  I,  154. 

Cochefilet,  house  of,  eminent,  iii,  150. 

-  ,  Andrew,  de.  See  Vaucelas. 

Rachael  de.     See  Sully,  dutchess  of. 

Coconnas,  Annibal  de,  beheaded  by  order  of  Catherine  of  Medicis,  i,  49. 

Coerae,  Jane  de,  married  to  the  prince  of  Conti,  ii,  442.     See  Montaffi^. 

Coesnard,  sent  commissioner  into  Poitou,  ii,  127. 

CcEur,  Bartholomew,  ambassador  from  the  grand  signior,  ii,  422. 

Coeuvres,  Francis  Annibal  d'Estrees,  marquis  of,  reasons  for  his  hatred  to 
the  duke  of  Sully,  iii,  385,  6.  The  relations  of  mademoiselle  de  Melun 
refuse  her  in  marriage  to  him,  405. 

Cognac,  one  of  the  cautionary  towns  granted  to  the  Protestants,  i,  4.  A 
conference  held  in  it  between  Catherine  of  Medicis  and  Henry  IV,  149. 

Coire.  The  Grison  league  assemble  at  this  place,  iii,  338.  Its  bishop  fti- 
vours  the  Spanish  party,  iv,  174. 

Colange,  a  commissioner  in  Languedoc,  iv,  267. 

Colas,  seneschal  of  Montelimart,  defends  La  Fere  against  Henry,  IV, 

ii,  85. 
Coligny,  Gaspard  de  ChatiUon,  admiral  of,  commands  the  Protestant 
forces  at  Arnai-le-Duc,  i,  3.  Declared  innocent  of  the  murder  of  the 
duke  of  Guise,  14.  See  Guise,  Poltrot.  Resides  at  Rochelle,  after  the 
peace  of  1570,  17.  Marries  the  countess  of  Entremont,  19;  magnifi- 
cent offers  made  to  him  by  the  court,  ib.  See  Charles  IX,  Medicis . 
Appointed  Viceroy  in  the  Low  Countries;  other  favours  conferred  upon 
him  by  Charles  IX,  ib.  Commands  the  Protestants  at  the  enterprise 
upon  Meaux,  23.  Wounded  by  Maurevert,  28.  Account  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Charles  IX,  with  regard  to  him,  28,  9.  Opposes  the  ad- 
vice given  him  to  leave  Paris,  32.  His  talents  and  great  qualities;  kil- 
led at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  36. 
Coligny-Chatillon,  Charles  de.     See  Andelot,  d'. 

,  Francis  de,  son  to  the  admiral,  saves  himself  at  Gene- 
va at  the  massacre  of  Paris,  i,  40.  His  advice  upon  the  entry  of  the 
foreign  forces  into  France,  not  followed,  141.  Employed  in  the  de- 
fence of  Tours,  190.  Gains  the  battle  of  Saveuse,  191.  Carries  the 
suburbs  of  St.  Germain,  244.  Takes  Chartres,  ib.  His  death,  ib. 
His  eulogium,  ibid. 
■       ,  Henry,  de,  grandson  of  the  admiral,  killed  at  the  siege 


INDEX.  317 

of  Ostend:  his  great  qualities:  regretted  by  Sully,  but  not  by  Henry  IV. 
ii,  434. 
,  Odet  de,  cardinal  of  Chatillon,  i,  19.     Particulars  re- 


lating' to  his  life  and  death,  ib. 

Colleg-e,  ro}'al,  intended  to  be  founded  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  313.  See  Cabinet 
of  State.  ReflecUoos  upon  colleges,  and  the  instruction  fit  to  be  taught 
in  them,  ib. 

Colombe,  de  Saint,  a  Catholic  officer  of  Henry  IV's  party,  i,  59. 

Colombieres,  Francis  de  Bricqueville  de,  a  Protestant,  i,  27.  Killed  at 
the  massacre  of  Paris,  36. 

Colony  sent  to  the  East-Indies  iii,  186. 

Colvil.  Writes  against  king  James  I,  and  disapproved  of  by  the  pope,  iii, 
99. 

Coman,  Jacqueline  Le-Voyer  de,  or  d'Escoman,  informs  Henry  IV  of  a 
conspiracy  against  him,  iv,  431.  Particulars  concerning  his  law-suit, 
and  different  opinions  upon  tlie  whole  of  that  affair,  432. 

Combaut,  Sully's  severity  to  him,  iii,  48. 

Combrailles.  Sully  visits  his  estates  there,  i,  214. 

Ck)mo,  a  fort  built  upon  this  lake  by  the  Spaniards:  produces  contests  be- 
tween them  and  the  Grisons,  iii,  333.  See  Fuentes,  Orisons. 

Comedians,  ItaUan,  brought  into  France  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  206,  7. 

Comet  in  1607.  Superstitious  application  of  this  comet  to  the  children  of 
France,  iv,  202. 

Comnenus,  Alexis,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  i,  7. 

Commerce,  ruined  by  war,  ii,  263.  Abuses  in  it  corrected  by  Henry  IV 
and  the  duke  of  Sully,  409.  The  treaty  of  commerce  between  Charles 
IX  and  Elizabeth  disadvantageous  to  France,  iii,  33.  Edicts  destructive 
to  commerce  granted  by  Henry  IV,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Sully, 
1G3.  Maxims  of  commerce,  185.  Promoted  by  the  joining  of  rivers  and 
making  of  public  roads,  299.  See  Rivers,  Roads.  Commerce  with  Spain 
prohibited,  304.  Sequel  of  this  affair,  312.  Established  by  a  treaty,  314 
See  Spain,  Sully,  Bufalo.  Projects  for  the  improvements  of  commerce. 
iv,  323.  See  Cabinet  of  State. 

Commercy,  lordship  of,  unjustly  usurped  by  the  Spaniards  and  the  duke 
of  Lorrain;  and  restored,  iv,  264. 

Comminges.  See  SoboUe. 

Commissioners,  sent  into  the  provinces:  regulations  given  them  by  Sully, 
iv,  183- 

Compromise  for  the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  in  the  hands  of  the  pope,  ii 
327. 

Comptants.     Mary  of  Medicis  continues  the  use  of  them  notwithstanding 
the  opposition  of  Sully:  disputes  on  this  subject  betwixt  him  and  Puget, 
V,  5,6. 
VOL.  V.  f 


S18 


INDEX. 


Conan,  Conas,  or  Conac,  baron  of,  defeated  with  the  garrison  of  Soissona. 

ii,  44. 
Conchini,  or  Concini,  attends  Mary  of  Medicis  into  France  ii,  403.  Gives 
her  bad  coun:  A,  lii,  ^37.  Honry's  hatr^-d  to  him:  the  queen  makes  him 
man  V  Leonora  Gaiiigai,  and  opposes  the  design  of  sending  him  back  to 
Italy:  abuses  the  confidence  she  puts  in  him:  his  ambition,  iv,  227.  Se- 
cret motiyes  for  the  jealousy  with  which  he  inspires  her  against  the  king; 
his  intrigues  with  the  court  of  Spain  against  Henry  IV,  303.  Henry  re- 
fuses to  send  him  ambassador  into  Florence,  381.  Endeavours  to  ruin 
Sully  after  the  death  of  the  king,  iv,  462.  Governs  the  queen-regent, 
4G6.  Joins  himself  with  the  count  of  Soissons,  472.  His  quarrels  and  re- 
conciliation with  the  count  of  Soissons,  475.  Advises  an  alhance  with 
Spain,  485.  Receives  Sully's  kind  offers  with  disdain,  487.  See  Arnaud. 
Particular  circumstances  relating  to  his  life  and  death,  ib.  The  queen- 
regent  publicly  declares  him  her  favourite,  503.  Opposes  the  advice  of 
Sully  in  the  affair  of  Cleves,  v,  2.  He  treats  with  the  duke  of  Bouillon 
for  the  post  of  first  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber,  3.  Supports  the  de- 
mands of  the  count  of  Soissons,  5.  Advises  the  queen-regent  to  conti- 
nue the  comptauts,  ib.  Sully  reproaches  him  for  fraudulently  using  the 
deceased  king's  seal,  11.  He  quarrels  with  the  nobility,  12.  Dares  not 
attempt  to  banish  SuEy  immediately,  14.  Visits  him:  their  conversation, 
20,  21.  Posts  and  dignities  conferred  upon  him  by  the  queen-regent,  2A. 
Joins  himself  with  Villeroi  and  d'Alincourt  against  Sully  in  the  affair  of 
Lyons,  39.  His  death,  128. 
Conde-  A  house  belonging  to  the  bishop  of  Evreux,  where  Sully  treats 
with  Medavy,  i,  406. 

;  Charlotte-Margaret  de  Montmorency,  princess  of.   See  Montmo- 

rencj-. 
,  Charlotte-Catherine  de  La-Tr^mouille,  princess  of.     See  Tre- 


moulUe  Charlotte-Catherine  de  La. 
,  Lewis  I,  de  Bourbon,  prince  of,  killed  at  the  battle  of  Jarnac,  i. 


2.  Commands  the  Protestants  at  the  skirmish  of  Meaux,  23. 
,  Henry  I,  de  Bourbon,  prince  of,  present  at  the  encounter  of  Ar- 


nai-le-Duc,  i,  3.  Marries  Mary  of  Cleves,  19.  Charles  IX  uses  injuri- 
ous language  to  him  at  tlie  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew:  obliges  him  to 
go  to  mass:  detains  him  prisoner,  40.  IMakes  his  escape,  and  declared 
chief  of  the  protestant  party,  49.  Brings  a  foreign  army  into  France, 
and  joins  with  monsieur  and  tUe  king  of  Navarre,  54.  Separates  from 
them  74.  Challenged  by  the  viscount  of  Turenne,  ib.  See  Bouillon.  En- 
deavours to  form  a  sovereignty  for  himself:  Ilenr}  IV  obliges  him  to  lay 
aside  that  design,  82.  Fails  in  his  attempt  upon  Angers,  125.  Upon 
Brouage,  ib.  l5aiiger  in  his  retreat,  127,  8.  Biings  his  forces  to  Henry 
IV,  141.     His  courage  and  coiuluct  at  the  battle  ofCoutras,  157,  161. 


INDEX.  291 

His  projects  after  this  batde,  165.  His  death,  171.  Particulars  relating 
to  it,  171,  72.  Intended  to  have  been  married  to  madame,  178. 

,  Henry  11,  de  Bourbon,  prince  of.     His  birth,  i,   170.     The  pope 

engages  Henry  IV,  to  educate  him  a  Roman  Catholic,  399.  Henry  IV, 
supports  his  rights,  li,  101-  He  joins  the  disaffected,  iii,  226.  Grants 
made  him,  iv,  200.  Henry  IV,  discontented  with  his  proceedings:  pro- 
poses to  marry  liim  to  mademoiselle  de  Montmorency,  iv,  245.  This 
marriage  determined:  motives  which  induced  Henry  IV  to  it,  contrary 
to  the  advice  of  Sully,  303.  Quarrels  which  ensued  between  Henry  IV, 
and  this  prince,  349.  Particulars  upon  the  consequence  of  this  jealousy, 
ib.  Sully's  bold  discourse  to  him,  352.  Carries,  the  princess  of  Conde 
into  Flanders,  355.  Particulars  relating  to  tliis  flight,  ib.  His  letter 
to  the  king,  360.  Returns  into  France  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  and 
enters  Paris,  accompanied  by  Sully,  493.  Received  coldl}-  by  the  queen- 
regent,  494.  Follows  the  advice  of  Sully,  494.  Afterwards  becomes 
his  enemy,  499.  Means  which  he  employs  for  that  purpose,  501.  Gifts 
bestowed  upon  him  by  the  queen-regent,  v,  22.  Estates  sold  and  ex- 
changed between  Sully  and  the  prince  of  Condc,  which  he  endeavoui-s 
to  have  confiscated,  58,  9.  His  revolt,  125. 

,  Mary  of  Cleves,  princess  of.     See  Cleves,  Mary  of. 

Conferences  of  Baionne.  See  Medicis,  Catherine  of,  Alva,  duke  of 
Baionnc.  Between  Henry  IV,  and  Marshal  Biron,  for  a  peace,  i,  70. 
Between  Catherine  and  Hemy  IV,  at  different  places,  71.  Others  at 
Cognac,  between  the  same;  at  St.  Brix;  St.  Maixant,  149.  Between 
Catherine,  the  cardinal  of  Bourbon,  and  the  duke  of  Guise.  See  Barri- 
cades,  Chalons,  Sarry,  Nemours.  At  Surenne,  La-Villette,  Mante,  Pon- 
toi;e,  Andresj',  Milly.  See  these  names.  At  Boulogne.  See  Boulogne. 
A  conference  upon  religion  to  convert  the  princess  Catherine  proves  in- 
effectual, ii,  296.  A  public  conference  or  dispute  between  Du-Perron 
and  Du-PIessis-Momay,  354.  At  Ratisbon.  See  Ratisbon.  Between 
.Sully  and  the  English  ministers  and  others.  See  Sully,  James  I,  Cecil. 
At  London  for  a  peace  between  Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  iii, 
321,  2.  Between  the  members  of  the  church  of  England  and  the  Pu- 
ritans, 154.  At  the  Hague  for  a  truce.  See  Spain,  Holland.  Upon  the 
affairs  of  Cleves.     See  Cleves. 

Confession.     Proposals  of  the  Jesuits,  for  confession  by  letters,  iii,  241. 

Conflans,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 

Conspiracies  against  Henr}-  IV.  See  Henry  IV,  Spain,  Biron,  Savoy,  Male- 
contents,  League,  Ravaillac,  C'oman,  Entragues,  Vemeuil.  Against 
the  king  of  England.     See  James  I,  English. 

Consignations,  receivers  of;  these  offices  united  to  the  domaine  iv,  186,  7. 

Constables  of  France.     Montmoreccy,  Lesdiguieres.     See  these  names 


d20  INDEX. 

Sully  refuses  the  post  of  constable  of  France,  offered  lum  by  Henry 
IV,  iv,  213. 
Constans,  a  malecontent,  i,  335.  Cabals  dunng  the  sieg^e  of  Amiens,  ii, 
175.     Likewise  during'  Sully's  journey  into  Poitou,  iii,  263.  One  of  the 
schemers  for  a  Protestant  republic  in  France,  iv,  12, 19- 
',  A  messenger  of  state,  iii,  377. 
Constantine.     Bad  policy  of  this  emperor,  v,  65. 

Constantinople.     Revolt  of,  ii,  463      See  Turk,  Mahomet  III,  Achmet. 
Coutenant  de,  officer  of  the  League,  i,  202. 

Controllers-g'eneiul.     Incarville,  De-Vienne,  Castille.  See  these  names. 
Conti,  Francis  de  Bourbon,  prince  of,  brings  forces  to  the  assistance  of 
Henry  IV,  i,  169.     Is  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Craon,  301.  Made  pre- 
sident of  the  council  during  the  war  of  1595,  ii,  47.  Slanders  raised  on 
account  of  his  friendship  for  Sully,  iii,  390.  His  quarrels  with  the  count 
of  Soissons,  with  the  prince  of  Joinville,  iv,  244.     The  queen-regent 
admits  him  into  her  council,  467.     Quarrel  between  hira  and  the  count 
of  Soissons,  473.     Sully's  advice  with  respect  to  him,  496. 
,  Jean  de  Coeme,  princess  of,  employed  to  bring-  about  a  mar- 
riage between  the  duke  of  Vendome  and  mademoiselle  de  Mercoeur,  iv, 
247. 
Convents,  Hospitals,  &c.,  built  or  repaired  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  415,  16. 
Conversations.  That  of  Henry  IV  with  Sully  upon  his  journey  to  Flanders, 
and  upon  the  duke  of  Anjou,  i,  91 ,  2.  Upon  the  desig-ns  of  the  leag^ue  and 
the  protestants,  117.     Between  the  president  de  Thou  and  Montagne, 
concerning  the  views  of  Henry  IV  and  the  duke  of  Guise,  121.     Be- 
tween Henry  and  Sully,  concerning  the  siege  of  Rouen  and  the  mutiny 
among  the  forces,  263.  Upon  this  prince's  change  of  relig-ion,  331.  Be- 
tween Sully  and  Villars  concerning  his  treaty,  410,  et  seq.     Between 
Sully  and  the  cardinal  of  Bourbon  on  several  subjects,  445,  et  seq.  Be- 
tween Sully  and  Bouillon  upon  the  designs  o*"  the  latter,  ii,  5.  Between 
Sully  and  the  princess  Catherine,  concerning  the  amour  between  her 
and  the  count  of  Soissons,  99,  et  seq.    Between  Henry  and  Sully,  after 
his  return  from  the  districts,  182,  83.     Upon  the  error  that  prince  com- 
mitted in  pardoning  the  prince  de  Mercoeur,  196.    Between  Henry  and 
the  English  and  Dutch  ambassadors,  206.     A  curious  conversation  be- 
tween Henry  and  Sully,  concerning  the  designs  of  this  prince  to  marry 
again,  214.  Between  Sully,  Henry,  and  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  con- 
cerning their  quarrels,  242.    Between  the  archbishop  of  Rouen  and  Ro- 
quelaure,  upon  the  marriage  of  the  princess  Catherine,  300.     Between 
queen  Elizabeth  and  Sully,  upon  the  means  of  humbling  the  house  of 
Austria,  429.  Between  Henry  and  Sully  upon  the  grants  this  prince  in- 
tended to  make  him,  ii,  514,  515.    Upon  the  death  of  Ehzabeth,  and  his 
embassy  to  London,  iii,  19.  Between  the  king  of  England  and  Sully,  at 


INDEX.  521 

his  first  audience,  upon  different  subjects,  73.  Other  private  confer- 
ences upon  the  designs  against  the  liouse  of  Austria,  93.  Between  Hen- 
ry and  Sully,  upon  his  return  from  London,  146.  Upon  his  silk  manu- 
factories, 177.  Against  recalling^  the  Jesuits,  197.  Upon  the  expenses 
of  Henry,  and  his  domestic  broils,  22G,  7.  Between  Sully  and  the  mar- 
chioness de  Verneuil,  upon  her  treasonable  practices,  281.  Interesting 
and  important  conversation  between  Henry  and  Sully,  in  which  they 
are  reconciled,  384.  Between  their  majesties  and  Sully,  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  their  disputes,  iv,  61.  Between  Honr}'  and  Sully,  upon  the  pow- 
er of  the  house  of  Austria,  65,  ct  seq.  Between  Henry,  Sully,  and  the 
courtiers,  upon  the  public  news,  127,  8.  Between  Henry  and  Sully,  up- 
on the  gallantries  of  this  prince,  145.  Upon  the  cabals  of  Spain  against 
Henry,  156.  Great  offers  made  to  Sully  by  Henry  IV,  212,  13.  Upon 
the  subjects  of  complaint  of  Henry  against  the  queen,  and  the  marchi- 
oness de  Verneuil,  222,  3.  Between  Henry,  the  queen,  Sully,  and  the 
ministers,  upon  the  domestic  factions,  249,  50.  Between  Henry,  Sully, 
and  the  courtiers,  upon  the  great  men  of  antiquity,  293.  Between  Hen- 
ry and  Sully  upon  the  domestic  and  foreign  plots  against  his  life,  308. 
Upon  the  memoirs  of  the  finances,  323.  Upon  the  composition  of  a  cabi- 
net of  state,  333.  Between  Sully  and  the  prince  of  Cond^,  concerning 
the  supposed  causes  of  the  discontent  of  the  latter,  351.  Between  Henry 
and  Sully  on  the  same  subject,  354.  Upon  the  prince  of  Conde's  flight, 
357.  Upon  the  manner  of  executing  his  great  designs,  403 .  Upon  the  se- 
cret presages  he  had  in  his  own  mind  of  his  approaching  death,  and  up- 
on the  conspiracy  against  his  life,  428.  Between  the  prince  of  Cond^ 
and  Sully,  in  which  he  gives  that  prince  good  advice,  v,  495. 

Coquet,  master  of  the  household  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  418. 

Corbeil,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Parma,  i,  242. 

Corbie,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  248, 

Corbiniere,  la,  a  farmer  of  the  king's  revenues,  ii,  90. 

Cordier,  le,  an  evidence  against  d'Entragues,  iii,  369. 

Cosse,  Artus  de,  marshal  of  France,  defeated  by  the  protestant  army,  i,  3, 
Catherine  de  Medicis  makes  use  of  him  to  deceive  the  protestants,  17. 

,  Charles  de.  See  Brissac. 

Cotton,  John  and  Antony,  father  Cotton's  brothers,  iv,  148. 

— ,  Peter,  a  Jesuit,  how  received  by  Henry  IV  at  Metz,  iii,  7.  En- 
deavours to  procure  the  establishment  of  his  society  in  France,  192. 
Visits  Sully,  203.  Circumstances  relating  to  his  life,  and  Henry's  friend- 
ship for  him,  256.  Joins  the  courtiers  against  Sully,  356.  A  great  quar- 
rel between  Sully  and  him  on  account  of  the  college  of  Poitiers,  in 
which  he  is  convicted  of  calumny,  357.  Henry  reconciles  them:  he  de- 
serts Sully  in  the  affair  of  Grillon,  374.  Takes  some  indiscreet  steps  in 
the  affair  of  Adrienjie  de  Fresue,  iv,  105,  6.     Supports  father  Seguiran 


322  iiNDEX. 

against  the  Rocbeliers;  153.  Succeeds  in  his  endeavours  to  bring  about 
a  marriage  between  the  duke  of  Vendome  and  mademoiselle  de  Mer- 
cosur, 247.  An  imprudent  letter  written  by  him  concerning  the  news 
of  the  court,  296.  Henry  and  Sully  disgusted  with  him  upon  this  oc- 
casion, 298.  Admitted  into  the  secret  council  of  tlie  queen-regent, 
466.  He  is  involved  in  the  guilt  of  Ravaiilac's  parricide:  his  justifica- 
tion, v,  165.  See  Jesuits. 
Coucy,  house  of,  allied  to  the  ancient  house  of  Austria,  i,  8.     To  the 

Louse  of  Bethune:  great  persons  which  it  has  produced,  iv,  379- 
Coudrai,  du,  proposed  for  one  of  tlie  deputies-general  of  the  Protestant 

party,  and  rejected,  iv,  17.  See  Chatellcraut. 
Coulon,  abbey  of,  given  to  Sully,  iii,  11.  He  sells  it,  v,  54. 
Council  of  state  and  of  the  finances,  alterations  made  in  it  by  Henry  IV. 
Operations  in  the  new  council;  quarrels  amongst  the  members,  ii,  36  et 
seq.  A  new  council  established  by  Henry  IV,  during  the  war  of  1595, 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  Sully,  47,  48.  Their  cabals  against  Sully. 
Abuses  committed  by  them.  Henry's  irresolution  to  introduce  Sully 
into  this  council,  121,  butat  last  is  received  into  it,  125.  Their  calum- 
nies and  artifices  to  deceive  and  ruin  him,  128,  137.  Sullj"^  gains  the 
superiority  in  the  council,  157.  Henry  disgusted  with  their  proceedings, 
181.  Sully  reforms  the  abuses  in  it,  248.  An  account  of  the  several 
councils  in  tlie  reign  of  Henry  IV,  255,  6.  Sully  quarrels  with  the  duke 
d'Epernon  in  full  council,  268.  Their  jealousy  of  Sully,  273.  New 
changes,  by  giving  the  post  of  superintendant  to  Sully,  311.  Their 
hatred  of  him,  iii,  383.  They  value  the  farms  under  borrowed  names: 
this  abuse  coiTCCted  by  Sully,  407.  They  oppose  Henry's  design  of 
being  made  emperor;  and  his  political  design,  436.  Their  views  in  ac- 
cepting the  proposals  made  by  the  United  Provinces  of  submitting  to 
France.  What  passed  in  the  council  upon  this  occasion,  iv,  165,  6. 
Sully's  scheme  of  a  new  council  not  approved  of  by  Henry  IV,  191. 
Council  of  regency,  settled  by  Henry  IV,  during  the  execution  of  his 

grand  design,  iv,  422. 
Council  of  the  regency,  public,  different  from  the  secret  council.     "What 
is  debated  there,  467.     Disputes  and  quarrels  between  the  nobles  and 
ministers  there,  v,  11.  Affairs  that  are  brouglit  before  it,  20.  They  alter 
the  form  of  Henry  IV,  and  Sully's  administration.  The  hatred  which  the 
members  of  the  council  bear  to  SuJly,  27. 
Councils,  extraordinary,  reflections  of  Sully  upon  these  councils,  iii,  294. 
Upon  the  means  of  taking  Amiens,  ii,  163.     Upon  the  brevet  for  the 
taille.     See  Taille.     Upon  the  proposals  of  the  United  Provinces  to 
submit  to  France,  iv,  165. 
Council-general  of  the  Cliristian  republic,  v,  99. 
Covoerdon,  victualled  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  iii,  433. 


INDEX.  323 

Couronneau,  a  Protestant  colonel,  i,  202. 

Coronation  of  Mary  de  Medicis.  Motives  which  induced  the  malecontents 
to  desire  it,  iv,  309.  Henry  IV's  aversion  to  this  ceremony,  ibid.  He 
endeavours  to  prevent  it,  315.  The  queen  determined  to  have  it  per- 
formed, 423.     An  account  of  this  ceremony,  436. 

Courts,  sovereig'n,  oppose  the  registration  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  ii,  302, 
Rcg^ulations  to  which  they  are  subjected  by  Sully.  Reflections  upon 
them,  iv,  260.     New  ones  to  be  established  in  case  of  necessity,  326. 

Courtaumer,  baron  de,  employed  by  Henry  IV,  in  reconciling-  the  nobles, 
iv,  244. 

Courtenay,  princes,  and  others  of  this  name,  i,  7,  8. 

Courtenay,  Gasparod  de,  engag^es  in  the  interest  of  the  princess  Cathe- 
rine and  count  de  Soissons,  i,  40 1 . 

Courtenay-Bontin,  Ann  de.  Sully  marries  her,  i,  110,  11 .  He  goes  to  her 
assistance  during  the  plague,  146.  Exposed  to  great  dangers  on  ac- 
count of  the  persecution  of  the  Protestants,  1S7.  Her  death;  excessive 
grief  of  Sully  upon  that  occasion,  193,  4. 

Courtiers,  soothe  the  passion  of  Henry  for  mademoiselle  d'Entragnes,  iii, 
288.  Cabal  with  the  Jesuits  against  Sully,  356.  Likely  to  succeed  in 
their  endeavours,  358.  Declare  themselves  for  the  Spanish  policj",  iv, 
67.  Endeavour  to  prevent  the  expedition  to  Sedan,  70.  Favour  the  in- 
terest of  Spain  more  than  that  of  Henry,  156.  The  wise  measures  taken 
by  this  prince  to  stifle  their  quarrels,  218,  19.  Other  quarrels  amongst 
them,  243,  4.  Spread  a  malicious  report  that  Henry  endeavours  to  ruin 
them  by  deep  play,  261 .  Their  manner  of  thinking  of  Henry  and  Sull^ 
290.  They  spread  malicious  reports  of  Sully,  upon  account  of  Henry's 
natural  children,  345.  Dissatisfied  with  the  great  designs  of  this  prince, 
417.  Involved  in  the  parricide  of  Ravaillac.  See  Henry  IV.  Ravaillac. 
Endeavour  to  ruin  Sully  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  467,  v,  22,  33. 

Coutras.  Henry  IV  and  Catherine  of  Medicis  have  a  conference  there,  i, 
71.  The  United  Provinces  send  deputies  thither  to  offer  their  crown  to 
monsieur,  89.  Battle  of  Coutras,  159,  et  seq.  Faults  committed  at  that 
battle;  to  what  attributed,  161,  2. 

Craon,  battle  of,  gained  by  the  duke  of  Mercoeur  against  the  royalists,  i, 
•301. 

Creil,  taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  194. 

Crequy,  Charles  de,  defeated  and  taken  prisoner  at  Aiguebelle,  ii,  14. 
Takes  the  town  of  Montmelian,  367.  Supports  Sully's  opinion  in  the 
council,"  367.  Made  governor  of  Montmelian,  390.  Colonel  of  the  regi- 
ment of  guards,  409.  Treated  with  great  haughtiness  by  the  duke 
d'Epernon,  408.  Henry  procures  a  marriage  between  his  daughter  and 
the  marquis  of  Rosny;  preparations  for  it,   His  ingratitude  afterwards  to 


^24>  INDEX. 

Sully,  iV,  210.  His  excessive  losses  at  play,  261.  His  son  proposed  to  be 
married  to  mademoiselle  de  Verneuil,  296. 

Crequy,  Frances  de,  married  to  the  marquis  de  Rosny:  preparations  for  this 
marriage:  Sully  dissatisfied  with  it,  iv,  209,  210. 

Crevecoeur,  de  Montmorency,  in  Henry's  party  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i, 
224.  The  government  of  Caen  taken  from  him,  iii,  171. 

Criq,  Saint,  a  Catholic  officer,  burnt  in  Mirande,  i,  64. 

Crocans,  defeated  at  Limosin  by  the  royalists,  ii,  116. 

Croisic,  a  fort  built  by  the  duke  of  Mercoeur,  ii,  14. 

Croix,  la,  killed  at  the  taking  of  Ham,  ii,  54. 

Cros,  du,  deputy-general  for  the  Protestants  at  the  assembly  of  Chatelle- 
raut,  iv,  18. 

,  one  of  those  concerned  in  the  conspiracy  of  la  Fleche,  iv,  366- 

Crussol.  See  Beaudiner. 

Crystal,  manufactory  of,  established  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  420, 

Cugnac.  See  Giversac. 

Culand,  an  estate  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53. 

Cumans,  des,  an  undertaker  for  the  management  of  manufactories,  177. 

Cumberland,  earl  of,  one  of  the  disaffected  English  lords,  iii,  55. 

Curates  of  Paris.  Their  law-suit  against  the  Jesuits,  i,  447,  8.  Cures,  Gil- 
bert, Filhet  de  la,  attends  Henry  IV  to  Aumale,  265.  His  eulogium, 
ibid.  Present  at  the  defeat  of  the  convoy  before  Laon,  459.  Hisopinion 
of  this  defeat,  ibid.  At  the  battle  of  Fountain-Frangois,  praised  by  Hen- 
ry IV,  ii,  65.  Great  actions  performed  by  him  before  Amiens,  183. 
Henry  refuses  to  give  him  the  post  formerly  possessed  by  the  baron  de 
Luc,  178. 

Cusco,  king  of,  his  correspondence  with  Spain,  iii,  157. 

Cusse,  commissary  in  Brittany,  reprimanded  by  Sully,  iv,  186. 


D. 


Dadr^,  John,  penitentiary  of  the  church  of  Rouen,  i,  38 1 . 

Dagobert.  Character  of  that  king,  v,  66. 

Dampiere.  See  Li^ramont. 

Damville,  admiral  de,  receives  an  important  service  from  Concliini,  v,  ii. 

Dangeau,  a  Protestant  officer,  i,  123. 

Danguin,  captain,  of  great  use  in  the  affair  of  the  revolt  of  the  Moors,  iv, 

283. 
Dansa,  Simon,  a  Dutch  corsair,  iv,  298. 
Danville.  See  Montmorency,  Henry  de. 

Darius.     An  anecdote  relating  to  this  prince  and  Zopyrus,  iii,  188,  20o 
Darnetal,  the  quarters  of  Henry  IV,  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  i,  5. 


INDEX.  325 

Davilles,  g'ovemor  of  Maillezais,  i,  144. 

Dauphin.  His  birth;  rejoicings  upon  that  account,  ii,  437.  Henry  IV, 
orders  la-Riviere  to  calculate  his  nativity,  ib.  Carried  through  Paris 
in  his  way  to  Saint-Germain,  439.  The  government  of  Burgundy  given 
him  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  496.  Brought  to  Fontainebleau,  and  shown  in  Paris, 
344.  His  letters  to  madam  de  Montglat,  iv.  60.  Medals  presented  to  him 
by  Sully,  ib.  Ceremony  of  his  baptism,  116.  Queen  Margaret  gives  up 
to  him  the  estates  of  Catherine  de  Medicis,  180.  Sick  at  Noisy,  202. 
Intrigues  at  court  to  procure  a  marriage  between  him  and  the  infanta  of 
Spain,  206.     Designed  by  Henry  for  the  heiress  of  Lorraine,  307. 

Dauphiny.  Success  of  the  royalists  at  this  place,  ii,  44.  Fortresses  yield- 
ed up  to  Henry  IV,  by  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  401.  Process  of  the  third 
estate  against  the  clergy  and  nobility,  521. 

Davy.     See  Perron,  du. 

Deagent.     Favours  granted  him  by  Mary  of  Medicis,  v,  24. 

Debts  of  the  state,  contracted  during  the  League,  iii,  413.  Paid  off  by 
Sully,  iv,  179. 

Delfunctis,  grand-provost  of  the  Isle  of  France,  ii,  492. 

Dele,  taken  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  ii,  531. 

Delfin,  ambassador  from  Venice  to  France,  ii,  423.  Henry  IV  sends  him 
ambassador  to  B'lorence,  iv,  381. 

Demeurat,  solicitor  at  Rome,  ii,  190. 

Dennis,  Saint,  the  forces  of  the  League  defeated  at  this  place,  i,  301. 
Henry  IV,  makes  his  abjuration  there.  See  Abjuration.  Grants  a  se- 
cond truce  to  the  Parisians,  and  receives  an  envoy  there  from  Spain, 
382,  3.  Escapes  being  assassinated  there,  385.  Mary  of  Medicis  crown- 
ed there.  See  Medicis. 

Denmark,  kings  of,  Frederic  III,  Christian  IV,  See  these  names  in  the 
articles  of  Denmark. 

,  Ann  of,  queen  of  England,  her  character  and  conduct,-  iii,  57. 

She  comes  to  London  in  opposition  to  her  husband,  80.  See  James. 
Vaucelas  is  appoimed  to  deliver  to  her  the  letters  of  the  king  and  queen 
of  France,  141.  Presents  made  her  by  Sully,  143.  Her  arrival  in  Lon- 
don, 152.  She  changes  all  on  a  s\idden  her  conduct  and  polic}',  ib. 

Denmark,  Christiern  IV,  king  of,  his  ambassadors  in  London,  iii,  59. 
Bad  policy  of  his  court,  83.  Enters  into  the  alliance  against  the  house 
of  Austria,  iv,  413.  Boissise  sent  ambassador  to  this  prince,  422. 

Deodati,  sends  Beza's  translation  of  the  New  Testament  to  Sully,  iv,  39. 

Deputies-general  of  the  Protestant  party,  at  court,  iii,  445.     A  practice 

only  tolerated.     The  origin  of  this  custom,  and  vegulations  to  be  made 

in  it,  448.     Debated  in  the  general  assembly  at    Chatelleraut,  4G2. 

Terminated  to  the  advantage  of  the  king,  iv.  1§,     The  san^e  disputed 

VOL.  V.  g 


$26  INDEX. 

in  the  synod  of  Rochelle,  151.     In  the  general  assembly  at  Gergeau 

See  Gergeau. 
Desbordes,  deputy-general  of  the  Protestants,  iii,  173. 
Descures,  farmer  of  the  revenues,  ii,  89. 
Desportes,  treats  with  Sully  in  the  name  of  Medavy,  i,  387.     Concludes 

the  treaty,  406. 
Despuilles,  shamefully  surrenders  Saint-Bazeile,  i,  135.     His  company 

defeated  before  Rochelle,  152. 
Devese,  la,  a  singular  combat  proposed  betwixt  him  and  Lavardin,  i,  65. 

■ ,  advocate  of  Castres,  his  services  and  abilities,  iv,  17. 

Deuilly,  madame  de,  mistress  of  de-Fresne,  ii,  174. 

Devonshire,  earl  of,  ii,  428. 

Deux-Ponts,  John,  count  palatine  of,  his  right  to  the  succession  of  Cleves, 

iv,  388.     See  Cleves. 
,  John  II,  duke  of,  visits  Henry  IV,  at  Metz,  and  marries 

Catherine  de  Rohan  there,  iii,  6.     Sully  accused  of  holding  criminal 

correspondence  with  him,  391. 
. ,  dutches  of,  presents  made  to  her  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  421. 


Dieppe.     A  skirmish  before  this  city,  i,  204. 

Dijou,  taken  by  marshal  Biron,  ii,  44.     Its  parliament  disobedient  to  the 

king,  iv,  182.     See  Bresse. 
DinteviUe,  Joachim  de,  governor  of  Champaign,  treats  with  the  duke  of 

Bouillon  about  the  surrender  of  Sedan,  iv,  91.    Regretted  by  Henry  IV, 

199. 
Diziraieux,  surrenders  Vienne  and  Montluet  to  the  king,  ii,  44. 
Dolle,  Lewis,  advocate  against  the  Jesuits,  i,  451. 
Doll^.  The  queen-regent  admits  him  into  her  private  council,  iv,  466. 
Domaine  of  the  king.     Abuses  corrected  in  it,  iii,  294.     Usurpations  of  it 

discovered  by  Sully,  407.     Sully  redeems  several  parts  of  it,  iv,  187,  8. 

The  principal  riches  of  the  king  does  not  consist  in  his  domaine,  272,  3. 
Dominge,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  i,  84. 
Donawert.  The  emperor  seizes  this  city,  iv,  286. 
Donfront,  taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  212. 
Donon,  comptroller  of  buildings,  iv,  200. 
Doria,  Charles,  commands  the  Spanish  gallies  in  the  Mediterranean,  iii, 

157. 
Douarnenes.  The  Spaniards  driven  from  this  place,  ii,  197. 
Dourdon,  lands  of,  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53. 
Dourlach,  prince  of,  accused  of  a  criminal  correspondence  with  Sully,  iii, 

391. 
Dourlens.  The  French  defeated  before  that  place,  ii.  Henry  IV  raises  the 
•^    siege  of  it,  188. 
Dover.    The  cause  of  queen  Elizabeth's  journey  to  that  place,  ii,  427.    An 


INDEX.  327 

account  of  Sully's  reception  there,  iii,  41.  His  stay  there  after  his  re- 
turn from  London,  145. 

©reuillet,  eng-aged  in  the  conspiracy  of  La-Fleche,Jiv,  367. 

Dreux,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  233.  Retalien  by  Sully,  368.  The  jovem- 
raent  of  it  denied  him,  369.  He  there  intercepts  papers  belonging  to 
the  League,  318. 

Droit-Annuel.  Different  opinions  upon  this  establishment,  iv,  323. 

Drou,  madam  de,  governess  to  the  queen's  children,  iv,  61. 

Drouart,  deprived  of  his  post  by  Sully,  iii,  303. 

Drouet,  an  arret  upon  his  marriage,  iv,  197. 

Dukes  and  peers.  Sully  created  duke  and  peer:  ceremony  upon  this  occa- 
sion, iv,  70.  The  duke  of  Bouillon  endeavours  in  vain  to  obtain  the  pre- 
cedency of  them,  115.  They  obtain  the  right  of  entering  into  the  courts 
of  the  Louvre  in  their  coaches,  316.  A  dispute  for  precedency  betwixt 
the  lords  temporal  and  spiritual,  determined  in  favour  of  the  first,  463. 

Duels.  Of  the  Juke  of  Bouillon  and  Duras.  OfBreaut^.  See  these  names. 
Edict  of  Henry  IV  against  them:  sentiments  of  Sully  upon  tliis  edict,  ii, 
527.  His  memorial  upon  the  origin,  custom,  and  the  practices  of  differ- 
ent nations,  in  duels,  iv,  50.  Henry's  easiness  in  pardoning  them,  the 
cause  of  their  being  so  frequent,  244.  Other  edicts  against  them,  and 
what  passed  in  the  council  on  that  occasion,  343. 

Dun,  taken  by  tlie  duke  of  Bouillon,  i,  301. 

Dunnes,  a  French  officer,  goes  into  the  service  of  the  archduke,  iii,  433 

Durand,  or  Haute-Fontaine,  the  duke  of  Bouillon's  agent  in  London,  iii, 
253. 

Durandiere,  la,  preceptor  to  Sully,  i,  24. 

Duras,  John  de  Durefort,  viscount  of,  one  of  the  Protestant  chiefs,  i,  27. 
Charles  IX  pardons  him,  37.  Goes  over  to  the  Catholic  party,  74.  Fights 
a  duel  with  viscount  Turenne;  various  opinions  upon  this  duel,  ibid. 

Duret,  one  of  the  confidents  of  Mary  of  Medicis,  iv,  1 30,  22 1 ,  Of  her  se- 
cret council,  466. 

Duret,  advocate  for  the  Jesuits  against  the  tiniversity  and  curates  of  Paris, 
i,  450. 

Duret,  Lewis  and  Charles,  authors  of  the  third  party,  i,  323.  Sully  treats 
with  them,  339. 


E. 


Eause,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  62,  3. 
Eclipse  of  the  sun,  in  1605,  iv,  38. 

Edict  of  sixty-three  articles.     See  Beaulieu,  Protestants.     Of  July  in  fa- 
vour of  the  League,  i,  114.     See  Nemours.     Treaty  of,  Henry  III, 


328  INDEX. 

League.  Of  the  21st  of  July,  still  more  advantageous,  156.  Of  Nantes. 
See  Nantes.  Upon  the  monej'.  See  Money.  Petty  edicts  granted  to  pri- 
vate persons  destructive  to  commerce,  iii,  303.  For  the  defence  of  com- 
merce with  Spain. 

Edifices  built  or  repaired  by  Henry  IV,  iii.  20.  Suras  expended  in  these 
iv,  180.  In  the  city  of  Paris,  259,  60. 

Edmonds,  Sir  Thomas,  queen  Elizabeth's  agent  in  France.  Sent  by  her 
to  Calais,  to  compliment  Henry  IV,  ii,  425. 

Edward  III,  kin;^  of  England.  Sentiments  of  Sully  upon  this  prince  iv,  293. 

Edouville,  ii,  19.     Defeats  the  forces  of  the  League,  44 

Egraoat,  earls  and  counts  of  this  name;  their  rights  to  the  dutchy  of  Guel- 
ders,  iv,  386. 

Egmont,  Amorel,  beheaded  at  Brussels,  i,  220. 

Egmont  count  of,  his  valour  at  Ivry;  killed  there,  i,  220. 

EguilloD,  Henry  de  Lorrain,  duke  of,  satisfies  Henry  with  regard  to  his 
brother,  iv,  239,  240.  Procures  Balagny  to  be  assassinated,  243. 
Quarrels  with  Conchini  and  tlae  ministers,  v,  14.  Grants  made  him  by 
Mary  of  Medicis,  23. 

ElbcEuf,  Claude  de  Lorraine,  duke  of,  commands  the  army  of  tiie  League 
iu  Normandy,  i,  102.  Fights  for  Henry  IV,  at  Fontaine-Franjois,  ii, 
65.  Sum  received  by  him  on  making  his  treaty,  264.  Attends  Henry 
IV  in  his  expedition  to  Savoy,  iii,  393. 

Electors.  Henry  I  V's  design  of  restoring  them  to  all  their  privileges,  v,  93. 

Elizabeth  of  France,  queen  of  Spain,  suspected  of  having  been  poisoned 
by  Phihp  II,  i,  20. 

Elizabeth,  queen  of  Englaiid,  ncgociations  to  induce  her  to  marry  mon- 
sieur, i,  21.  Sends  an  array  to  the  assistance  of  Henry  IV,  209.  She 
demands  Calais,  which  he  refuses  her,  ii,  72.  Sends  an  embassy  to  this 
prince,  to  dissuade  him  from  the  treaty  of  Vervins,  197,202.  Comes 
to  Dover,  425.  Beheads  Essex;  her  conversation  with  marshal  Biron  on 
this  subject,  452.  Motives  for  her  journey  to  Dover.  Letters  which  pas- 
sed between  Henry  IV,  and  her  upon  this  occasion,  425.  Subdues  the 
rebels  in  Ireland,  4G0.  Congratulates  Henry  IV,  upon  his  quelling 
Biron's  conspiracy,  511.  Her  death;  Henry's  grief  for  it;  her  eulogium, 
iii,  18,  19.  A  treaty  of  commerce  male  by  her  with  Charles  IX,  33. 
King  James  endeavours  to  tarnish  her  memory,  69.  Her  policy  praised, 
85.  Supports  the  English  priests  against  the  Spanish  cabal,  98.  The 
king  of  England  speaks  contemptuously  of  her  and  of  her  council  105. 
A  saying  of  this  princess  upon  the  union  of  France,  England,  Sweden, 
and  Denmark,  126.  Debts  contracted  during  the  League  by  Heni7  IV, 
to  her,  413.  Her  share  in  the  contrivance  and  disposition  of  the  grand 
design,  v,  80. 
Eloi,  Saint,  taken  by  Joyeuse,  iii,  14. 


iNDtx.  329 

Embden.     The  Spaniards  in  vain  endeavour  to  make  themselves  masters 

of  that  place,  ii,  533. 
Emilien,  Saint,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  74. 
Emperors.  Charles  IV,  Charles  V,  Frederic  III,  Ferdinand,  Maximilian 

I,  Maximilian  IV,  Rodolphus.     Sec  these  names. 
Empire  and  emperor.     Their  tnie  policy  with  regard  to  Spain,  iii,  123, 
124.     Henry  IV,  is  supposed  to  aim  at  being  emperor,  iv,  436."  Preten- 
sions of  several  emperors  upon  Cleves,  385.     Henry's  grand  design  in 
regard  to  the  empire  and  emperor.  Their  true  rights  established.  See 
Political  design. 
England,  Anne  of  Denmark,  queen  of.  See  Denmark. 
England  and  English.     The  Protestants  deliver  Havre  de  Grace  to  the 
English,  i,  23.  An  English  army  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Henry  IV, 
257.  Serve  him  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  259.  The  English  assist  marshal 
d'Aumount  in  Brittany,  ii,  14.  They  join  France  against  Spain  in  the 
war  of  1595,  40,  but  do  no  great   service.  A   conversation  between 
Henry  IV  and  the  English  and  Dutch  ambassadoi-s,  206.  See  CeciL 
Henry  takes  the  farms  of  his  revenues  out  of  the  hands  of  the  English, 
273.     Piracies  committed  by  the  English  upon  the  French  Vessels,  lii, 
38,  39.  Sully  insulted  by  their  vice-admiral,  40.     The  character  of  the 
English,  ib.  They  hate  the  French,  50,51.  A  continuation  of  the  char- 
acter of  that  people,  55.  The  manner  in  which  we  ought  to  act  with 
them,  56.  The  Enghsh  jealous  of  the  Scots,  82,  S3.  Pretended  claims 
of  England  upon  Normandy,  Guienne,  Poitou,  87.  Elizabeth  supports 
the  English  clergy  against  the  Spanish  faction,  98.     The  manner  in 
which  the  king  of  England  is  served  at  table,  105,  Opposition  made  by 
the  English  ministers  to  Sully's  negociation,  and  to  the  interests  of  the 
United  Provinces,  109.  Sully  complains  of  them  to  king  James,  117. 
Presents  made  by  SuUy  to  the  principal  lords  and  ladies  of  the  English 
court,  143,  4.  A  conspiracy  in  London  against  king  James,  154.  Henry 
gives  pensions  and  presents  to  the  ministers  and  noblemen  in  this  court, 
156.     The  English  take  advantage  of  the  prohibition  of  commerce  be- 
tween France  and  Spain,  310.  Treaty  between  England  and  SpaiUj 
325    6.  State  of  the  debts  of  France  to  England  during  the  league, 
413.    Another  conspiracy  ag  inst  king  James,  iv,  136.  Paul  V  forbids 
the  English  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  king  James,  176.     Debts  of 
France  to  England,  179.  Jeannin  is  appointed  ambassador  to  England 
during  the  war  of  Cleves,  422.     Part  of  the  great  design  relating  to 
this  kingdom,  v,  85.     Forces  and  money  to  be  conhibuted  l>y  the  En- 
glish, 88.     See  also  the  names  mentioned  in  this  article. 
Enhalt,  or  Anhalt,  prince  of,  brings  the  German  forces  to  Henry  IV,  at 
the  siege  of  Rouen,  i,  259.     It  is  proposed  to  marrj"  the  princess  C'a- 


330  INDEX. 

therine  to  him,  ii,  295.  Sully  accused  of  holding  a  criminaJ  correspon- 
dence with  him,  iii,  391.     He  joins  in  the  great  design,  v,  102. 

Entragues,  Catherine  Henrietta  de  Balzac  d'.  See  Veraeuil,  mar- 
chiones  of. 

)  Francis  de  Balzac  d',  his  intrigues  with  the  Cathohcs  against 

Henry  IV,  i,  332.     He  introduces  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  Henry 

IV,  and  Sully,  383.  See  Nugnes.  He  cabals  against  Henry,  445,  49. 
Thwarts  Henry's  love  for  his  daughter.  See  Verneuil,  marchioness  of. 
Enters  into  an  association  with  Bouillon,  Biron,  axid  Auvcrgne,  and  en- 
deavours to  raise  an  insurrection,  ii,  385,  391.  His  intrigues  at  the 
court  of  London,  iii,  67.  Farther  account  of  his  intrigues,  231,  254,  5, 
269.  Procures  a  marshal's  staff,  270.  Arrested,  279.  Anecdote  con- 
cerning Henry's  love  for  his  second  daughter,  288.  Motives  which  in- 
duced Henry  IV,  to  pardon  him,  348,  9,  &c.  Desirous  of  giving  him  his 
liberty,  352.  Accused  of  being  an  accomplice  in  Ravaillac's  parricide, 

V,  178. 

,  Mary  Touchet,  countess  of     See  Touchet. 

Entrees  and  Tithes,  more  reasonable  than  any  other  tax,  iii,  408,  9.  Re- 
gulations concerning  them,  iv,  323. 

Entremont,  Jaqueline  de  Montbel,  countess  of,  marries  the  admiral  Cohg- 
ny,  i,  19. 

Epernai,  besieged  and  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  312. 

Epernon,  John  Lewis  de  Nogaret  de  la  Valette,  duke  of,  i,  2.  The  Ro- 
chellers  refuse  to  admit  him  in  their  city,  49.  He  advises  Henry  III  to 
suffer  his  guards  to  assassinate  the  duke  of  Guise,  172.  Made  admiral 
and  governor  of  Normandy,  177.  Quits  Henry  IV,  after  the  death  of 
Henry  III,  200.  His  character:  hated  of  Henry  IV,  and  his  behaviour 
in  Provence,  305,  6.  Bad  conduct  of  his  forces  at  Villemur,  310.  One 
of  the  favourites  of  Henry  III,  ii,  18.  Sully  justifies  himself  against  his 
complaints  of  him,  28.  Accusations  brought  against  him,  29,30.  Les- 
diguieres  and  the  duke  of  Guise  drive  him  out  of  Provence:  he  submits 
to  the  king,  117.  The  sum  given  him  for  his  treaty,  264.  His  cruelty  in 
Provence,  268.  Quarrels  with  Sully  in  the  council;  Henry  IV,  obliges 
him  to  ask  pardon  of  this  minister,  269,  70.  Henry  IV  writes  to  him 
upon  the  dispute  betwixt  Du-Perron  and  Du-Plessis-Mornay,  357.  He 
opposes  Sully  in  the  affair  of  Savoy,  371,  385.  Sully  justifies  him,  and 
prevents  his  being  arrested  in  the  affair  of  marshal  Biron;  he  gives  him 
good  advice,  which  Epernon  follows,  473,8.  Obliged  to  take  the  go- 
vernment of  Metz  from  the  soboles,  iii,  2.  Treated  favourably  by  Hen- 
ry IV,  267.  Friendship  for  him,  ibid.  The  affair  betwixt  him.  Sully, 
and  Grillon,  for  a  colonel's  commission,  365.  Terminated  by  Sully  to 
Henry's  satisfaction,  368.  His  excessive  haughtiness  to  the  marquis  de 
Crequy,  397.     He  commands  the  king's  forces  in  Limosin,  iv,  129.  A 


INDEX. 


3S1 


rupture  betwixt  lum  and  Sully,  upon  account  of  the  city  of  la  Rochelle, 
42.  Summoned  to  the  council  upon  the  enterprise  of  Sedan,  81.  Fa- 
vours (he  Jesuits  in  opposition  to  the  city  of  Metz,  112.  His  quarrel 
with  Montigny,  244.  Losses  at  play,  2G1.  Opposes  Sully  with  regard  to 
the  armament  of  Cleves,  407.  Coman  accuses  him  of  being  engaged 
in  Ravaillac's  conspiracy,  431.  Makes  an  offer  of  his  services  to  Sully 
after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  v,  14.  Mary  of  Medicis  admits  him  into 
her  secret  council,  21.  He  votes  for  an  alliance  with  Spain,  contrary 
to  the  maxims  of  the  last  reign,  45.  lie  unites  himself  with  the  prince 
of  Conde,  12,  14.  Quarrels  with  the  nobles  and  ministers,  16.  With 
Conchini,  19.  Grants  made  him  by  the  queen-regent,  23.  Opposes  Sully, 
32.  A  remarkable  speech  of  his  to  the  president  de  Harlay,  183. 

Epinoy,  William  de  Melun,  prince  of,  Sully  takes  the  guardianship  of  him 
upon  himself,  ii,  340.  His  brother  killed  by  Rambures,  iv,  143.  Sully 
obliges  the  princess  of  Ligne  to  do  him  justice,  and  makes  restitution  of 
hi?  estates,  373. 

,  Henry  de  Melun  d',  killed  by  Rambures:  Henry  IV  and  Sully 

drop  that  affair,  iv,  143,  4. 

,  Hippolita  de  Montmorency,  princess  of,  brings  her  children  to 


Paris,   and  puts  tliem  under  the  guardianship  of  Sully  ii,  340.     Refuses 
her  consent  to  the  marriage  of  the  marquis  de  Coeuvres  with  made- 
moiselle de  Melun,  iii,  405. 
,  Peter  de  Melun,  prince  of.   Sully  takes   the  guardianship  of  lus 


children  upon  himself,  ii,  340. 
,  Robert  de  Melun,  prince  of,  is  favoured  by  monsieur,  in  opposi- 


tion to  Sully,  i,  100. 

Erard,  engineer  to  Henry  IV.  Tenders  an  unseasonable  service  to  the 
elector  Palatine,  iii,  171.  Endeavours  to  turn  Henry  IV  from  the  enter- 
prise of  Sedan,  iv,  73.  The  cause  of  the  discontent  which  he  gives  to 
Henry  and  Sully,  145. 

,  the  son  of  the  former,  his  death  greatly  lamented  by  Sully  iv,  196. 

Erkel,  d',  the  claims  of  this  house  upon  the  dutchy  of  Cleves,  iv,  385.  See 
Cleves. 

Ernest,  archduke  of  Austria,  answers  fortlie  king  of  Spain  to  the  proposals 
made  by  the  League  and  the  duke  of  Maienne,  i,  321.  The  Spanish 
ambassadors  and  the  Pope's  legate  offer  to  elect  him  king  of  France  in 
the  assembly  of  the  states  of  Paris,  295. 

Escoman.  See  Coman. 

Escoubleau.  See  Sourdis, 

Escures,  Peter  Fougeu  d',  of  great  use  in  the  seizing  of  Biron,  ii,  472,  80; 
and  the  count  of  Auvergne,  487,  488.  Summoned  to  the  council  upon 
the  affair  of  Sedan,  iv,  296.  Receives  a  gratuity  from  Henry  IV,  340. 

Esperian,  commissary  in  Guyenne,  iv,  1 11 


332  INDEX. 

Espinac,  Peter  de,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  his  death,  ii,  312. 

Essards,  Charlotte  des,  mistress  to  Henry  IV,  iv,  220.  His  children  by 
her;  and  some  circumstances  relating  to  her  life,  ib.  Sully  disengages 
him  from  her,  233.  Gratuity  granted  her  by  Henry,  342. 

Essex,  Robert  d'Evreux,  earl  of,  brings  powerful  succours  to  Henry  IV  at 
the  siege  of  Rouen,  i,  257.  Offers  to  fight  admiral  Villars  in  a  single 
duel.  Beheaded  by  Elizabeth,  ii,  452. 

,  earl  of,  the  friendship  of  king  James  for  him,  iii,  83. 

Estampes,  taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  210.  Retaken  by  Henry  IV,  136. 

Estoutev'ille,  messieurs  d',  Sully  purchases  Villebon  of  them,  v,  147. 

Estrees.  Sully's  opinion  of  this  family,  iii,  405. 

Estrees,  Angelica  d',  abbess  of  Maubisson,  ii,  91. 

,  Francis  Anibal  d'.  See  Cosuvres. 

,  Gabrielle  d',  called  successively  the  Fair  Gabrielle.  Madam  de 

Liancourt,  marchioness  of  Monceaux,  and  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  i,  247. 
Henry's  passion  for  her,  ib.  Leads  his  army  into  Picardy,  that  he  may 
visit  her,  298.  Her  motives  to  wish  for  liis  conversion,  371.  Regrets  the 
death  of  the  superintendant  d'O,  ii,  19.  Anecdotes  relating  to  her 
amours  with  Henry  IV,  and  her  marriage  with  M.  de  Liancourt,  34. 
Her  design  of  getting  Franche-Comte  for  her  son,  46.  She  procures  the 
o-overnmenl  of  La-F^re  for  him,  86.  The  danger  she  escaped  in  her 
journey  to  meet  the  king  at  Amiens,  94.  She  favours  Sully's  admission 
into  the  council  of  finances,  119.  Obtains  the  post  of  master-general  of 
the  ordnance  for  her  father,  1 80.  Her  motives  for  soliciting  a  pardon  for 
the  duke  of  Mercoeur,  191.  Sully  dissuades  Henry  from  marrying  her, 
221,224.  Her  plots  to  engage  the  pope  in  her  interest,  235.  She  causes 
her  son  to  be  baptised  with  the  ceremony  of  a  son  of  France,  236.  A 
quarrel  between  her  and  Sully  upon  this  occasion.  Henry  reconciles 
them,  241,  2.  She  takes  advantage  of  Henry's  sickness  to  forward  her 
design,  245.  Her  great  weakness  with  respect  to  astrology,  and  the 
predictions  that  are  made  her,  314.  An  account  of  what  passed  at  her 
separation  from  Henry  IV  at  Fontainebleau,  315,  16.  Her  discourse  to 
the  duke  and  dutchess  of  Sully:  her  imprudence  in  speaking  of  herself, 
317.  Circumstances  relating  to  her  death;  different  opinions  on  this 
subject,  319.  Henry's  excessive  grief  for  her  death,  323.  Sully  endea- 
vours to  comfort  him,  ib.  Circumstances  relating  to  the  life  of  the  dut- 
chess of  Beaufort:  her  good  qualities,  324.  After  her  death,  the  disso- 
lution of  Henry's  marriage  with  Margaret  earnestly  solicited,  342.  She 
had  been  engaged  in  the  interests  of  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  the  affair  of 
the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  343.  Her  children  by  Henry  iv,  247. 

Estrees,  John  Antony  de,  father  of  the  Fair  Gabrielle,  i,  247.  Made  mas- 
ter-general of  the  ordnauice,  ii,  179.     Resigns  this  post  to  the  duke  of 


INDEX.  333 

SuUy;  in  whose  favour  the  king  declares  it  one  of  the  great  offices  of 
the  crown,  343. 
,  Juliette  Hippolita  d'.  See  Villars. 


Estienne,  Saint,  a  Protestant  gentlemen,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  i,  34. 

Eu,  city  of,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  203. 

Europe.  Reflections  upon  the  abuses  that  prevail  in  it,  with  reg'ard  to  war, 
and  upon  its  true  policy,  iii,  77.  Idea  and  strength  of  the  different  fac- 
tions into  which  it  is  divided,  92.  Designs  of  the  house  of  Austria  upon 
this  part  of  the  world,  iv,  66,  7.  The  necessity  of  changing  tlie  political 
system,  v,  71.  Henry's  views  by  his  great  design:  its  utility  for  all  Eu- 
rope, 77,  8.  The  divisions  of  its  states  and  kingdoms,  98. 

Eure,  or  Erre,  d',  contributes  towards  seizing  the  count^of  Auvergne,  iii, 
278. 

Evora,  Don  Diego  d',  leaves  Paris  at  the  surrender  of  that  city  to  Henry 
IV,  i,  424. 


Fachon,  Antony,  the  council  of  finances  purchase  the  farms  under  his 
name,  iii,  407. 

Farms,  large,  Sully  takes  them  out  of  the  hands  of  foreigners  and  the 
French  lords:  the  method  and  order  he  puts  them  in,  ii,  272 — iii,  303. 
His  labours  in  this  part  of  the  government,  406,  et  seq. 

Favas,  a  Protestant  officer,  i,  57.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  160. 

Faye,  La,  a  Protestant  preacher,  Henry  IV's  answer  to  him,  i,  329. 

,  La,  mentioned  in  the  affair  of  Adrienne  de  Fresne,  iv,  108. 

,  La,  a  suppositious  letter  signed  with  this  name,  iv,  364. 

Fayolle,  governor  of  Chizai  for  the  League,  i,  140. 

,  Bertrand  de  Melet  de,  commands  the  artillery  at  the  siege  of 

Rouen,  i,  262. 

Fenouillet.     Sully  secures  the  bishopric  of  Montpelier  for  him,  iv,  260. 

Ferdinand  I,  Emperor  of  Austria;  Philip  II  endeavours  to  deprive  him  of 
the  empire,  ii,  287. 

Ferdinand  II,  of  Austria.  King  of  the  Romans,  and  of  Hungary,  iv,  390, 

Fere,  la,  taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  76.  Retaken  by  Montignon,  114. 
A  great  convoy  of  Spaniards  defeated  near  this  city.  Henry  begins  the 
siege  of  it,  ii,  83.  Circumstances  relating  to  this  siege:  a  great  cause- 
way built,  83:  Henry  seized  with  an  indisposition:  the  place  surrenders, 
85. 

Feria,  Laurent  Suares  de  Figueroa,  diike  of,  plenipotentiary  from  Spain 
to  the  States  of  Paris:  his  plots,  and  the  errors  he  commits  tliere.  i,  351, 
VOL.  V.  h 


S34  INDEX. 

Leaves  Paris  upon  its  surrendering  to  Henry  IV,  424.  His  speech  of 
Henry  IV,  and  Henry's  of  him,  ib. 

Fernandes,  Edward,  a  Portuguese  banker,  lends  money  to  Henry  IV. 
and  the  courtiers  for  play,  iv,  2G0.  The  debts  Henry  owed  him  dis- 
charged, 341. 

Ferrand,  an  officer  of  the  chamber  of  accounts,  prosecuted  by  Sully,  iv. 
339. 

Ferrier,  a  Protestant  minister,  one  of  those  concerned  in  the  sedition,  iii, 
172. 

,  du,  deputed  to  SuUy  by  the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  iv,  81. 

Ferte-Milon,  besieged  by  Henrj'  IV,  i,  347- 

Fervaques,  Andrea  d'Allegre,  countess  of,  endeavours  to  procure  a  mar- 
riage between  her  son  and  mademoiselle  de  Sully,  ii,  161.  Henry  IV 
causes  this  marriage  to  be  broken  off.  See  Laval,  Bethune,  Marga- 
ret de. 

,  William  de  Hautemer  de  Grancy,  marshal  of  France,  sent  to 

the  court  of  Henrj-  III,  to  demand  the  princess  Catherine,  i,  56 — 90 — 
94.  Demands  mademoiselle  de  Sully  in  marriage  for  M.  de  Laval,  ii, 
161.  SuUy's  friendship  for  him  caluminated,  iii,  444.  Summoned  to 
the  council  upon  the  designed  expedition  to  Sedan,  iv,  81.  Cured  of  a 
dangerous  indisposition,  264.  Appointed  one  of  the  members  of  the 
council  of  regency  by  Henry  IV,  422. 

Fescamp,  taken  by  the  League,  and  retaken  in  a  very  extraordinary  man- 
ner by  Bois-rose;  a  dispute  about  this  fort,  i,  389. 

Feugeres,  attached  to  SuUy,  ii,  333. 

Feuquieres,  Pas,  de,  a  Protestant  oflQcer,  i,  125,  Slain  at  the  battle  of  Ivrj'. 
221. 

Feydeau,  Dennis,  fsirmer-general  of  the  aides;  his  process  against  the 
city  of  Lyons,  iv,  189. 

Fiefs,  masculine,  and  feminine,  make  a  very  important  distinction  for  th? 
dutchy  of  Cleves  and  the  United  Provinces,  iv,  386.  See  Cleves. 

Figeac,  surprised  and  abandoned  b}'  the  royalists,  i,  75. 

Fin,  James  de  la,  his  character,  ii,  456.  Betrays  Biron,  457.  His  exami- 
nation and  depositions,  in  which  he  impeaches  Sully,  458.  Continues  to  de- 
ceive Biron  480.  Du-Perron  solicits  his  return  into  France,  iii,  428. 

— ,  Pregent  de  la,  vidamme  of  Chartres.     See  Chartres. 

Finances,  and  Financiers.  Disorder  in  the  finances,  and  a  new  council 
established,  i,  205.  Rogueries  of  the  financiers,  and  causes  of  the 
abuses  in  the  finances,  ii,  36,  37.  Hatred  of  the  financiers  to  Sully. 
See  Council.  Their  fraudulent  practices,  128.  They  endeavour  to 
impose  upon  liim,  but  do  not  succeed,  129.  Sully's  labours  in  the  finan- 
ces, 135,  6,  7.  .He  undertakes  to  produce  a  reformation  in  the  finances, 
247.     A  fine  portrait  of  a  good  manager  of  the  finances,  249.  See  Mi- 


INDEX.  335 

nisters.     The  finances  of  France  charged  with  excessive  debts,  263, 
et.  seq.     Foreig'ners  excluded  from  any  share  in  the  farms,  272.     The 
frauds  committed   in  the  finances  examined  into;  alterations  made  in 
the  management  of  them,  275  et  seq.     The  post  of  the  superintcndant 
of  the  finances  established  in  favour  of  Sully,  311.     Regulations  made 
in  this  part  of  the  revenue,  &c.  407,  8.     Against  the  luxury  and  ex- 
cessive wealth  of  the  financiers  410,  11.     Officers  of  the  finances  sup- 
pressed, 417.     Sully  prosecutes  the  fraudulent  financiers,  521.  Luxury 
and  magnificence  of  the  financiers,  iii,  181.   Several  operations  of  Sully 
in  the  finances,  293,  4.     His  great  care  and  assiduity  in  tlie  discharge 
of  this  office,  298.     His  labours  in  the  finances:  general  abstracts  of 
them  presented  by  him  to  Henry  IV,  iv,  130.     Other  details  and  opera- 
tions; the  debts  owing  to  tlie  contractors  acquitted,  &c.  183.     New  re- 
gulations made  by  Sully  in  the  finances,  265.  Memoirs  and  schemes 
upon  this  subject.     See  Cabinet  of  State,  317.     Methods  of  raising 
money  in  cases  of  necessity,  325.     Many  different  afiairs  and  details 
of  the  finances,  341.     The  form  of  government  in  the  finances  totally 
changed  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  467. 
Flanders,  the  Low  Countries,  United  Provinces.     Charles  IX  sends  an 
army  thither:  deceives  the  Protestants,  i,  21,  Catherine  de  Medicis  en- 
deavours to  obtain  the  sovereignty  of  the  Low  Countries  for  the  duke  of 
Anjou,  89.  Origin  of  the  revolt  of  the  United  Provinces,  ib.     They  of- 
fer themselves  to  the  archduke  Matthias;  afterwards  to  monsieur,  ib. 
The  expedition  of  that  prince  to  Flanders,  ^  4      The  treachery  at  Ant- 
werp renders  him  odious,  101.    The  Flemings  send  fifty  vessels  to  the 
assistance  of  Henry  IV,  while  he  is  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Rouen, 
257.  They  are  very  useful  to  him  at  this  siege,  262.  Unite  with  France 
agamst  Spain  in  the  war  of  1595,  ii,  1,  39.     A  conversation  of  Henry 
IV,  with  their  ambassador  207.     See  Nassau,  Nantes,  &c.  PhUip  II, 
gives  these  provinces  as  a  portion  with  his  daughter  the  Infanta  Isabella; 
the  archduke  Albert  renews  the  war,  294.     Henry  IV,  succours  them 
privately  339,  40.     Albert  loses  the  battle  of  Nieuport,  404.  Expedi- 
tions.during  this  war,  434.     Henry  IV,  sends  them  troops  secretly,  448. 
The  defeats  of  Spinola's  squadron  and  a  father  account  of  this  war,  532, 
iii,  12.     The  deputies  from  the  states  general  to  the  court  of  London 
meet  with  a  bad  reception  from  James,  61.     Sully's  conversation  with 
those  deputies,  63,  4.     A  proposal  said  to  be  made  by  Spain  to  the 
United  Provinces,  to  unite  themselves  with  her  against  France,  85,  6. 
Sully  represents  to  the  king  of  England  the   necessity  of  supporting 
them,  95;  but  the  council  of  this  prince  oppose  his  arguments,  101,2. 
See  Cecil.     Several  conferences  on  this  subject,  106,  7.     Sully  in  a 
private    conference  with  James,  again  insists  upon  this  point,    119. 
Methods  proposed  for  driving  out  the  Spaniards  from  the  Low  Countries, 


336  INDEX. 

126,  27.     The  king  of  England  promises  to  assist  them,  and  receives 
their  anbassadors  favourably,  150.     Form  of  the  treaty  in  which  the 
liing-s  of  France  and  England  provide  for  their  mutual  defence,   136. 
They  reject  the  proposals  made  them  by  Spain,  148.     Beat  the  Spanish 
fleet  twice,  15G;  and  likewise  the  Portuguese  gallies,  161.     Their  con- 
cern in  the  affair  of  thirty  per  cent.   326.     They  defend  themselves 
bravely  against  Spain:   the  war  very  expensive  to  them;  their  obliga- 
tions to  France,  328.     Spain  seems  to  treat  them  favourably,  with  a 
view  to  make  an  agreement  with  England,  344,  353.    Malicious  report 
raised  against  Sully,  accusing  him  with  carrying  on  criminal  correspon- 
dencies with  the  Flemings,  391.     Debts  contracted  by  France  to  them 
during  the  league,  413.  Farther  account  of  their  ware  with  Spain,  431. 
The  first  proposals  towards  a  peace  or  a  truce,  iv,  133.     Henry  IV,  by 
advice  of  Sully,  refuses  to  receive  the  towns  in  hostage,  and  other  offers 
made  him  by  the  States,  135.  The  Dutch  present  the  king,  by  Aersens, 
their  agent,  an  account  of  the  voyage  they  had  lately  made  to  the  East- 
InJies,  136.     The  United  Provmcesrenew  the  offers  they  had  made  to 
Henry  IV,  to  submit  themselves  to  the  French  domination,  and  to  give 
certain  towns  in  hostage,  which  SuUy  dissuades  him  from  accepting 
165.     A  great  naval  battle  gained  by  them  against  the  Spaniards,  168. 
The  treaty  for  a  suspension  of  arms  concluded.  169,  70.    A  long  trace 
negociated,  273.     The  ingratitude  of  the  Flemmgs  to  Henry  IV,  277. 
The  succours  he  gives  them,  369.     Treaty  for  a  truce,  and  the  media- 
tion of  the  kings  of  France  and  England,  370.     Contains  an  article 
in  favour  of  the  prince  of  Epinoy,  375.     The  United  Provinces  join^the 
confederate  princes  assembled  at  Hall  upon  the  affair  of  Cleves,  402; 
and  assist  them  in  taking  Juliers,  iv,  504.     That  part  of  the  great  de- 
sign which  related  to  them,  consisted  in  erecting  them  into  a  republic, 
V,  88,  96,  7.     What  forces  they  agree  to  contribute  towards  its  execu- 
tion, 107. 
Flanders,  ancient  counts  of,  the  family  of  Bethune  descended  from  them, 

i,  6,  iii,  429. 
Fleche,  La,  Henry's  journey  thither,  ii,  1 12.     He  gives  that  house  to  the 
Jesuits,  iii,  211.     His  hberahties  to  them,  iv,  105.     He  consents  that 
his  heart  should  be  deposited  in  their  chapel;  a  bon-mot  on  tliis  occasion, 
156.     A  gratuity  granted  by  Henry  IV  to  this  college,  296.     Another 
denied  by  Sully,  300.  A  conspiracy  formed  in  tliis  city  against  Henry's 
life,  365. 
Fleix,  Le,  Catherine  de  Medicis  and  Henry  IV,  have  a  conference  there, 
i,  71.  The  peace  between  tliis  prince  and  monsieur  concluded  there,  90. 
Fleury.     The  children  of  France  reside  in  this  house,  iv,  117. 

,  Stephen,  counsellor  of  parliament,  deputed  to  the  states  of  Paris: 

maintains  there  the  rights  of  Henry  IV,  to  the  crown  of  France,  i, 


INDEX.  337 

336.  Employed  i a  the  conversion  of  this  prince,  36 1 .  Draws  up  tiie 
process  against  marshal  Biron,  ii,  490. 

Flour,  Saint,  the  count  of  Auvergne  designs  to  seize,  it,  ii,  455. 

Flushing,  the  hatred  wliich  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  bear  to  the  En- 
glish, iii,  324. 

Foix.  Henry  IV,  carries  the  court  of  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  that  pro- 
vince, i.  73. 

,  house  of  Henrj'  IV,   has  a  law-suit  with  the  familj"  of  Ncvers  for 

the  estates  of  this  house,  iv,  188. 

Folombray,  fore-t  of,  Sully  riding  out  there  to  take  the  air  discovers  the 
Spanish  army,  and  gives  notice  of  their  approach  to  Henry  IV,  i,  463. 

Fond,  La,  Sully's  valet  de  chambre  procures  him  the  acquaintance  of  ma- 
demoiselle dc  Courteny,  and  persuades  him  to  marry  her,  i,  109.  Em- 
ployed by  Sully  to  prevail  upon  admiral  Villars  to  treat  with  Henry  IV, 
266.  He  enters  ag^in  into  Sully's  service  after  the  death  of  ViUars,  ii, 
57 — 95.  Employments  and  gratuities  bestowed  upon  him  by  Henry  IV, 
iv,  340.  The  advice  which  Sullj-  gives  him  upon  his  quitting  the  admi- 
nistration, V,  40. 

Fontaine,  La,  deputed  from  the  United  Provinces  to  the  court  of  London, 
his  conversation  with  Sully,  iii,  61. 

Fontaine-Francoise,  battle  of,  ii,  62,  3. 

Fontaine-Martel,  Francis  de,  governor  of  Neufchatel  for  the  League,  i, 
202.  Not  able  to  prevent  the  taking  of  Louviers,  253,  4. 

Fontainebleau.  Henry  IV  in  dangerof  his  life  there,  i,  387.  A  phantom 
called  the  Great  Hunter  appears  there,  ii,  282.  Henry  IV  first  hears  of 
the  death  of  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort  there.  See  Estrees,  Gabrielle  de. 
Gives  a  magnificent  reception  to  the  duke  of  Savoy  there,  346.  A  dis- 
pute between  du-Perron  and  du-Plessis  at  that  castle,  354.  Henry 
makes  a  discovery  there  of  I'Hote's  treason,  iii,  214.  Henry  IV  embel- 
lishes that  place,  415.  Makes  frequent  journies  thither,  43.  Orders  the 
ceremony  of  the  baptism  of  the  children  of  France  to  be  performed 
there,  iv,  116.  His  stay  there  at  different  times,  140,  203.  New  embel- 
lishments made  there  b\-  Henry  IV,  259. 

Eontaiige.  His  daughter  forcibly  carried  away,  he  besieges  the  castle  of 
Pierrefort,  iv,  196. 

Fontenay-Le-Comte,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Montpensier,  i,  50.  Besieg-ed 
and  retaken  by  Henry  IV.  A  comical  adventure  which  happens  during 
this  siege,  143. 

Fontenelles,  Guy-Eder  de  Beaumanoir,  baron  of,  broke  upon  the  wheel, 
ii,  497. 

Fontrailles,  Astruc  de,  has  a  suit  at  law  with  Henry  IV  for  the  earldom  of 
Armagnac,  ii,  190. 

Force,  Jaraes  Nompar  de  Caumont,  duke  de  La,  implores  a  pardon  for 


338  INDEX. 

marshal  Biron  of  the  king',  ii,  494.  Supports  Sully's  advice  with  regard- 
to  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  iv,  81.  A  quarrel  between  his  family  and 
that  of  St.  Germain,  244.  The  services  he  does  the  king  in  Navarre  and 
Beam,  334. 

,  madamede  La,  serves  Sully  with  the  princess  Catherine,  ii,  115. 

Forget,  Peter.  See  Fresne. 

,  president,  draws  up  the  contract  for  the  purchase  of  Moaceaux  for 

the  queen,  ii,  440. 

,  one  of  Sully's  enemies  at  court,  iii,  385. 


Fortifications,  built  or  repaired  by  Henry  IV  after  the  peace  of  Vervin^, 
ii,  262.  Sums  delivered  out  of  the  treasury  by  Sully  for  that  purpose,  iv, 
180. 

,  superintendance  of,  and  of  buildings  given  to  Sully,  ii,  264, 

311. 

Fosse,  La,  a  contractor,  for  re-uniting  the  domaine,  iv,  181. 

Fosseuse,  takes  Mende,  ii,  205. 

Foucrainvillej  a  village  where  the  battle  of  Ivry  was  fought.     See  Ivry. 

Fountains  built  or  repaired  in  Paris  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  180. 

FouqueroUes.  Present  at  the  siege  of  Laon,  and  the  defeat  of  the  great 
convoy,  457. 

Fouquet,  William.  See  Varenne,  La. 

Fourcy,  an  officer  of  the  household  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  130.  Purchases  the 
superintendance  of  the  buildings  from  Sully,  v,  54. 

Fourges,  a  gentleman  in  Sully's  service,  causes  Gizors  to  be  taken,  i,  242. 
His  father  is  seized  by  Sully  with  a  boat  richly  laden,  256. 

Foussac,  Raymond  de  Sognac  de,  solicits  a  pardon  of  Henry  IV  for  seve- 
ral gentlemen  concerned  in  the  rebellion,  iv,  31 . 

Foi,  Saint,  a  Protestant  synod  held  in  this  city,  ii,  9. 

France.  The  deplorable  condition  to  which  the  civil  wars  had  reduced 
this  kingdom,  ii,  190.  The  true  policy  to  be  pursued  by  her,  207.  Henry 
labours  in  conjunction  with  Sully  to  restore  her  to  her  former  grandeur^ 
263.  Policy  of  Phihp  II  with  respect  to  France,  286.  What  her  con- 
duct ought  to  be  with  respect  to  England,  iii,  52.  Her  provinces 
threatened  by  an  union  between  Spain  and  England,  86.  The  fertility 
and  other  advantages  of  this  kingdom,  178.  Arts  and  professions  to  be 
crUtivated  in  it,  182.  Sully's  opinion  upon  the  character  and  policy  of 
some  of  her  kings,  308.  Opulence  and  plenty  brought  into  France  by 
Henry  IV,  413.  Usages  and  customs  observed  there  in  duels,  iv,  50,  et 
seq.  A  restitution  of  the  usurpations  made  on  its  frontiers  by  Spain  and 
Lorrain,  264.  Reflections  upon  her  kings,  her  different  governments, 
&c.,  271.  Origin  of  her  monarchy,  V,  66,  Advantages  of  her  situation: 
judgment  upon  her  wars  and  government,  68.  What  policy  fittest  to  be 
pursued  by  her,  70,  71.  The  great  designs  of  Henry  IV  considered  with 


INDEX.  339 

respect  to  this  kingdom,  84.  Her  religion,  86.  And  policy,  95,  6.  Forces 
and  money  to  be  employed  on  this  occasion,  108. 

France,  house  of,  Sully's  sentiments  upon  the  alliances  of  this  house  with 
those  of  the  other  princes  of  Europe,  iii,  329. 

,  children  of,  the  ceremony  of  their  baptism,  iv,  116.  Their  resi- 
dence at  Noisy,  202.  Henry's  tenderness  for  them,  ib.  Their  sickness 
in  the  year  1608,  255.  Henry's  great  tenderness  for  them,  ibid,  368. 
Their  fondness  for  Sully,  v,  19.  Women  and  officers  about  their  persons: 
tlicir  grief  for  Henrj's  death,  ib. 

France,  Christiana  of,  second  daughter  of  Henry  IV.  The  ceremony  of  her 
baptism,  iv,  116.  Henry  designs  to  marry  her  to  the  prince  of  Wales, 
iv,  307. 

,  Elizabeth  of,  eldest  daughter  of  Henry  IV,  her  birth,  ii,  550.  She 

falls  sick:  recovers,  iii,  85.  Henry  designs  to  marry  her  to  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  iv,  78.  Ceremony  of  her  baptism,  116.  She  is  seized  with  an- 
other indisposition,  255.  Henry's  scheme  for  her  marriage,  307. 

,  Gaston-John-Baptiste  of,  third  son  of  Henry  IV,  duke  of  Anjou, 


afterwards  of  Orleans.  See  Orleans,  duke  of. 

Franche-Comte.  The  campaign  made  by  Henry  IV  in  this  province  reck- 
oned superior  to  all  others:  towns  taken,  and  other  military  expedi- 
tions during  tliis  campaign,  ii,  58.  A  restitution  made  of  the  Spaniards' 
usurpations  upon  this  frontier:  as  likewise  of  those  of  Lorrain,  iv,  264. 

Francheses,  Don  Juan-Idiaque,  his  correspondence  with  Nicholas  I'Hote, 
iii,  210. 

Francis  I,  king  of  France,  the  cause  of  his  losing  the  battle  of  Pavia,  ii,  85. 
Value  of  the  taiUe  under  his  reign,  iv,  271.  He  assists  the  German 
princes  against  Charles  V,  395. 

Francis  II,  king  of  France,  gives  an  uncontrolled  power  to  the  house  of 
Guise:  his  death:  a  saying  of  Francis  duke  of  Guise  concerning  this 
prince,  i,  13.  Value  of  the  taille  under  his  reign,  iv,  272. 

Francourt,  Gervas  Barbier  de,  chancellor  to  the  king  of  Navarre,  one  of 
those  who  advise  hira  to  go  the  court  of  France,  i,  21 .  Murdered  at  the 
massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  36. 

Franks  or  French,  origin  of  their  settlements  and  of  their  monarchy  in 
Gaul,  V,  65. 

Frederick  III,  emperor-  The  house  of  Austria,  through  him,  claims  a  right 
to  the  succession  of  Cleves,  iv,  389. 

French.  Their  character;  their  licentiousness  among  foreigners,  iii,  47. 
Their  advantag^es  over  all  other  European  nations,  178  Their  passion 
for  duels,  iv,  49.  Their  character  with  respect  to  government,  policy, 
&c.,269. 

Fresne,  Adrienne  de,  supposed  to  be  possessed  by  a  deemon.  See  Cotton. 

,  Leon  de,  seizes  Angers  for  the  Protestant  party;  loses  it  again. 

and  is  slain  there,  i,  124. 


340  INDEX. 

Fresne,  Peter  Forget  de,  secretarj'  of  state,  made  one  of  the  member^ 
of  the  new  council  of  finances,  124,  128.  Supports  the  fraudulent 
financiers,  109.  Quarrels  with  Sully,  ii,  172.  Devoted  to  the  interests 
of  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  238,  9,  357.  Cause  of  his  enmity  to  Sully, 
iii,  385.  Favours  the  Jesuits  on  occasion  of  the  dispute  which  hap- 
pened between  the  Rochellers  and  father  Seguiran,  iv,  153.  The  letter 
he  writes  after  the  prince  of  Condi's  flig4it,  363. 

Friars  and  monks.  They  form  themselves  into  a  regiment  at  the  siege  of 
Paris,  i,  235.  Endeavour  to  assassinate  Henry  IV,  385.  A  great  many 
religious  orders  established  by  Clement  VIII,  iii  173.  Others  who  fix 
in  France,  345. 

Friesland.  The  prince  of  Orange  defends  this  province  against  the  Spa- 
niards, iii,  432,  3. 

Frontenac,  a  Protestant  officer,  his  quarrel  with  Sullj'.  i,  59,  ii,  167. 

Frontiers,  Sully  causes  plans  to  be  drawn  of  them,  and  obliges  the  Spa- 
niards and  the  duke  of  Lorrain  to  make  a  restitution  of  those  places  they 
had  usurped  there,  iv,  264. 

Fuentes,  count  of,  defeats  the  French  at  Dourlens,  ii,  54.  Opposes  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  401.  Corresponds  with  marshal 
Biron,  512.  Takes  possession  of  the  marquisate  of  Final,  532.  Con- 
tinues to  cabal  against  France,  iii,  160.  Miscarries  at  the  assembly  of 
Coir,  339.  His  cabals  among  the  Grisons,  iv,  174. 


Oabelle.  Henry  IV,  occasions  some  murmurs  by  his  design  of  establishing 
this  tax  over  all  the  kingdom,  iii,  407.  Sullj 's  maxims  with  respect  to 
this  branch  of  the  finances,  409, 10.  Several  regulations,  iv,  216.  Aug- 
mentations to  be  made  in  it  when  necessary,  323. 

Gabrielle,  the  Fair.  See  Estrees. 

Gadagne.  See  Botheon. 

Gadancourt,  de,  defeats  the  forces  of  the  League,  ii,  44.  Goes  with  Sully 
to  London,  iii,  48. 

Gages  for  combat.  See  Duel. 

Gaillon.  Henry  IV,  designs  to  purchase  this  house,  ii,  17. 

Galati,  a  Swiss  colonel,  the  saying  of  Henry  IV,  to  him  at  the  battle  of 
Arques,  i,  207. 

Galerande,  George  de  Clermont  d'Amboise,  de,  i,  128. 

Galigai,  Stephen,  obtains  the  archbishopric  of  Tours,  iv,  474.  An  account 
of  his  person  and  character,  ib. 

GaJigai,  Leonora,  comes  into  France  in  the  queen's  train,  ii,  403  Henry 
IV  dislikes  both  her  and  her  husband,  iv,  310.  She  marries  Conchini: 
Henry  intends  to  send  them  to  Italy,  which  the  queen  will  not  consent 


iNDEX.  341 

to  W,  228.     See  Conchini.  She  engages  in  the  conspiracies  against  the 

designs  and  life  of  Henry  IV,  309.     Gratuities  procured  for  her  by  the 

queen,  341.  Admitted  into  the  secret  council  of  the  queen  regent,  465. 

Whose  favourite  she  is,  503.  She  quarrels  with  the  nobles  and  ministers 

of  state,  V,  40. 
Gallies,  armament  of,  fitted  out  by  Sully;  the  captains  of  gallies  sued  by 

him,  iv,  195.  See  Marine. 
Gamache,  Nicholas Rouhaltde,  aProtestant  lord,  i,  27.  Charles  IX,  grants 

him  his  life,  37. 
Gand,  viscount  of.  See  Melun. 
Gap,  synod  of,  where  the  Protestants  propose  the  doctrine  that  the  pope 

is  antichrist,  ii,  253.  The  doctrine  of  Gap  resumed  in  the  synod  of  Ro- 

chelle,  iv,  147. 
Garde,  Baron  de  La,  endeavours  to  sieze  Rochelle  by  stratagem,  i,  22. 

Surrenders  Caudebec  to  the  prince  of  Parma,  284. 
— ,  Francis  Du-Jardin,  called  captain  La,  his  history;  his  trial  on  oc- 
casion of  Ravaillac's  conspiracy,  v,  191. 
Gargouille,  La,  the  origin  of  this  fable.     See  Romaine. 
Garmare,  count  of,  sent  by  the  duke  of  Savoy  to  Paris;  receives  a  present 

from  Henry  IV,  iv,  176. 
Gamache,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  1 82. 
,  Nemours  de  la,  takes  his  mother  prisoner,  and  is  taken  by  her 

in  his  turn,  145,  6. 
,  de  Rohan,  lady  of  La,  takes  her  son  prisoner,  after  having  been 


made  prisoner  by  him  first,  i,  145,  6. 
Garnet,  Henry,  a  Jesuit,  what  share  he  had  in  the  conspiracy  against  the 

king  of  England,  iv,  176. 
Gamier,  preacher  to  the  king,  the  gratuity  he  receives,  ii,  385.  He  assists 

Biron  in  his  preparations  for  death,  ii,  493. 
G  atine,  Philip  de,  tumult  about  the  cross  of  Gatine,  i,  24. 
Gaucherie,  La,  preceptor  to  Henry  IV,  i,  11. 
Gaudin.     See  Babou,  Estrees. 

Gaul.  In  what  manner  the  French  settled  there,  r,  65. 
Gautiers.  See  League,  Montpensier. 
Gelais,  Guy  de  Saint,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  i,  34, 

128.  See  Lansac. 
Gendarms,  of  the  queen,  company  of,  Sully  yields  up  the  command  of  it, 

iii,  313. 

,  of  the  duke  of  Orleans,  company  of  created,  iv,  194. 

Gendre,  le,  one  of  Sully's  secretaries,  iv,  61. 

Geneva.  Sully  visits  that  city  during  the  war  with  Savoy,  and  frees  the 

inhabitants  from  their  apprehensions,  ii,  393,  4.  Henry  IV,  permits 

them  to  demolish  Fort  St.  Catherine,  ib.  The  duke  of  Savoy  fails  ixi 
VOL.  V.  i 


342  INDEX. 

his  attempt  upon  this  city,  which  is  followed  by  a  treaty  of  peace  througk 
the  meditation  of  the  Swiss  cantons,  533.  Henry  IV,  takes  Geneva  un- 
der his  protection,  and  forms  mag'azines  there,  iv,  175.  Du-Terrail,  in 
endeavouring- to  surprise  this  city,  is  taken  prisoner  and  beheaded,  377. 
Geuevois,  prince  of.  See  Garnache. 

Genies,  Elie  de  Gontault  de  Badefou  de  Saint,  brother-in-law  to  Sully,  i. 
461.  Serves  the  king  in  the  affair  of  the  Moors  revolt  from  Spain,  iv. 
382. 

— ,  mademoiselle  de  Saint,  marshal  Biron  proposes  a  marriage  be 

tween  her  and  his  brother,  i,  461.  See  Blancard,  Saint.  She  is  married 
to  him,  ii,  493.  The  two  families  endeavour  afterwards  to  procure  a  di- 
vorce, iv,  334. 
Genis,  Saint,  assists  in  seizing  the  tv.'o  Luquisses,  iv,  9. 
Genlis,  John  d'Angest  d'lvoj'^,  of,  defeated  in  Flanders  with  the  conni- 
vance of  the  court  of  France,  i,  31. 
George,  d'Aussonville  de  Saint,  commands  the  troops  of  Lorrain  in  Bur- 
gundy, his  successes  there,  ii,  43.  The  part  he  has  in  the  battle  of  Fon- 
taine-Fran^oise,  ii,  61. 

,  court  of  Saint,  commands  the  Spanish  forces  in  Flanders,  iii,  160. 

Geran,  de  Saint,  present  at  the  battle  of  Aumale,  i,  269.     And  Fontaine- 

Frangoise,  ii,  65.  His  friendship  for  Sully  caluminated,  iii,  390. 
Gergeau,  taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  194.  Sully  obtains  the  government  of 
it,  iii,  177.  General  assembly  of  the  Protestants  held  in  this  city:  Sully 
does  the  king  great  serv  ice  there,  iv,  257. 
Germain,  Saint,  suburb  of  taken  by  Henry  IV,  at  the  first  onset,  i,  211. 
Fair  of  St.  Germain,  Henry  IV,  loses  money  there  at  play,  iv,  199. 

■ ,  Saint,  de-Bea«nie.     See  Beaupre. 

,  Saint,  de-Clan.  See  Clan. 

Germain-en-Laye,  Saint,  the  friends  of  the  two  princes  make  an  at- 
tempt to  carry  them  off  i'rom  that  place,  but  fail,  i,  49.  Henry  IV's 
buildings  and  embellishments  there,  iii,  78.  Henry's  residence  in  this 
castle,  and  his  indisposition  there,  33.  Sends  the  children  of  France  to 
reside  in  it,  iv,  202. 
German-horse  and  foot.  Their  march  into  France  imprudently  concerted, 
i,  141.  Defeated  at  Auneau,  170.  They  and  th«  Lansquenets  betray 
Henry  IV,  at  the  battles  of  Arques  and  Ivry,  206,  220.  They  are 
.slaughtered,  223.  The  duke  of  Bouillon  makes  a  new  levy  of  these 
forces,  and  leades  them  to  the  siege  of  Rouen,  258.  They  refuse  to  pur- 
sue the  prince  of  Parma,  295. 
Germany.  Its  ancient  dukes  descended  from  the  house  of  Habsbourg. 
See  Habsbourg.  Henry's  design  advantageous  for  the  electors  and  prin- 
ces of  Germany,  ii,  309.  Their  true  policy  with  regard  to  Spain  and 
Austria,  iii,  120.  They  resolve  to  unite  with  Henry,  333.     Custoras  of 


INDEX.  343 

duels  in  Germany  different  from  those  in  France,  iv,  54.  Henry  makes 
new  allies,  68.  Debts  of  France  to  the  princes  and  cities  in  Germany 
discharged,  1 79.  Affairs  of  Germany;  and  the  commotions  that  happen 
there,  286.  Henry  engages  the  princes  in  his  interests,  307.  They 
send  a  deputation  to  him  from  Hall,  on  occasion  of  the  succession  of 
Cleves,  402.  See  Cleves.  They  enter  into  a  more  strict  alliance  with 
\  France,  415.  Ambassadors  appointed  to  reside  there  during  the  exe- 
fcution  of  the  great  design,  422.  Part  of  the  great  design  which  re- 
lates to  its  princes  and  circles,  v,  102.  Forces  and  money  to  be  con- 
tributed by  them,  188. 
GSvres,  Lewis  Potier  de,  secretary  of  state,  signs  the  duke  of  Guise's 

treaty,  ii,  26,  iii,  270. 
Gibraltar.     The  Flemings  gain  a  naval  battle  over  the  Spaniards  before 

tliis  town,  iv,  168. 
Giez,  plots  with  d'Entragues  to  release  the  count  of  Auvergne  out  of  the 

Bastile,  iii,  353. 
Gillot,  James,  counsellor  of  the  parliament,  concerned  in  the  affair  of 
Adrienne  de  Fresne,  iv,  106. 

,  secretary  of  the  ordnance.     The  benefits  he  receives  from  Sully, 

and  the  advice  he  gives  him  at  his  retreat,  v,  41. 
Gisors.     Taken  by  Sully;  he  is  denied  the  government  of  it,  i,  242.  Hen- 
ry's kindness  to  the  poor  receiver  there,  ii,  190. 
Giversac,  Mark  de  Cugnac,  de,  a  Protestant  gentleman  of  the  disaffected 

part}',  iv,  31. 
Givry,  Anne  d'Anglure  de,  attaches  himself  to  Henrj'  IV,  after  the  death 
of  Henry  HI,  i,  200.  Present  in  the  battle  of  Aumale;  his  eulogium, 
269.  Defends  Neufchatel  but  indifferently,  281 .  Defeats  the  supplies 
which  the  Spaniards  endeavour  to  throw  into  Laon,  457,  463.  Assits 
at  the  defeats  of  the  grand  convoy,  and  draws  the  army  into  danger  by 
some  false  advices,  ib. 
Givry,  cardinal,  lends  money  to  Henry  IV,  iv,  199.     Is  proposed  for  the 

bishopric  of  Metz. 
Glasgow,  James  de  Bethune,  arcHbishop  of,  recommended  to  Sully  by  the 
cardinal  of  Bourbon,  i,  448.     Anecdotes  relating  to  his  extraction  and 
his  life,  449.     Henry  IV  grants  him  his  protection,  455.     Sully's  letter 
to  him  upon  the  accession  of  king  James  iii,  29. 
Glass,  manufactory  of,  established  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  419. 
Gobelin,  keeper  of  the  royal  treasure,  ii,  136. 
Gondy,  Albert  de,  duke  of  Retz.  See  Retz. 

,  Charles  of.  See  Belleisle. 

,  Peter,  cardinal  of,  bishop  of  Paris,  the  pope  refuses  to  give  him 

audience  when  sent  to  him  by  Henry  IV,  i,  360.     Returns  to  Rome  in 


344  INDEX. 

the  name  of  Henry  IV,  377.     Is  made  head  of  the  council  of  reason,  li, 

154. 
Gondy,  a  contractor,  iv,  179.  Debts  to  him  dischai^ed  by  Sully,  228. 
Gontault.  See  Biron,  Salignac,  Blancard,  Genies. 
Gonthier,  a  Jesuit:  his  character,  iii,  192.  His  plots  at  court  to  ruin  Sully, 

355.     Henry  IV  »ives  him  a  severe  reprimand  for  his  seditious  manner 

of  preaching,  iv,  347. 
Gordes,  Bertrand  de  Simiane  de,  endeavours  to  save  the  Protestants  at 

the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  i,  44. 
Gourdon,  de  Terride,  viscount  of,  author  of  the  enterprise  against  Cahors^ 

i,  77.  Eeheves  Villemur,  310. 
Gournay,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  203.     This  prince  in  danger  of  his  life 

there,  385. 
Government.     Maxims  and  reflections  upon  government,  ii,  414;  iii,  125, 

iv,  269,  522.    The  great  difficult}'  of  correcting  the  abuses  which  had 

crept  into  it  before  his  reign,  iv,  189,  90. 
Gradenigo,  ambassador  from  Venice  to  France,  ii,  423. 
Grain,  regulations  concerning  it,  ii,  231;  iii,  228. 
Gramraont,  Antony  I,  de,  a  Protestant  lord,  i,  27.     Charles  IX  saves  him 

from  the  massacre  of  St.  B;  rtholomew,  37,  59. 
■ ,  Antony  II,  de,  Sully's  friendship  for  him  calumniated,  iii,  390- 

The  spoils  he  takes  from  the  Spaniards,  iv,  163. 

,  Phillibert  de,  quits  the  party  of  Henry  IV,  i,  74.  • 

Grange,  Francis  de  la.  See  Montigny,  Arquien. 

Grange  le  Roi,  one  of  the  members  of  the  new  council  of  the  finances,  ii, 

36.    One  of  the  deputies  to  the  districts  of  the  kingdom,  126.     Opposes 

SuUy  in  the  council,  172. 
Gratz,  archdukes  of.  See  Austria,  Margaret,  Ferdinand  of. 
Grave,  taken  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  ii,  531, 
Gravelines,  some  forces  defeated  there,  i,  14. 
Gravesend,  Sully's  reception  there,  iii,  44. 
Gray,  military  exploits  in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  city,  ii,  65. 
Great  Britain.  See  England. 

Grec,  captain,  lieutenant  for  the  league  in  x4ngers:  killed  there,  i,  123. 
Gregory  XIII,  Pope,  rejoices  at  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew,  i,  35. 
Gregory  XIV,  sends  troops  to  the  assistance  of  tlie  league,  i,  267, 
Grezin,  bridge  of,  article  of  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  concerning  this  bridge 

and  the  pass  there,  ii,  401. 
Grey,  lord,  conspires  against  king  James,  iii,  154. 
Griffin.  Sully  sees  him  at  Dover,  ii,  428.  One  of  the  disaffected  lords,  iii, 

55. 
Grillon,  Lewis  Berton  de,  gives  Henry  III  good  counsel  on  the  day  of  the 

barricadoes,  i,  172.    Henry  IV  writes  a  letter  to  him,  after  the  battle  ol 


i<NDEX.  345 

Arques,  207.  His  valour  at  the  sieg-e  of  Rouen,  2G7.  He  rails  at  mar- 
shal Biron  in  the  king's  presence.  395.  Bon-mot  of  his  upon  the  superin- 
tcudant  d'O,  ii,  19.  The  adventure  at  Charbonnieres  which  creates  a 
friendship  between  him  and  Sully,  iii,  366.  His  character,  ib.  An  af- 
fair between  him  and  Sully,  relating  to  the  post  of  colonel  of  the  guards, 
369.  His  whimsical  humour,  and  arrogant  manner  of  speaking  to  the 
king,  371.  , 

Grillon,  Thomas  Berton,  commandeur  de,  endeavours  to  deprive  Boisro&e 
of  Fescamp,  i,  391. 

Grisons,  Henry  IV  unites  them  with  the  Venetians,  ii,  529.  Origin  of  their 
differences  with  Spain,  iii,  334.  They  declare  against  Spain,  339.  En- 
ter into  a  league  with  Fraace  and  the  republic  of  V^enice,  iv,  174.  Debts 
due  to  them  by  France  discharged  by  Sully,  179.  How  concerned  in  the 
great  design,  v,  9-3. 

Gueldres,  count  and  counts  of  this  name,  iv,  385.  Disputes  concerning 
this  succession.     Sec  Cleves. 

Guesse,  La,  dissuades  Henry  HI  from  having  the  duke  of  Guise  assassi- 
nated, i,  172.  Kills  James  Clement,  195.  One  of  the  courtiers  who  op- 
pose the  measures  of  Sully,  ii,  37G;  iii,  270. 

Guerche,  George  de  Villequier  de  La,  defeated  at  the  pass  of  Vienne,  i, 
301. 

Gueretrj",  Antony  de  ]Marazin,  de,  murdered  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, i,  36, 

Guerel,  John,  a  Jesuit,  involved  in  the  conspiracy  of  Chatel,  ii,  43. 

Guiche,  Diana  d'Andoin,  countess  de  la,  beloved  by  Henry  IV,  i,  105. 
Sends  him  forces  at  her  own  expense:  the  answer  made  by  her  son  to 
this  prince,  ib.  Henry  presents  her  with  the  colours  taken  at  the  battle 
of  Coutras,  1 68.  Favours  the  amours  of  the  princess  Catherine  and  the 
count  of  Soissons,  401.  Gives  bad  counsels  to  this  princess,  ii,  1 03.  Let- 
ters from  Henry  IV  to  her,  v,  appendix. 

,  Phillibert  de  La,  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  mutinies  at  the 

siege  of  Rouen,  i,  443. 

Guidi,  Chevalier,  agent  for  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  in  France,  iv, 
378.  Henry  IV  attaches  him  to  himself,  381. 

Guignard,  John,  a  Jesuit,  is  hanged  on  account  of  his  being  concerned  in 
Chatel's  conspiracy,  ii,  43.  An  examination  of  this  fact,  ib.  See  Je- 
suits. 

Guise,  house  of,  establishes  itself  in  France,  i,  14.  Their  ambition  and  pro- 
jects, 113,  172,  etseq.  Friendship  between  them  and  Sully,  iii,  379. 
Sully  justifies  them  to  Henry  IV,  iv,  160,  and  does  them  great  service, 
239.    Henry's  aversion  to  that  family,  245. 

Guise,  Catherine  of  Cleves,  dutchess  of,  her  character  and  eulogium,  ii, 
20.  Henry  grants  her  a  pardon  for  the  prince  of  Joinville,  506.  Agree- 


346  INDEX. 

ablcness  of  hsr  conversation,  iii,  233.  Friendship  between  her  and  Sul- 
ly, iv,  124.  She  gives  SulJy  informations  of  the  new  court,  v,  11. 
Guise,  Charles  of  Lorrain,  duke  of,  makes  his  escape  from  the  castle  of 
Tours:  a  saying-  of  Henry's  concerning  this  escape,  i,  254.  His  squadron 
defeated  at  Bar,  239,  and  afterwards  at  Yvetot,  286.  His  designs,  plots, 
4*c.  with  the  states  of  Paris  disconterted,  3 1 2.  Sully  concludes  his  trea- 
ty, ii,  25.  He  comes  tcf  court:  praises  of  his  conduct  in  Provence,  28. 
Reduction  of  Marseilles,  and  other  brave  actions  of  this  duke,  31.  He 
drives  the  duke  d'Epernon  from  Provence,  117.  The  sum  of  money  he 
receives  upon  this  treaty,  263.  His  reception  of  the  archduke  at  Mar- 
seilles, 293.  An  adventure  between  him  and  Grillon,  iii,  365.  Sully 
takes  his  part  against  Henry,  iv,  163,245.  The  queen-regent  makes 
him  one  of  th6  members  of  the  new  council  of  state,  466.  He  quarrels 
with  the  count  of  Soissons,  472.  Continues  attached  to  Sully,  against 
all  his  enemies,  v,  11.  Gratuities  which  he  procures  from  the  queen- 
regent,  23. 

Guise,  Francis  de  Lorrain,  duke  of,  rekindles  the  war  between  France 
and  Spain,  i,  14.  He  is  put  the  head  of  the  council  and  the  armies,  15. 
In  di'^grace  after  the  death  of  Francis  H,  16.  His  death,  his  titles,  14. 
He  forms  the  plan  of  the  League. 

Guise,  Henry  of  Lorrain,  duke  of,  Catherine  de  Medicis  unites  with  him, 
i,  16.  Charles  IX  opposes  his  marriage  with  Margaret  of  Valois,  at- 
tempts to  murder  him,  18.  Author  of  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholo- 
mew, 28.  Leads  the  -assassins  to  admiral  de  Coligny;  pursues  Montgo- 
mery, 36.  Friendship  between  him  and  the  king  of  Navarre,  53.  Henry 
HI  hates  him,  69.  The  weakness  of  his  party  in  its  beginning,  114.  Ac- 
cused of  being  indifferent  about  all  religions,  121.  Defeats  the  foreign 
forces  at  Auneau,  170.  Da*y  of  the  barricadoes,  172.  Different  opinions 
concerning  his  views  in  this  enterprise,  173.  His  conference  with  Cathe- 
rine de  Midicis,  180.  Assassinated  at  Blois,  179.  His  character;  his 
projects,  &c.,  ib. 

Guise,  Lewis  of  Lorrain,  cardinal  of:  assassinated  at  Blois,  i,  178. 

Guise,  mademoiselle  de,  Margaret  of  Lorrain.  Solicits  Henry  IV  in  favour 
of  her  brother,  ii,  20.  Designed  to  be  married  to  the  king,  217.  Her 
gallantries,  ib.  She  is  employed  in  the  marriage  of  M.  de  Vendome  with 
mademoiselle  de  Mercoeur,  iv,  245. 

Guitry,  John  de  Chaumont  de,  author  of  the  scheme  for  carr^-^ing  off  the 
queen-mother  from  Saint  Germaine,  i,  48,  60.  Negociations  in  Germany 
for  the  Protestant  party,  159.  Is  partly  the  cause  of  the  defeat  at  Au- 
neau, 170. 

Guitry,  present  at  the  siege  of  Laon,  and  the  attack  of  the  grand  convoy, 
i,  458. 


INDEX.  347 


H. 


Habsbourg,  Raoul,  or  Rodolphus  de,  first  author  of  the  grandeur  of  .the 

house  of  Austria,  i,  5.  The  States  conquered  by  liim,  iv,  67. 
Hacqueville,  de  Vieuxpont  d',  surrenders  Pontaudcmer  to  the  prince  of 

Parma,  i,  429. 
Hall,  assembly  of,  and  a  deputation  sent  to  Henrj-  IV  by  the  German 

princes,  iv,  402. 
Hallot,  Francis  de  Montmorency  de,  wounded  at  tlie  siege  of  Eoucn,  i, 

260.  Assasinated  by  d'AUegre,  iv,  197. 
Hallot,  Michael  Bourrouge  du,  governor  of  Angers  for  Henry  III,  his  pir- 

nishment,  i,  123. 
Ham,  taken  at  the  first  assault  by  the  French,  ii,  53. 
Harlay,  Achilles  de,  first  president.     His  resolute  reply  to  the  duke  of 
Guise,  after  the  action  of  the  barricadoes,  i,  174.    He  draws  up  the  pro- 
cess against  marshal  Biron,  ii,  490.     Opposes  the  return  of  the  Jesuits, 
iii,  193.  Appointed  one  of  the  council  of  the  regency  by  Henry  IV,  iv, 
422.     A  speech  of  his  to  the  duke  of  Epornoa  after  the  assassination  of 
that  prince,  v,  188. 
Havre-de-Grace.     Delivered  up  to  the  English  by  the  Protestants,  i,  23. 
Taken  by  the  forces  of  Henry  IV,  212.    Surrenders  to  this  prmce,  433. 
The  sum  paid  for  its  reduction,  ii,  264. 
Hague.    Treaty  between  Spain  and  the  United  Provinces;  and  that  of  the 
mediation  of  the  kings  of  France  and  England  concluded  in  this  place, 
iv,  370. 
Hayes,  des  Gasque,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  makes  his  escape  at  the  mas- 
sacre of  Saint  Bartholomew,  i,  34. 
Hebert,  Charles,  an  agent  of  marshal  Biron,  obtains  the  king's  pardon, 

ii,  497.  Continues  his  plots  at  Milan,  iii,  160. 
Heemskerk,  Jacob,  the  Dutch  vice-admiral,  gains  a  great  naval  victory 

over  the  Spaniards;  killed  in  the  battle,  iv,  168,  9. 
Henry  II.  King  of  France.  A  saying  of  his  to  the  prince  of  IVavarre,  i,  1 1. 
A  rupture  between  this  prince  and  Philip  II,  13.  He  is  killed  in  a  tour- 
nament, 15.  Value  of  the  taille  in  his  reign,  iv,  272.  He  succours  the 
German  princes  against  Charles  V,  395. 
Henry  III,  King  of  France.  Accu.sed  of  being  the  author  of  the  prince  of 
Cond^'s.assassination,  i,  2.  The  discourse  of  this  prince  to  Miron,  his 
first  physician,  28.  He  is  elected  king  of  Poland,  and  raises  the  siege  of 
Rochelle,  47,  48.  At  his  return  from  Poland,  he  declares  war  against 
the  Huguenots;  raises  the  siege  of  Livron,  52.  Marries  the  princess  of 
Vaudemont,  ib.  His  aversion  to  monsieur,  ib.  He  concludes  the  peace 
of  1577,  out  of  hatred  to  the  Guises.    Rosny  deputed  to  him  by  Henry 


MS  INDEX. 

IV*.  Receives  monsieur  coolly,  at  his  return  from  Flanders,  107.  Re- 
proaches Henry  IV"  on  account  of  Margaret  of  V^alois,  105.  Quarrels 
with,  and  is  aftertvards  reconciled  to  the  League:  forced  to  unite  with 
it,  1 1 6.  Loses  an  opportunity  of  re-uniting  the  Low  Countries  to  France, 
ib.  Supports  the  League  through  timidity,  122.  Beginning  of  the  nego- 
ciation  for  the  union  of  the  two  kings,  136.  A  saying  of  his  concerning 
the  Protestants  of  the  League,  135.  Cause  that  the  foreign  troops  were 
defeated  at  Auneau,  170.  Bad  policy  of  his  council,  147, 148.  Puts  the 
duke  of  Joyeuse  at  the  head  of  his  army,  151.  Errors  committed  on  the 
day  of  the  barricadoes,  172.  Conversation  between  him  and  Sully,  177. 
Sully  negociates  with  him  for  a  union  between  the  two  kings,  186,  88. 
Henry  I\*  praists  him,  140.  The  success  of  his  arms;  he  besieges  Pa- 
ris, 194.  Is  wounded  at  St.  Cloud,  and  dies:  the  friendship  he  expresses 
for  Henry  IV^,  195.  His  favourites,  ii,  17.  It  is  proposed  to  him  to  marry 
the  princess  Catherine,  295.  Debts  contracted  by  hirn  through  the 
League,  iv,  7.  Augmentation  of  the  taille  under  his  reign,  iv,  272. 
Henry  IV,  King  of  Fi-ance,  particulars  relating  to  his  birth,  his  educa- 
tion, and  Ids  happy  qualities,  10.  Titles  borne  successively  by  him,  1 1. 
His  talents  for  war,  ib.  Declared  chief  of  the  Protestants  party,  17. 
Plot  between  him  and  the  duke  of  Alencon  to  strangle  Catherine  dc 
Medicis,  1&.  He  goes  to  reside  at  Rochelle,  after  the  peace  of  1570, 
17.  A  project  of  marrying  him  to  Margaret  of  V'alois,  18-  Overhears 
something  concerning  the  result  of  the  conference  at  Bayonne,  Sfil. 
Marries  Slargaret,  30.  Cannot  be  prevailed  upon  to  leave  Paris,  34. 
In  what  manner  he  escapes  death  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
39.  Means  made  use  of  by  the  queen-mother  to  embroil  him  with  mon- 
sieur, 53.  Rejects  with  horror  tlie  proposals  of  murdering  that  prince: 
his  friendship  with  the  duke  of  Guise,  ib.  He  escapes  from  court,  54. 
Is  abandoned  by  monsieur,  55.  Takes  up  arms  again,  but  with  little 
success,  57.  Besieges  Marmande,  60.  He  takes  Eause  b\' storm,  62. 
Other  military  exploits,  64.  A  bold  action  of  his  at  Nerac,  68.  Quar- 
rels with  the  prince  of  Conde,  69.  Has  conferences  with  the  queen- 
mother,  70,  71,  141.  His  gallantries  with  her  maids  of  honour,  ib. 
Takes  Fleurence  and  Saint  Emilion,  73.  Takes  Cahors  by  assault,  76. 
Disconcerts  the  prince  of  Conde's  scheme,  83.  Takes  Monsegur,  and 
shuts  himself  up  in  ^Verac,  84.  The  friendship  he  conceives  for  Sully, 
86.  A  conversation  bet^veen  him  and  Sully,  in  which  he  foretells  what 
will  happen  to  monsieur  and  hun  in  Flanders,  91.  His  answers  to  the 
sharp  letters  he  receives  from  Henry  III,  106.  An  attempt  to  poison 
him,  1 12.  He  makes  preparations  for  resisting  the  forces  of  the  League: 
Lis  indignation  at  the  treaty  of  jN'emours,  114.  His  confidence  in  Sully. 
119.  Deputies  sent  him  from  the  court,  120.  His  true  sentiments  con- 
cerniug  religion.  121.  His  party  worsted  at  Angers,  121.  Fights  against 


INDEX.  349 

the  three  armies  of  Maienne,  Joyeuse,  and  Matignon,  132.  Goes  to  Ro- 
chelle,  133.  Takes  Talmont,  140.  Chizay,  Sanzy,  Saint- Maixent,  and 
Fontenai,  140,  42.  Takes  Maillezais,  Rlauleon,  La-Gamachc,  144,  5. 
Loses  Nyort,  Parthenai,  and  retires  to  Rochelle,  147.  His  danger  at 
Saint-Brix,  149.  Joyeuse  takes  Saint-Maixent  and  Maillezais  frorii 
him,  152.  The  advantages  he  gains  over  this  army,  153.  He  wins  thd 
battle  of  Coutras,  161.  The  faults  he  commits,  which  hinder  him  from 
deriving  anj'  advantage  from  this  victory,  163.  He  goes  to  Beam,  and 
there  makes  a  discovery  of  the  plots  of  the  count  of  Soissons,  168.  His 
grief  for  the  death  of  the  prince  of  Conde;  justifies  Charlotte  Catherine 
de  la  Tremouille,  171.  Offers  his  person  and  forces  to  Henry  III,  after 
the  action  of  the  barricadoes,  175.  A  saying  of  his  upon  the  assassina- 
tion of  tlie  Guises,  IRO.  Endeavours  to  disconcert  the  designs  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  Protestant  party,  falls  sick  at  La-Mothe-Frdlon,  deputes 
SuUy  to  Henry  III,  and  takes  Garnache  and  Nyort,  182;  and  after- 
wards Chatelleraut  and  Argenton,  185,  6.  Has  a  conference  with 
Henry  III,  after  the  treaty  of  Plessis-les-Tours,  183.  Forces  the  duke 
of  Maienne  from  Tours,  190.  The  great  services  he  does  Henry  III, 
and  the  danger  to  which  he  exposes  himself,  194.  Henry  III,  jealous 
of  him,  ibid.  He  visits  this  prince  when  wounded:  the  marks  of  affec- 
tion which  he  recives  from  him,  196.  He  asks  advice  from  Sully,  197. 
Acknowledged  king  of  France  by  some  of  the  chief  officers  in  the  roy- 
alist party,  and  abandoned  by  others,  199.  Retires  from  Paris;  he  sur- 
prises Meulan,  takes  Clermont  and  other  cities  of  Normandy,  200 
Gains  a  victory  at  Arques,  207.  He  harasses  his  enemies;  tlie  danger  he 
is  in  at  Dieppe,  208.  Loses  Vernon,  and  advances  towards  Paris;  at- 
tacks the  suburbs,  but  without  success,  211.  Takes  Estampe,  and  seve- 
ral other  towns,  210.  Raises  the  siege  of  Meulan,  214.  Fights  the  bat- 
tle of  Ivry,  217.  Caresses  Sully  highly,  and  confers  the  order  of  knight- 
hood upon  him,  229.  Takes  Dreux,  and  loses  Sens:  causes  of  his  not 
taking  advantage  of  this  victory,  233.  He  carries  the  suburbs  of  Paris, 
and  lays  siege  to  the  city,  234.  Raises  the  siege  through  tenderness  to 
the  inhabitants,  238.  Commits  an  error  by  posting  himself  at  Chelles, 
240.  Takes  Clermont,  213,  and  pursues  the  prince  of  Parma:  saves 
the  life  of  the  baron  de  Biron,  239.  Goes  to  Coeuvres  to  visit  the  Fair 
Gabrielle,  242.  He  takes  Chartres,  246,  and  Corbie,  ib.  His  passion 
for  mademoiselle  d'Estrees,  247.  A  letter  from  Henry  IV,  to  Sully,  ib. 
The  taking  of  Noyon,  and  other  advantages  gained  over  the  league,  249. 
Defeats  Sully's  enterprise  against  the  duke  of  Maienne,  at  Mante,  252. 
He  surprises  Louviers,  253.  Takes  possession  of  a  part  of  Normandy, 
254.  Goes  to  Compeigne  to  visit  the  fair  Gabrielle,  255.  Favours  a 
marriage  between  the  viscount  de  Turenne  and|madcmoiselle  de  Bouil- 
lon, ib.  He  undertakes  the  siege  of  Rouen,  257.     He  goes  to  raeet  tbB 

VOL.  V.  k 


S50  INDEX. 

prince  of  Parma,  270.  A  saying'  of  his  upon  the  death  of  Sixtus  V,  268- 
Marches  and  encampments  of  this  prince,  270.  He  defeats  a  squadron 
of  the  duke  of  Guise,  271.  Battle  of  Aumale,  in  which  he  is  wounded, 
274 — 77.  Forces  the  duke  of  Parma  to  repass  the  Somme,  278.  Mu- 
tiny in  his  army,  280.  Raises  tlie  siege  of  Rouen,  282.  He  offers  the 
prince  of  Parma  battle,  282.  Divides  his  forces,  283.  Joins  them  again, 
and  defeats  the  advanced  guard  of  his  enemies,  285.  Gains  other  ad- 
vantages, 286.  Greatly  perplexed  how  to  keep  his  army  together,  294. 
Disbands  it,  and  leads  the  Protestant  troops  into  Picardy,  298.  His  se- 
cret motive  for  this  journey,  300.  He  disconcerts  the  plots  of  the  count 
of  Soissons  in  Beam,  303.  Takes  Epernay,  and  disbands  his  troops, 
313;  The  great  confidence  he  places  in  SuUy,  326.  Conversations  be- 
tween him  and  Sully,  wherein  the  latter  urges  him  to  change  his  reli- 
gion, 331.  Conditions  proposed  to  him  by  the  league,  346,  which  he 
rejects,  348.  His  claim  to  the  crown  incontestible,  357.  He  raises  the 
siege  of  Selles,  ib.  His  ambassadors  rejected  at  Rome,  358.  He  en- 
deavours to  gain  the  pope,  and  agrees  to  a  conference  with  the  Catho- 
lics, 359.  He  is  present  at  the  conference  held  between  the  Catholics 
and  the  Protestants,  ib.  Besieges  and  takes  Dreux,  367.  The  sincerity 
of  his  conversion,  371.  His  conduct  towards  the  protestants,  372. 
The  letter  he  wrote  to  his  mistress  on  this  subject,  373.  Particulars  re- 
lating to  his  abjuration,  37[i.  He  sends  a  deputation  to  Rome,  377. 
The  wise  conduct  he  observes  with  Spam,  witli  the  league,  and  the 
Huguenots,  379.  He  grants  a  truce  to  the  deputies  from  the  city  of 
Paris,  380.  Receives  a  Spanish  deputy,  383.  Saying  of  his  concerning 
his  abjuration,  382.  Bon-mot  concerning  La-Varenne,  384.  He  re- 
sumes his  conferences  upon  religion:  the  Catliolics  jealous  of  the  Pro- 
testants about  his  person,  386.  He  commences  a  treaty  with  admiral 
Villars,  388.  Succours  Fescamp,  392.  Is  received  into  Meaux,  &c.  ib. 
Crowned  at  Chartres,  396.  He  is  received  in  Paris,  where  he  pardons 
all  his  enemies,  422,  24.  Particulars  and  bon-mots  of  his  on  this  sub- 
ject, 325,  326.  Present  made  by  him  to  Sully,  438  His  reception  of 
Villars;  several  cities  submit  to  him,  439.  He  goes  into  Picardy,  443. 
Lays  siege  to  Laon,  ib.  Prevents  the  Spaniards  from  succouring  Laon, 
459.  His  army  in  danger  of  being  surprised  by  the  Spaniards,  462. 
The  military  qualities  of  this  prince  extolled,  464.  He  conceals  the 
causes  he  has  for  complaint  against  Bouillon,  ii,  2.  Deputes  Sully  to 
him,  ii,  4.  Makes  his  entry  into  several  towns  of  Picardy:  the  success 
of  his  arms  in  the  provinces,  13.  The  familiar  manner  in  which  this 
'  prince  lives  with  his  courtiers,  27.  His  amours  with  the  fair  Gabrielle. 
35.  Conversation  between  him  and  Alibour  upon  this  subject,  ib. 
Change  which  he  makes  in  the  council  of  finances,  36.  Declares  war 
against  Spain,  39.  Is  wounded  by  Cbatel,  41.  First  success  of  his  arm? 


INDEX-  351 

against  Spain,  44.  He  goes  to  Burgundy,  45.  His  amour  with  the  Fair 
Gabrielle,  46.  A  new  council  settled  during  his  absence,  47.  Conver- 
sation between  him  and  Sully  at  Moret,  49.  Campaign  of  Burgundy: 
battle  of  Fontaine-Frangoise,  60.  Henry  returns  to  Paris,  66.  Condi- 
tions upon  which  the  pope  grants  him  absolution,  68.  Loses  Calais,  72. 
He  provides  for  the  security  of  Picardy,  74.  He  reproaches  the  duke  of 
Montpensier  with  the  part  he  had  in  the  criminal  designs  of  the  gran- 
dees, 75.  Reproves  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  77.  Is  desirous  of  sending 
Sully  with  him,  78.  Lays  siege  to  La  Fere,  84.  Is  seized  with  an  indis- 
position, 85.  Loses  Arras,  86.  Angry  with  liis  council,  89.  Gives  au- 
dience to  the  deputies  from  Provence  and  Languedoc,  97.  Commissions 
Sully  to  break  off  the  marriage  between  the  princess  Catlierine  and 
the  count  of  Soissons,  ib.  Is  angry  with  Sully  upon  this  occasion,  and 
without  cause;  but  makes  him  reparation,  108.  The  different  fortunes 
of  his  arms  in  several  provinces,  115.  After  much  irresolution,  and 
many  obstacles,  he  obhges  the  council  of  finances  to  receive  Sully 
amongst  them,  117.  The  duke  of  Maienne  makes  a  treaty  with  him, 
and  comes  to  pay  him  his  obedience,  124.  He  orders  Sully  to  visit  the 
districts,  126.  Recalls  him,  in  consequence  of  some  bad  counsels  he  had 
received;  does  him  justice,  rewards  and  supports  him  against  Sancy  and 
the  council,  130.  His  speech  to  the  assembly  des  notables,  144.  The 
prudent  conduct  he  observes  towards  them,  153.  Project  for  the  siege 
of  Arras,  158.  The  great  concern  he  expresses  for  the  loss  of  Amiens, 
162.  He  lea\'es  Sully  at  the  head  of  the  council,  and  departs  for  this 
expedition,  170.  His  labours  at  this  siege  167.  His  solicitude  for  Sully's 
safety,  whom  he  makes  use  of  to  disconcert  the  pernicious  designs  of  the 
Protestants,  ib.  He  bestows  the  post  of  raa,ster-general  of  tlie  ordnance 
upon  d'Estrees,  180.  Retakes  Amiens,  183,  4.  A  fine  saying  of  Henry's 
with  regard  to  marshal  Biron,  184.  Several  military  expeditions,  in 
which  he  has  different  success,  188.  The  king  returns  to  Paris,  189. 
He  listens  to  negociations  for  a  peace,  193.  Suffers  himself  to  be  moved 
in  favour  of  the  duke  of  Mercoeur,  195.  He  pacifies  Brittany,  196.  A 
bon-mot  of  his  upon  Elizabeth,  the  archduke,  and  himself,  204.  A  fine 
conversation  which  he  holds  with  the  English  and  Dutch  amba.ssadors, 
upon  the  necessity  of  a  peace,  206.  He  puts  the  last  hand  to  the  edict 
of  Nantes,  211.  Speaks  and  acts  with  authority  to  Bouillon  and  the 
Protestants,  ib.  Resides  some  time  at  Uennes;  a  curious  conversation 
between  him  and  Sully  upon  the  dissolution  of  his  marriage,  214.  His 
extreme  weakness  with  respect  to  his  mistress,  222.  He  goes  into  Pi- 
cardy, 225.  His  pleasant  replies  to  those  that  harangue  him,  ib.  He 
signs  the  peace  of  Vervins  at  Paris,  226.  Henry  applies  himself  to  the 
affairs  of  government;  regulations  and  establislunents  which  he  makes 
in  the  militia,  fortifications,  police,  and  the  belles-letters,  230,  32.     He 


352  INDEX. 

interests  himself  in  the  question  of  the  true  or  false  Don  Sebastian,  233, 
His  great  confidence  in  Sully,  257.     Sums  paid  by  Henry  to  the  chiefs 
and  cities  of  the  league  at  their  treaties,  263.  He  takes  Sully's  part 
against  d'Epernon,  268,  and  the  grandees,  273.  Talents  of  this  prince 
for  government,  and  his  great  knowledge  in  the  finances,  280.  Reforms 
the  edict  of  Nantes,  302.  His  pmdent  conduct  in  the  affair  of  Martha 
Brossier,  309.     He  makes  Sully  superintendant  of  the  finances,  build- 
ings, and  fortifications,  and  grand  surveyor,  311.     His  excessive  grief 
fof  the  death  of  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  322 — 24.     A  bon-mot  of  this 
prince's  to  Henry  de  Joyeuse,  325.     Goes  toBlois,  331.  He  writes  to 
Margaret  upon  the  dissolution  of  his  marriage  with  her,  333.     He  falls 
in  love  with  mademoiselle  d'Entragues,  334.     Is  weak  enough  to  give 
her  a  promise  of  marriage,  336.     He  gives  the  post  of  master  general 
of  the  ordnance  to  Sully,  343.     His  reception  of  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
346.     Henry  supports  Sully  against  the  commissaries,  and  avoids  the 
snares  laid  for  him  by  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  the  atfair  of  the  marquisate 
of  Salucc,  351.  Is  present  at  the  dispute  between  the  bishop  of  Evreux, 
and  Du-Plessis  Mornay,  354.     Writes  a  letter  to  d'Epernon  upon  this 
occasion,  357.     His  departure  for  the  expedition  of  Savoy:  takes  the 
marchioness  of  Verneuil  along  with  him,  358.     He  is  stopped  by  the 
artifices  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  363.  Is  married  by  proxy  to  the  princess 
of  Tuscany,  364.     Relies  upon  Sully  for  the  management  of  this  war, 
368.     Comes  to  the  siege  of  Charbonniers,  377.     To  that  of  Mont- 
melian,  and  exposes  his  person  there  imprudently,  386.     The  reception 
he  gives  to  the  deputies  from  Geneva.     394.     Ceremonies  and  particu- 
lars of  his  marriage  with  Mary  of  Medicis,  ib.     Ill  served  by  the  com- 
taiissoners  for  the  peace,  396.  His  perplexity  occasioned  by  the  intelli- 
gence between  his  courtiers  and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  398.  He  concludes 
an  advantageous  treaty,  and  returns  to  Paris,  401,  2.     He  corrects  the 
abuses  in  money  and  trade,  &e.  409.     Prohibits  the  wearing  of  gold  or 
silver  stuffs,  411,  tlie  simplicity  of  his  own  dress,  ib.  Prohibits  likewise 
the  transportation  of  gold  and  silver  coin  out  of  the  kingdom,  ib.     Es- 
tablishes a  chamber  of  justice,  413.     Takes  a  journey  to  Orleans,  417. 
Motives  of  his  journey  to  Calais,  420.     The  magnificient  titles  which 
the  grand  signior  gives  him  by  hia  ambassadors,  423.     An  embassy  to 
him  from  the  Venetians,  423.     Letters  which  pass  between  him  and 
Elizabeth,*  425.     They  are  calumniated  on  this  account,  426.     Henry 
sends  Sully  to  Dover  to  confer  with  queen  Elizabeth,  428.  He  informs 
Sully  of  the  birth  of  the  Dauphin,  436.  Orders  La-Riviere  to  calculate 
his  nativity,  437.  Sends  him  to  St.  Germain  to  be  nursed,  439.  Procures 
a  restitution  of  the  isles  of  Pom^gue,  &c.  from  the  grand  duke,  440. 
Letters  from  this  prince  to  Sully  upon  D'Ornano,  and  upon  his  stud  of 
.  horses  at  Meun,  444.     Endeavours  to  fix  Biron  in  his  allegiance,  447. 


INDEX.  353 

Gives  him  a  considerable  gratuity,  449.  Sends  him  ambasssador  to  Lon- 
don, and  to  Switzerland,  451.  Receives  notice  of  his  conspiracy  against 
him,  455.  The  amnsementsof  this  prince  at  the  Arsenal,  464.  Discon- 
certs the  designs  of  Biron,  466.  A  secret  council  held  to  determine  up- 
on the  manner  of  arresting  Bouillon,  d'Auverjc,  and  Biron,  472.  Sully 
dissuades  Henry  IV  from  arresting  d'Epernon,  473.  Fie  shows  himself 
in  Poitou,  Limosin,  and  Guyenne,  478.  He  causes  Biron  and  Auvergne 
to  be  arrested,  4l!7,  Causes  the  baron  de  Fontenelle  to  be  executed, 
and  grants  a  pardon  to  all  the  other  conspirators,  497,  et  seq.  He  en- 
deavours, but  in  vain,  to  draw  Bouillon  to  court,  508.  Reproaclies  Spain 
on  account  of  marshal  Biron's  conspiracy,  511.  His  adventure  with  the 
attomies,  whom  he  causes  to  be  whipt,  520.  His  journey  to  Calais,  529. 
Legitimates  his  son  by  the  marchioness  of  Verneuil,  530.  Goes  to 
iMetz,  iii,  4.  Banishes  the  Soboles,  5.  Reconciles  several  German 
princes,  who  come  (o  pay  their  respects  to  him  there,  6.  Receives  the 
Jesuits  there  favourably,  7.  Frees  the  pope  from  his  apprehensions,  on 
account  of  his  armaments,  11.  Continues  to  support  the  Flemings 
against  Spain,  12.  His  answer  to  the  elector  palatine,  who  wrote  to  him 
in  favour  of  Bouillon,  15.  His  grief  for  the  death  of  queen  Ehzabeth,  18. 
His  conversation  with  Sully  on  this  subject,  20.  The  private  and  public 
instructions  which  he  gives  to  Sully,  24.  Henry  dangerously  ill  at  Fon- 
tainebleau:  his  great  confidence  in  Sully:  he  recovers,  26.  His  letters  to 
the  king  and  qugen  of  England,  33.  This  prince's  reasons  for  taking 
the  part  of  the  English  clergy,  98.  Henry  caresses  Sully  liighly  at  his 
return  from  Loudon,  14G.  Praises  him  in  public,  and  justifies  bira 
against  the  malicious  aspersions  of  tlie  count  of  Soissons,  149.  Secret 
conversations  on  the  subject  of  this  embassy,  151.  Reraonstrancesmade 
by  Sully  to  Henry  IV  upon  the  abuses  of  small  edicts,  162.  He  retracts 
a  grant  which  he  had  been  surprised  into  by  the  count  of  Soissons,  163. 
Defends  Sullj-  against  the  resentment  of  this  prince  and  the  marchioness 
of  Verneuil,  167.  Henry  visits  Normandy,  170.  Is  taken  ill  at  Rouen, 
171.  New  discontent  given  by  Bouillon  and  the  Protestants,  ib.  He 
gives  thegovernment  of  Poitou  to  Sully,  174.  Establishes  silk  manufac- 
tures, contrary  to  the  advice  of  SuUj',  177.  et  seq.  His  great  expenses  at 
play,  for  his  mistresses,  &c.,  185.  Sends  a  colony  to  Canada,  ib.  A  fine 
answer  made  by  Henry  to  the  nuncio  on  the  death  of  the  dutchess  of 
Bar,  189.  He  recals  the  Jesuits,  notwithstanding  all  the  reasons  urged 
by  Sully  against  it,  192,  202.  He  gives  them  La-FJeche,  204.  His  stay 
at  Chantilly,  205.  He  discovers  the  treason  of  I'Hote,  and  causes  him 
to  be  pursued,  212.  His  treatment  of  Villeroi,  220,  21.  Henry  sends  his 
cardinals  to  the  conclave,  224.  xMakes  frequent  visits  to  Sully  at  the 
Arsenal,  his  conversation  with  him  upon  his  domestic  disquiets,  226.  He 
ia  offended  with  Sully  for  bis  resolute  oppogilion  to  bira,  227.     Makes 


340  INDfiX. 

him  an  apolog^y  for  it,  229.  Confides  to  him  his  uneiisiness,  occasioned 
by  the  queen  and  the  marchioness  of  Verneuil,  230.  Writes  a  letter  to 
the  marchioness  full  of  reproaches,  ib.  Demands  from  her  the  promise  of 
marriag'e,  which  she  refuses,  232.  The  faults  he  attributes  to  the  queen, 
233.  Cannot  follow  Sully's  advice,  236.  And  prevails  upon  liira  to  try 
gentle  methods,  237.  Cannot  resolve  to  act  with  authority  in  his  do- 
mestic affairs,  242.  His  weakness  with  regard  to  madam  de  Verneuil, 
246.  His  health  endangered  by  these  domestic  troubles,  250.  Favours 
queen  Margaret  in  her  process  for  her  mother's  estates,  252.  Labours  to 
prevent  the  plots  of  the  count  of  Auvergne  with  Spain  and  the  Protes- 
tants against  him,  262,  et  seq.  Projects  with  Sullj'  a  journey  to  the  south 
of  France,  which  the  courtiers  endeavour  to  dissuade  him  from,  256,  7. 
Calumnies  spread  against  him,  258.  He  sends  Sully  into  Poitou,  ib. 
Good  consequences  of  this  journey,  264.  Henry  gets  the  promise  of 
marriage  out  of  the  hands  of  madame  de  Verneuil,  270.  'He  causes  the 
count  d'Auvergne  to  be  arrested,  279;  his  reply  to  the  countess  d'Au- 
vergne,  ib.  Likewise  d'Entragues  and  the  marchioness  de  Verneuil, 
ib.  Cannot  resolve  to  banish  the  marchioness;  particulars  relating  to 
this  affair,  284.  The  gallantries  of  this  prince,  and  the  dangers  he  runs 
by  visiting  his  mistresses,  288.  Deposits  his  money  in  the  Bastile;  his 
speech  in  full  council  upon  this  occasion,  29, 1,  2.  Establishes  a  chamber 
justice,  294.  Other  operations  in  the  finances,  296,  et  seq.,  and  regula- 
tions in  the  militia,  305.  The  royal  hospital  for  disabled  soldiers,  306. 
Talents  of  this  prince  for  government,  308.  His  too  favourable  maxims 
for  war,  ib.  He  unseasonably  prohibits  any  commerce  with  Spain,  310. 
He  repairs  this  error  by  concluding  a  treaty  of  commerce,  314.  He 
continues  secretly  to  support  the  United  Provinces,  320.  His  discourse 
with  the  constable  of  Castile,  upon  the  agreement  between  Spain  and 
England;  and  with  Sully,  upon  the  same  subject,  326.  His  reception  of 
this  ambassador,  332.  The  part  he  takes  in  the  affair  of  the  Valtoline, 
334.  He  gets  possession  again  of  the  bridge  of  Avignon,  342.  Purchases 
the  earldom  of  St.  Paul  from  the  count  of  Soissons,  343.  Procures  his 
natural  son  to  be  received  into  the  order  of  Malta,  345.  His  buildings 
for  his  manufactures,  ib.  The  religious  orders  he  allows  to  be  stablished 
in  France,  ib.  He  renews  his  correspondence  with  the  marchioness  of 
Verneuil:  pardons  the  counts  (if  Auvergne  and  d'Entragues,  contrarj-  to 
Sully's  advice,  350.  Quarrels  again  with  the  queen,  351.  Permits  the 
Jesuits  to  demohsh  the  pyramid,  353.  Does  Sullj-  justice  in  the  great 
dispute  he  has  with  father  Cotton,  and  reconciles  them,  355,  363.  He 
discovers  his  error,  and  excuses  himself,  383.  The  interesting  conver- 
sation between  them,  384.  His  credulity  in  believing  false  reports,  397. 
He  places  all  his  confidence  in  Sully,  and  gives  him  the  first  place  in  his 
friendship,  397.  Justifies  bim  against  the  slanders  of  the  courtiers,  398. 


INDEX.  355 

Quarrels  with  him,  and  is  again  reconciled,  399.  Concludes  a  marriage 
between  mademoiselle  de  Sully  and  the  duke  of  Rohan,  400.  Gratuities 
and  favours  which  he  bestows  upon  Sully,  40 1 .  Denies  him  others,  which 
he  had  solicited  for  liis  brother  and  son-in-law,  401,  2.     Orders  Sully  to 
demand  mademoiselle  de  Melun  in  marriage  for  tlie  marquis  dejCoeuvres, 
402.  An  account  of  the  debts  of  the.state  at  his  accession  to  the  tlirone, 
413.  His  donations  to  several  persons,  418.  He  established  his  silk  ma- 
nufactures, 419.     Becomes  a  mediator  between  the  princes  of  Europe; 
present  made  by  him  to  them,  420.    Has  the  principal  share  in  the  elec- 
tion of  pope  Leo  XI  and  pope  Paul  V,  424.     Gives  orders  to  Spinola, 
who  is  passing  to  Flanders,  431.  Dissatisfied  with'his  subjects  who  serve 
in  the  archduke's  army,  433.     Causes  some  prizes  taken  from  Spain  to 
be  restored,  434.  His  pohtics  disapproved  by  his  council,  435.  Thought 
to  have  a  design  of  making  himself  emperor,  436.     Receives  notice  of 
some  seditious  plots  against  him,  439.     His  uneasiness  about  the  assem- 
bly of  Protestants  held  at  Chatelleraut,  and  sends  Sully  thither,  440.  At- 
tacked by  a  fit  of  the  gout  at  Saint-Germain,  444.     Receives  some  in- 
formation against  the  assembly  at  Chatelleraut,  452.     Letters  from  him 
to  Sully,  454.     He  causes  the  Luquisses  to  be  arrested,  iv,  8.     Is  very 
attentive  to  the  motions  of  the  Protestant  assembly,  9.     Complies  too 
much  with  the  desires  of  Lesdiguieres  in  the  affair  of  Orange  and  Blac- 
cons,  21.  The  reception  he  gives  Sully  at  his  return,  27.  Makes  prepa- 
rations for  his  journey  into  the  southern  provinces  of  France,  29.     The 
rout  he  takes;  he  seizes  several  fortresses  belonging  to  the  duke  of  Boui- 
lon,  32,  30.  He  causes  the  chamber  des  grand  jours  to  be  held  by  Sully 
in  Limosin,  and  returns  to  Paris,  37.     He  decides  in  favour  of  Sully,  in 
his  dispute  with  the  count  of  Soisson,  39.  His  obliging  behaviour  to  the 
deputies  from  Rochelle,  41.  He  causes  the  castle  of  Usson  to  be  disman- 
tled, 45.  His  too  great  indulgence  for  duels;  his  blameable  notion  con- 
cerning the  predetermination  of  the  last  moment,  55.   Several  instances 
of  good  fortune  which  he  had  met  with,  56.     John  de  Lisle  attempts  to 
stab  him;  he  pardons  him,  ibid.  Henry's  engaging  and  tender  behaviour 
to  his  queen,  61.  His  conversation  with  Sully  relating  to  the  means  of 
humbling  the  house  of  Austria,  66.  Henry's  intention  of  taking  Sedan, 
69.     Creates  Sully  duke  and  peer,  and  honours  the  entertainment  he 
makes  on  this  occasion  with  his  presence,  70.  His  irresolution  with  re- 
gard to  the  affair  of  Sedan,  71.  He  is  at  length  determined  by  Sully,  75, 
whom  he  orders  to  write  firstto  Bouillon,  78.  His  departure  and  the  rout 
he  takes,  85.  Consents  to  the  conference  proposed  by  Bouillon,  89,  and 
concludes  a  treaty  unknown  to  Sully,  91.     A  saying  of  Henry  upon  the 
reduction  of  Sedan,  95.  He  supports  the  city  of  Metz  against  the  Jesuits, 
104,  105.  His  donations  to  them  at  Fleche,  105.  He  blames  father  Cot- 
ton in  the  affair  of  Adrieaae  de  Fresne,  106.     Refuses  to  publish  the 


^56  INDEX. 

couacil  of  Trent,  110.  He  restrains  the  Protestants  also,  and  tenninates 
the  differences  between  them  and  the  Catliolics  at  Rochelle,  113.  Dis- 
gusted with  the  family  of  Rohan,  112.  Escapes  drowning- at  Neuilly, 
117.  Gratuities  granted  by  him  to  Su'I}'  and  other  persons,  118.  Regu- 
lations for  the  finances,  119.  His  expenses  at  play,  123,  for  the  public 
works,  ib.  A  conversation  between  him  and  Sully,  and  some  of  the 
courtiers,  upon  different  subjects,  129.  He  asks  Sully's  advice  concern- 
ing- the  affairs  of  Flan-^ers,  135.  The  calm  and  peaceable  life  of  this 
prince,  137.  He  takes  the  seals  from  BelHevre  and  gives  them  to  Sillerj-, 
139.  His  tenderness  for  his  children,  140.  Ilis  fondness  for  hunting,  141. 
His  friendship  and  esteem  for  SuJly,  142.  He  puts  a  stop  to  the  prose- 
cutions of  the  young  d'Epinoy,  143.  Quarrels  with  Sully,  but  is  imme-  - 
diately  after  reconciled  with  him,  145.  Employs  him  in  the  synod  of 
Rochelle,  153,  155.  A  conversation  between  him  and  Sully,  concern- 
ing the  plots  of  the  court  in  favour  of  Spain,  161.  He  consents,  that  af- 
ter his  death,  his  heart  should  be  carried  to  La-Fleche,  a  smart  saying 
on  this  occasion,  15G.  His  hatred  of  the  familj^  of  Lorrain:  Sully  re-as- 
sures him,  and  they  labour  together  to  suppress  these  cabals,  160.  He 
causes  some  prizes  taken  frpm  Spain  to  be  restored,  163.  Follows  Sul- 
ly's advice  to  refuse  the  offer  made  him  by  the  United  Provinces  to  sub- 
mit themselves  to  the  dominion  of  the  French,  164.  The  part  he  takes 
in  the  treatj-  for  a  truce  between  those  provinces  and  Spain,  169. 
Causes  the  fort  of  Kebuy  to  be  demolished,  and  supports  the  Grisons 
against  Spain,  174.  Henry  protects  the  republic  of  Geneva,  175,  and  the 
Italian  princes,  176.  Reconciles  pope  Paul  V  and  the  Venetians,  177. 
Re-unites  the  finances  of  Navarre  to  those  of  France,  and  pays  the 
debts  of  the  nation,  178.  Punishes  the  disobedience  of  the  parliaments 
of  Toulouse  and  Dijon,  182.  A  bon-mot  of  his  upon  TArgentier,  a  farmer 
of  the  revenue,  187.  A  law-suit  between  him  and  the  house  of  Gon- 
zague  for  the  estates  of  the  houses  of  Foix  and  Albret,  188.  Assists  Fon- 
tange  in  the  siege  of  Pierrefort,  196.  His  great  care  to  bestow  public 
employments  upon  men  of  merit,  199.  Gratuities  to  several  persons, 
debts  discharged,  and  his  losses  at  play,  ib.  His  expenses  in  buildings 
and  manufactures,  130.  Henry's  frequent  journies  to  his  several  pa- 
laces, his  indisposition,  his  tenderness  for  his  children  sometimes  indis- 
creet, 201.  Quarrels  between  him,  the  queen,  and  marchioness  of  V^er- 
ueuil,  203.  He  restores  Sedan  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  204.  His  occu- 
pations and  amusements,  207.  Proposes  to  Sully  a  marriage  between  the 
marquis  of  Rosny  and  mademoiselle  de  Crequey,  209.  Makes  him  great 
offers  upon  condition  that  he  will  embrace  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
213.  He  re-assures  him  against  the  artifices  of  his  enemies,  218.  The 
great  wisdom  of  this  prince  in  dissipating  factions,  219.  His  amours  and 
jjoistresses,  220,  21.     A  long  conversation  upon  political  and  domestic 


INDEX.  357 

plots  formed  against  him  in  the  queen's  household,  by  the  family  of  the 
marchionesss  of  Verneuil,  Sic.,  222.  His  respect  for  the  queen,  231. 
The  friendship  he  shows  Sully  upon  this  occasion,  ib.  Employs  hmi  in 
the  cabals  of  court,  232.  Banishes  the  prince  of  Joinville  for  his  gallan- 
tries with  madam  de  Verneuil,  with  whom  he  quarrels,  and  is  after- 
wards reconciled,  234.  Joinville  has  another  intrigue  with  madame  de 
Moret,237.  He  disgraces  Sommerivefor  an  intrigue  with  the  same  lady, 
238,  and  d'Eguillon  for  procuring  Balagny  to  be  assassinated,  242.  Other 
quarrels  in  his  court,  occasioned  by  his  easiness  in  pardoning  duels, 
244.  He  obliges  the  family  of  Mercceur  to  accomplish  the  marriage 
between  mademoiselle  de  Mercceur,  and  the  duke  of  Vendome,  245. 
Receives  informations  against  the  house  of  Guise  and  a  new  faction, 
247.  Sends  Sully  to  the  assembly  of  Protestants  at  Gergeau,  251  r 
Henrj's  residence  in  his  several  palaces,  the  private  life  and  indisposi- 
tions of  this  prince,  his  tenderness  for  bis  children,  255,  6.  He  gives 
the  bishopric  of  Metz  to  the  duke  of  Verneuil,  ibid.  His  expenses  for 
play,  260.  He  relieves  tlie  people  after  the  rising  of  the  Loire,  261,  2. 
Disposes  of  the  bishoprics  according  to  Sully's  recommendation.  263. 
Obliges  Spain  and  the  duke  of  Lorrain  to  make  restitution  of  their 
usurpations  upon  his  frontiers,  264.  Regulations  in  the  finances,  265. 
Economy  and  diminution  of  the  imposts  under  his  reign,  272.  His  re- 
ception of  the  duke  of  Mantua,  273.  The  part  he  has  in  the  agreement 
between  Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  274.  A  pleasant  saying  of  his 
to  Don  Pedro,  ib.  He  follows  Sully's  advice  in  this  affair,  275.  He  ob- 
liges Spain  to  do  him  justice  with  regard  to  the  boundaries  of  Navsure 
and  Beam,  280.  Refuses  to  have  any  hand  in  the  revolt  of  the  Moors, 
281.  He  stays  two  days  at  the  Arsenal,  291.  He  accuses  Sully  with  in- 
discretion concerning  the  secrets  revealed  to  him  by  father  Cotton,  295. 
Goes  to  the  Arsenal  to  communicate  his  uneasiness  to  Sully,  301  et 
seq.  Sully  endeavours  to  remove  his  apprehensions,  advises  him,  ex- 
cuses the  queen,  and  labours  to  make  her  alter  her  conduct,  311. 
Henry  hastens  tlie  execution  of  his  great  designs,  316,  and  employs 
himself  with  Sully  in  composing  a  cabinet  of  state,  ib.  Conversation 
between  them  upon  the  several  methods  of  raising  money,  322.  Of  the 
droit  annuel,  323.  Design  of  restoring  the  office  of  the  ancient  Roman 
censor,  327.  Of  destroying  all  tricks  and  unfair  practices  in  the  law, 
and  other  pieces  of  the  cabinet  of  state,  328.  Another  conversation 
upon  this  subject,  332.  Henry's  character  of  his  three  ministers,  336. 
Debts  discharged,  and  gratuities  and  expenses  of  this  prince  in  play, 
buildings,  &c,  340.  Edict  against  fraudulent  bankrupts  and  duels,  343. 
The  prince  of  Conde  and  the  king  complain  of  each  other,  350;  high 
words  passed  between  them  on  account  of  the  princess  of  Conde,  351. 
Plots  against  Henrj-,  for  which  his  passion  for  that  princess  is  the  pre- 

VOL.  V.  1 


358  INDEX. 

tence.  Sully  gives  him  notice  of  the  prince's  designs,  353.  Henry's 
grief  for  the  prince's  flight,  355.  False  informations  given  him  against 
the  Protestants,  364.  Conspiracay  against  his  person  at  La-Fleche. 
366.  Henry's  journeys  to  his  several  palaces,  368.  Treaty  of  the  media- 
tion of  the  kings  of  France  and  England,  between  Spain  and  the  United 
Provinces,  370,  Henry  protects  the  rights  of  the  prince  of  Epinoy, 
373-  He  objects  to  the  title  of  sovereign  lord  of  Sedan  assumed  by  the 
duke  of  Bouillon,  376.  He  consoles  the  queen  for  the  death  of  the 
grand  duke,  378.  Contracts  a  friendship  with  his  successor,  380.  Per- 
mits the  grand  signior  to  have  a  resident  at  Marseilles,  383.  A  conver- 
sation between  Henry  and  Sully  upon  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Cleves, 
&c,  384.  The  emperor  Rodolphus  seeks  his  friendship,  390.  The  plots 
of  the  courtiers  to  dissuade  him  from  his  great  design,  401.  The  prin- 
ces of  Germany  send  a  deputation  to  him,  402.  He  suffers  himself  to  be 
prejudiced  against  the  counsels  given  him  by  Sully:  another  conversation 
between  them  407.  The  sentiments  with  which  he  endeavours  to  in- 
spire the  duke  of  Vendome  for  Sully,  412.  Preparatioas  made  for  the 
execution  of  the  great  design,  418.  He  talks  of  his  design  indiscreetly 
befi-re  his  courtiers,  417.  Conversations  and  letters  between  him  and 
Sully:  other  dispositions  and  preparations  for  the  great  design,  418. 
Letter  to  the  archduke  on  this  subject,  424.  Conspiracy  against  this 
prince,  425.  Pretended  prognostics  and  Henry's  own  foreknowledge 
of  his  approaching  deatli;  conversations  between  him  and  Sully,  and 
other  particulars,  426.  Information  of  a  conspiracy  given  by  Schom- 
berg,  and  the  affair  of  La  Coman,  432.  Assists  at  the  coronation  of  the 
queen,  437.  Malicious  reports  spread  against  him  concerning  his  mo- 
tives for  making  war,  438.  His  assassination,  441.  Particulars  rela- 
ting to  him  a  few  days  before  his  death,  442,  &c.  Sully  complains  of 
the  neglect  that  was  shown  in  prosecuting  them,  450.  The  character  of 
Henry  IV,  ib.  The  ten  wishes  of  this  prince,  453.  His  death  greatly 
regretted,  459.  Different  sentiments  of  the  courtiers  upon  his  loss, 
462.  The  new  council  governed  by  maxims  of  policy  very  diflFerent 
from  his,  467.  The  great  design  broken  by  his  death,  476.  The  ingra- 
titude of  the  court  and  the  ministers  with  respect  to  him,  482.  The  dif- 
ferent opinions  concerning  the  authors,  and  the  causes  of  his  assassina- 
tion examined  into,  v,  159. 

Henrichemont,  principality  of,  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53. 

Henrichmont,  Maximilian  III,  Francis  de  Bethune,  prince  of,  grandson 
to  Sully,  V,  136. 

Heran,  de  Saint,  de  Montmoren,  refuses  to  obey  the  orders  of  Charles  IX, 
at  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew,  i,  44. 

Hertray,  Ren6  de  Saint  Dennis  de,  takes  possession  of  Alencon  for  the 
king  of  Navarre,  i,  54. 


INDEX.  359 

Hesse,  William  Landgrave  of,  visits  Henry  IV,  at  Metz,  iii,  7.  Sully  ac- 
cused of  holding  a  criminal  correspondence  with  him,  391.  Caumartin 
prejudices  him  against  the  duke  of  Bouillon;  iv,  6.  Gains  France  some 
allies  in  Germany,  128.  His  claim  to  the  succession  of  Cleves,  388. 
Joins  France  against  Austria,  v,  102. 

Heudicourt,  one  of  the  members  of  the  council  of  finances,  ii,  47. 

Heures,  d',  present  at  the  defeat  of  the  great  convoy  before  Laon,  i,  459. 
Follows  Henry  IV,  into  Franche-Comte,  ii,  65. 

Holland.  See  Flanders.  Manufactory  for  linen  cloth  in  Paris  of  the  same 
kind  as  that  made  in  Holland,  iv,  200. 

Holstein,  duke  of,  satisfaction  which  he  gives  Henry  IV,  iii,  421. 

Honfleur,  taken  from  the  League  by  the  Royalists,  i,  214. 

Honorio,  brother,  a  Capuchin  friar,  gives  Henry  IV,  information  of  a 
conspiracy  against  his  life,  ii,  339. 

Honorius,  emperor  of  the  West,  v,  65. 

Horn,  prince  of,  beheaded  at  Brussels,  i,  220. 

Hortes,  viscount  of,  refuses  to  obey  the  orders  of  Charles  IX,  to  massa- 
cre the  Huguenots,  i,  44. 

Hospital,  Michael  de  1',  chancellor,  Charles  IX,  takes  the  seals  from  him, 
i,  23. 

Hospital  of  the  bridge  of  Avignon,  serving  brothers  of,  misapply  the  funds 
destined  for  its  repairs,  iii,  241. 

Hospitals,  built,  or  repaired  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  415. 

Hote,  Nicholas  1',  one  of  Villeroi's  secretaries,  iii,  210.  An  account  of  his 
treason,  211,  et  seq. 

Hbstrate  yielded  to  the  prince  of  Orange,  ii,  531. 

Hottoman,  Henry's  agent  in  Germany,  iv,  391 . 

Houdan.  The  duke  of  Maienne  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  this  place,  i,  250. 

Howard,  lord,  admiral  of  England,  receives  the  count  d'Aremberg,  iii,  44, 
Serves  the  Spanish  faction  against  Sully,  54. 

Huberson,  Jean,  and  her  cousin,  discover  the  conspiracy  against  Henry 
IV,  carried  on  at  La  Fleche,  iv,  366. 

Huet,  Sully  resides  in  this  castle,  i,  146. 

Hugh-Capet.  Sully's  opinion  of  this  king,  iv,  293. 

Hume,  lord,  engaged  in  the  Spanish  faction  at  London,  iii,  54.  Conducts 
Sully  to  Greenwich,  91,  115. 

Humieres,  Charles  d',  brings  succours  to  the  duke  of  Maienne  after  the 
battle  of  Ivry,  i,  225,  He  forces  the  Spanish  intrenchments  at  Ham, 
and  is  slain  there,  ii,  53.  His  eulogium,  54. 

Hungary.  The  emperor  Rhodolph  makes  war  against  that  people,  ii,  340. 
and  against  the  Turks,  404.  Further  account  of  this  war,  534,  5. 


360  INDEX. 


Jacob,  Francis  a  Jesuit  involved  in  the  prosecution  against  Chatel,  ii,  43- 

Jacob  or  Jacop,  agent  and  commissioner  from  the  duke  of  Savoy,  in  the 
affair  of  the  marquisate  of  Saluces.  Comes  to  compliment  Henry  and 
Sully.  Discontented  with  the  queen-regent.  See  Saluces,  Savoy. 

Jacome,  Saint,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 

James  king  of  England,  the  great  importance  of  securing  his  friendship, 
iii,  19.  His  accession  to  the  throne  of  England  notified  to  France,  29. 
The  design  of  Sully's  embassy  to  him,  30.  Is  prejudiced  against  the 
count  of  Beaumont,  34,  and  against  Henry  IV,  and  Sully:  his  character 
and  conduct,  56.  The  French  Protestants  endeavour  to  engage  his  pro- 
tection, 66.  He  sends  to  compliment  Sully  upon  his  arrival,  67.  Gives 
him  his  first  audience,  honours  which  he  pays  him,  and  the  public  con- 
versation between  them,  71.  His  invective  againA  the  king  of  Spain, 
and  his  council,  74.  Praises  Henry  IV,  ibid.  His  passion  for  hunting, 
75.  The  terror  and  hatred  with  which  a  plot  of  the  Jesuits  inspire  him 
against  Spain  and  the  archdukes,  79.  He  gives  a  second  audience  to 
Sully,  who  gains  his  approbation  of  Henry's  designs  upon  Spain  and  the 
United  Provinces,  90.  He  promises  not  to  support  Bouillon,  96.  Com- 
plains of  Henry's  having  supported  the  Enghsh  priests,  98.  Reciprocal 
civilities  between  the  pope  and  him,  99.  Dissatisfied  with  the  count 
d'Aremberg  and  the  Spaniards,  103.  Invites  Sully  to  dine  with  him,  151 . 
Promises  to  give  satisfaction  for  the  piracies  of  the  English,  155.  Gives 
Sully  a  third  audience,  and  has  a  long  conversation  with  him,  105. 
Takes  Sully's  part  against  his  ministers,  130,  and  signs  the  form  of  a 
treaty,  138.  Sully  has  his  audience  of  leave;  the  obliging  behaviour  of 
James  to  him,  and  the  promises  he  mak^s  him,  141.  Reciprocal  presents 
made  by  the  king  and  Sully  to  each  other,  143,  4.  The  fears  of  this 
prince  upon  the  arrival  of  tlie  Spanish  ambassador  at  London,  147.  His 
clemency  in  punishing  the  conspirators  against  his  life,  154.  New  trou- 
bles in  his  court:  he  banishes  the  Jesuits  from  his  dominions,  ib.  Sends 
the  treaty  signed  to  Sully,  155.  A  scheme  laid  by  the  Pope,  Spain,  and 
the  Jesuits  to  dethrone  him,  206.  Takes  advantage  of  the  prohibition  of 
commerce  between  France  and  Spain,  311,  and  afterwards  endeavoure 
to  compose  this  difference,  312.  Is  prevailed  upon  to  make  an  agreement 
with  Spain  contrary  to  his  treaty  with  Henry,  323.  Gives  tlie  name  of 
Great  Britain  lo  his  dominions:  the  bad  consequences  of  his  pacific  dis- 
positions, 324.  He  procures  a  treaty  between  Spain  and  Flanders,  324. 
He  again  seeks  the  assistance  of  Henry  and  Sully  against  Spain,  435. 
His  friendship  for  Sully,  437.  He  discovers  and  punishes  a  conspiracy 
against  his  life,  iv,  136,  176.  His  bad  policy  in  endeavouriog  to  procure 


INDEX.  361 

a  treaty  for  a  suspension  of  arms,  and  a  truce  between  Spain  and  the 
United  Provinces,  178.  He  oblig-es  his  subjects  to  take  a  new  oath  of 
fidelity  to  hira,  176.  Treaty  of  mediation  of  him  and  Henry  between 
Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  371 .  Part  of  the  great  design  relating 
to  him.  See  Political  design. 

James,  company  of,  serves  as  the  forlorn  hope  in  the  battle  of  Ivry,  and  is 
distinguished  there,  i,  218,  228. 

Jard,  abbey  of.  Sully  disposes  of  it,  v,  54. 

Jarnac,  battle  of,  i,  11. 

Ibarra  D.  Diego  d',  one  of  the  Spanish  plenipotentiaries  to  the  states  of 
Paris:  afterwards  plenipotentiary  from  Spain  and  Flanders,  iv,  170. 

Jeannin,  Rene,  makes  proposals  from  the  league  to  Henry  IV,  i,  296.  Me- 
morial of  the  demands  and  offers  he  makes  to  Spain  from  the  league 
likewise,  318.  He  proposes  conditions  to  Henry,  345,  9.  The  oath 
which  he  is  accused  of  having  made  to  the  league  against  this  prince, 
361.  Obliged  to  give  up  Leon  to  him,  ii,  12.  His  advice  to  the  duke  of 
Maienne,  14.  Employed  in  the  composition  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  210. 
Assists  in  Henry's  name  at  the  conference  of  Boulogne,  234.  Made  se- 
cretary for  foreign  affairs,  257.  Allows  an  article  in  the  edict  of  Nantes, 
which  he  is  obliged  to  alter,  305.  One  of  the  commissioners  for  the  trea- 
ty of  Lyons,  395.  Serves  the  king  in  Biron's  conspiracy,  480.  Solicits 
him  in  favour  of  the  Jesuits,  iii,  8,  192.  His  service  in  Flanders  in  the 
affciir  of  the  suspension  of  arms,  167.  Concludes  the  treaty  of  truce,  and 
that  of  the  mediation  of  the  kings  of  France  and  England,  370.  Senres 
Sully  with  the  archduke  in  the  prince  of  Epinoy's  affairs,  373.  Is  ap- 
pointed ambassador  to  Flanders  and  England,  422.  Mary  de  Medicis 
makes  him  one  of  her  secret  council,  465.  He  is  put  at  the  head  of  the 
finances,  467.  Joins  Conchini  against  Sully,  487.  Is  used  ill  by  the  duke 
of  Nevers  and  other  lords,  iv,  14. 

Jesuits,  concerned  in  the  plot  of  Barriere,  i,  385.  Their  process  against  the 
University  and  the  curates  of  Paris,  447.  Involved  in  the  process  against 
Chatel,  and  banished,  ii,  42.  The  pope  requires  Henry  to  recal  them, 
69.  The  council  rejects  their  petition,  234.  Henry's  kindness  to  them, 
and  the  promises  he  makes  them  at  Metz,  iii,  7.  Solicitations  of  d'Ossat, 
&c.  in  their  favour,  7.  Commotions  raised  by  them  in  England  in  the 
affair  of  the  EngUsh  priests,  97.  King  James's  aversion  to  them,  142. 
The  affair  of  their  re-establishment  discussed,  192,  197.  They  solicit 
Sully's  protection,  203.  Henry  gives  them  the  college  of  La-Fleche, 
204.  They  foment  disputes  between  the  Cathohcs  and  the  Protestants 
among  the  Grisons,  336.  Obtain  leave  to  demolish  the  pyramid:  theii- 
hatred  to  Sully,  and  other  particulars,  353,  4.  A  gfreat  quarrel  between 
them  and  Sully  on  account  of  the  college  of  Poitiers,  358.  Their  cabals 
with  the  courtiers  against  Sully,  355.   They  endeavour  in  vain  to  settle 


36;2  INDEX. 

in  Metz,  iv,  104.  They  etodeavour  to  get  father  Seguiran  a  preacher, 
received  into  Rochelle,  153.  Henry  IV  supports  their  college  of  Poi- 
tiers, 156.  They  cabal  at  court  and  throughout  the  kingdom  in  favour  of 
Spain,  156.  The  Venetians  refuse  to  let  them  settle  in  their  dominions. 
They  establish  themselves  in  Beam,  258.  Involved  in  the  conspiracy  of 
La-Fleehe,  367.  They  serve  the  emperor  Rodolphus  in  the  cruelties  he 
exercises  upon  the  Protestants  of  Germany,  413.  Sully  insinuates  that 
they  were  accomplices  in  the  assassination  of  Henry  IV,  450.  They 
endeavour  to  ruin  this  minister.  The  queen-regent  calls  them  into  her 
secret  council.  See  Cotton.  They  imite  with  the  pope  and  Spain  against 
the  Protestants,  482.  They  endeavour  to  dissaude  the  council  from  the 
expedition  of  Juliers,  504.  Accused  of  having  been  concerned  in  the 
parricide  committed  on  the  person  of  Henry  IV,  163. 

If,  isle  and  castle  of,  proceedings  relating  to  them,  ii,  440. 

Ignatius,  Armand,  provincial  of  the  Jesuits,  Henry  IV's  kindness  to  him  at 
Metz,  ii,  7.  He  endeavours  to  procure  the  re-establishment  of  the  soci- 
ety in  France,  iii,  192.  An  imprudent  letter  written  to  him  by  father 
Cotton,  iv,  295. 

Imbercourt,  taken  by  assault,  ii,  87. 

Incarville,  comptroller-general  of  the  finances,  ii,  48,  84;  iii,  408. 

luchi,  Charles  de  Guare  d',  receives  monsieur  into  Cambray,  monsieur's 
treachery  towards  him,  i,  95. 

Infanta  of  Spain,  Anne-Marie-Mauricette  of  Austria,  her  birth,  ii,  440. 
Plots  in  the  queen's  household  to  many  her  to  the  dauphin,  contrary  to 
Henry's  design,  iv,  306. 

Infanta  of  Spain,  Clara-Eugenia  of  Austria,  the  scheme  of  marrying  her  to 
the  cBurdinal  of  Bourbon  rendered  ineffectual  by  the  French  lords,  i, 
353. 

Infanta  of  Spain,  Isabella  of  Austria,  made  governess  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, ii,  294. 

Invalid  soldiers,  an  establishment  made  for  them,  iii,  305. 

Joannani,  agent  from  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany  for  the  marriage  of  Mary 
de  Medicis  with  Henry  IV,  ii,  338. 

Joigny,  Clermont  Tonniere,  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  upon  this  place, 
i,  244. 

Joinville,  Claude  de  Lorrain,  prince  of,  cabals  with  Spain,  ii,  507.  Dis- 
graced for  his  gallantries  with  the  marchioness  of  Verneuil  and  the  coun- 
tess of  Moret,  iv,  237.  Quarrels  with  the  prince  of  Conty,  244.  Grants 
which  he  procures  from  the  queen-regent,  v,  23. 

Jon,  Du,  one  of  Henry  IV's  courtiers,  in,  455.  His  advice  to  Sully  after 
the  death  of  that  prince,  ib. 

Jousseaume,  receiver-general  of  the  finances,  hanged,  ii,  521. 


INDEX.  363 

Joyeuse,  Anne  duke  of,  marshal  of  France,  heads  the  royalist  array  against 
the  Protestants,  i,  114,  116.  Leads  the  army  of  Henry  III  and  the 
League  into  Guyenne,  130.  Marches  against  Henry  IV  into  Poitou, 
151.  He  takes  St.  Maixant,  Maillezais,  &c.,  152.  An  instance  of  his 
generosity,  154.  Defeated  and  slain  at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  163. 

,  Antony  Scipio,  knight  of  Malta,  afterwards  duke  of,  his  party  in 

Provence,  i,  307.  Besieges  Villemur,  308.  Is  defeated  there,  and  drown- 
ed in  the  Tarn,  312. 

Joyeuse,  Claude  de.     See  St.  Sauveur. 

,  Francis  de,  cardinal,  endeavours  to  justify,  at  Rome,  the  assas- 

,  sination  of  the  Guises,  i,  179.  Is  sent  by  the  duke  of  Maienne  into 
Spain,  391.  Commissioned  by  the  pope  to  dissolve  the  marriage  of  Hen- 
ry IV  with  Margaret  de  Valois,  ii,  333.  Advises  Henry  to  give  the  go- 
vernment of  Poitou  to  Sully,  iii,  174.  Is  sent  to  Rome  to  the  conclave, 
224.  Sully  confers  with  him  upon  the  means  of  pacifying  the  two  reli- 
gions, iv,  102.  Is  proxy  for  Paul  V  at  the  baptism  of  the  dauphin,  116. 
Employed  by  Henry  to  compose  the  differences  between  the  pope  and  the 
Venetians,  177.  He  prejudices  Henry  against  Sully  in  the  affair  of  the 
armament  ofCleves,  407.  Is  appointed  by  that  prince  one  of  the  council 
of  the  regency,  422.  Mary  de  Medicis  makes  him  one  of  the  public 
council,  466. 

,  William  de,  i,  146. 

,  Henry,  count  of  Bouchage,  duke  of,  one  of  Henry  Ill's  favourites, 


ii,  18.     Concludes  a  treaty  with  Henry  IV,  87.     Sum  paid  him  at  his 
treaty,  264.     He  marries  his  daughter  to  the  duke  of  Montpensier;  a 
smart  saying  of  Henry's  upon  him,  ii,  325.  His  death,  ib. 
,  Henrietta-Catherine  de,  marries  the  duke  of  Montpensier,  ii,  325. 


Ireland,  the  rebels  there  subdued,  ii,  396. 

Is,  an  estate  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  53. 

Isle- Adam,  L',  taken  by  the  royalist  army,  i,  194. 

Issot,  Fort,  built  on  the  Scheld  by  the  Spaniards,  iii,  325. 

Issoire,  a  victory  gained  there  by  Henry  IV's  party,  i,  230. 

Italy.  Part  of  the  great  design  relating  to  it,  iii,  125;  v,  81,  104.  Henry  IV 
gains  the  friendship  of  the  princes  of  Italy,  333.  The  debts  due  by 
France  to  Italy  discharged  by  Sully,  iv,  179.  Comedians  sent  for  from 
Italy  by  Henry  IV,  206.  The  princes  and  states  of  Italy  unite  with  Hen- 
ry against  the  house  of  Austria,  307. 
vJuhers,  dutchy  and  dukes  of  this  name,  a  dispute  concerning  the  succession 
to  it,  iv,  385.  Siege  and  reduction  of  this  place  by  the  confederate 
princes,  504. 

Jumeaux,  governor  of  Vendome,  v,  9. 

Jurisdictions.  Offices  to  be  created  in  them  upon  occasion,  iv,  326. 


346  INDEX. 

Ivry,  battle  of,  phenomena  which  preceded  it,  i,  215.     Errors  committed 

there,  217. 
Juvigny,  or  Divigny,  one  of  Sully's  enemies  iii,  389. 


Kintore,  one  of  the  Scotch  faction  at  London,  hi,  54.  Deputed  by  the  count 

of  Aremberg,  104.   Favours  the  French  interest,  152. 
Knighthood,  order  of,  intended  to  be  instituted  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  334. 


L. 


Lagny,  taken  by  the  prince  of  Parma,  i,  237. 

Lambert,  sent  to  France  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  his  artifices,  iv,  277. 

Landereau,  Charles  Rouhaut  du,  attempts  to  surprise  La  RocheUe,  i,  22. 

Langlois,  sheriff  cf  Paris,  contributes  to  get  Henry  IV  received  into  that 
city,  i,  424.  Agent  for  Margaret  de  Valois  in  the  dissolution  of  her  mar- 
riage with  Henry  IV,  ii,  333. 

Langoiran,  de  Montferrand  de,  makes  his  escape  at  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  i,  33.  Sully  takes  his  part  against  Bouillon,  59. 

Xanguedoc.  Deputies  from  this  province  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  97.  Henry  trans- 
fers the  states  to  the  Lower  Languedoc,  445. 

Lansac,  the  younger,  attempts  to  surprise  Rochelle,  i,  22. 

Lansquenets.  See  under  German  horse. 

Laon.  Besieged  by  Henry  IV,  i,  456.  The  succours  which  Maienne  en- 
deavours to  throw  into  tliis  place,  defeated,  461.  The  Spaniards  unable 
to  prevent  its  being  taken,  459,  467. 

Large,  baron  de  La,  defeats  a  detachment  of  the  duke  of  Aumale's  army, 
i,  249. 

Larry,  Saint.  See  Bellegarde,  Thermes. 

Laval,  taken  by  Henry  IV's  party  from  the  League,  i,  212. 

Laval,  Charlotte  de,  first  wife  to  the  admiral  Coligny,  i,  19. 

,  Guyde.  Son  of  Dandelot.  See  Andelot. 

,  Guy,  count  of.  Proposed  for  a  husband  to  mademoiselle  de  Sully,  ii, 

161;  iii,  171.  This  marriage  broken  off,  400. 

.  Urbain  de.    See  Bois-Dauphin. 

Lavardin.  John  de  Beaumanhoir  de,  marshal  of  France,  i,  57.  Takes  SuUy's 
part  against  Frontenac  and  Bouillon,  59.  He  and  La-Devese  propose  a 
combat  of  six  against  six,  65.  He  quits  the  party  of  Henry  IV,  74.  A 
trick  played  him  by  Chicot,  115.     Forced  to  abandon  the  post  of  Cou- 


INDEX.  365 

t<as,  159.  Commands  the  king's  forces  in  Burgundy,  496.  Made  gover- 
nor of  Perche,  and  Maicnne,  iii,  175. 

Laurens.  Andrew  du,  physician  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  320;  iv.  44. 

League,  the,  the  cause  of  the  great  power  of  the  Guises,  i,  70.  Raise  the 
standard  of  rebellion,  113.  Its  origin:  weaii  beginnings:  and  its  progress, 
114.  The  heads  of  the  League  assemble  at  Chialon,  116.  Oblige  Henry 
III  to  join  them,  and  dispose  of  his  troops  as  they  please,  ib.  They  send 
tljree  Jirmies  against  Henry  IV,  130.  Towns  and  fortresses  which  they 
take  and  lose,  141,  151.  They  defeat  the  foreign  forces  at  Auneau,  170. 
The  day  of  the  barricadoes,  172.  The  weakness  and  the  errors  of  this 
prince's  conduct  give  them  courage,  and'they  oblige  liim  to  grant  all 
their  demands,  178.  The  success  of  the  arms  of  the  two  kings  against 
them,  194.  And  of  Henry  IV  after  Uie  death  of  Henry  III,  209.  Sixtus 
V  foretells  their  defeat,  ib.  They  are  unsuccessful  at  Meulan,  and  take 
Pontoise,  214.  Seize  Rouen,  21 G.  Beaten  at  Noyon:  otlier  losses  sus- 
tained by  them,  249.  Henry  deprives  them  of  great  part  of  Normandy, 
234.  Tliey  send  troops  to  the  siege  of  Rouen,  269.  Gain  the  battle  of 
Craon,  30  L  Their  distrust  of  one  another,  3 1 1-  Sully  negociates  with 
them  for  Henry  IV,  339.  The  conditions  which  they  want  to  impose  up- 
on the  king,  346.  They  disagree  with  the  states  of  Paris,  352.  Their 
plots,  and  the  oath  they  take  against  Henrj'  IV,  361.  They  send  a  depu- 
tation to  this  piSRce,  371.  They  employ  some  monks  to  murder  Henry^ 
355.  They  retire  to  Soissons  at  the  reduction  of  Paris,  425.  They  sup- 
port the  Jesuits  in  their  process  against  the  University,  &c.,  448.  Their 
partizans  tbr  the  duke  of  Maienne  in  Burgundy  defeated,  ii,  15.  They 
oppose  the  declaration  of  war  against  Spain,  40.  Are  driven  out  of  Di- 
jon and  Talan,  38.  Defeated  with  the  Spaniards  at  Fontaine-Francoise, 
62.  They  submit  to  Henry  IV,  86.  Their  partizans  set  Martha  Bros- 
siere  to  work,  309.  They  murmur  at  Sully's  embassy  to  London,  iii, 
20.  Their  motives  for  hating  Sully,  157.  The  partizans  of  the  League 
cabal  wjth  the  Spanish  ambassador  c^ainst  the  power  of  Henry,  and  his 
designs,  149.  The  aversion  of  Henry  to  the  policy  and  favourers  of  the 
League,  272.  They  labour  to  dissuade  him  from  his  great  designs,  392. 

Lennox,  earl  of,  one  of  the  Scotch  faction  at  London,  iii,  54,  86.  Sully 
makes  him  presents,  143. 

Lenoncourt,  Philip,  cardinal  of,  deputed  to  the  court  of  Henry  IV,  i,  130, 
138.  Assists  at  the  conferences  between  Catherine  de  Medicis  and  the 
duke  of  Guise,  178. 

Leo  X,  pope,  his  conduct  blamed  by  Sully,  iv,  101. 

Leo  XI,  pope,  great  rejoicing  in  France  for  his  advancement  to  the  ponti- 
ficate: his  death,  iii,  424. 

Leopold,  archduke  of  Austria.     The  emperor  Rodolphus  gives  him  the  ia- 

voL.  V.  m 


366  hxDEX. 

vestitureof  Cleves:  his  proceeding  with  Henry  IV  upon  this  alFair,  iv- 
390.   SeeCleves. 
Lepanto,  battle  of,  i,  12. 

Lecques,  Antony  du  Pleix  de,  succours  Villemur,  i,  310. 
Lerma,  duke  of,  favourite  of  Philip  III,  iii,  75. 

Lesdig'uieres,  Francis  de  Bonne  de,  constable,  commands  the  forces  of 
Henry  IV  in  Dauphin^,  i,  133.  Disconcerts  the  designs  of  Spain  and 
the  duke  of  Savoy  in  Provence,  307.  He  drives  the  duke  of  Epernon 
from  Provence,  ii,  31.  Other  exploits  against  the  duke  of  Savoy  and 
Epernon,  117.  Informs  Henrj'  IV  of  the  duke  of  Savoy's  designs,  345. 
Serves  during  the  campaign  of  Savoy,  379.  Is  made  marshal  of  France, 
and  governor  of  Piemont,  391.  Accused  of  corresponding  with  Bouil- 
lon, iii,  258.  Thanks  Sully  for  procuring  the  post  of  colonel  of  the 
guards  for  the  marquis  of  Crequy,  409.  His  deputies  excluded  from  the 
assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  463.  The  rage  with  which  he  acts  against 
Blaccons  in  the  affair  of  Orange,  iv,  22.  Bouillon's  jealousy  of  him,  65. 
His  plots  at  Chatelleraut  disconcerted  by  Sully,  61.  Henry  IV  is  ap- 
prehensive of  his  designs,  75,  151.  His  conferences  with  the  heads  of 
the  Protestants  under  him  suspected,  186.  Henry  IV  resolves  to  give 
him  the  command  of  the  army  in  Italj',  414.  Villeroi  rails  at  him  in  the 
queen-regent's  council,  and  Sully  defends  him,  v,  29. 

Leucate.  The  designs  of  the  rebels  upon  this  place,  iii,  453. 

Levis,  Gaston  de,  escapes  at  the  massacre  of  Bartholomew,  i,  39. 

Lewis  le  Debonnaire,  his  character,  v,  66. 

Lewis-Saint,  his  edict  against  duels,  iv.  51.  Commands  his  son  to  abolish 
the  tailie,  270.  His  character,  293. 

Lewis  Hutin.  Takes  an  oath  at  his  coronation,  to  submit  to  the  authority 
of  the  states  of  the  kingdom,  iv,  271. 

Lewis  XL      Value  of  the  tailie  in  his  reign,  iv,  273.     His  character,  293. 

Lewis  XIII.  His  fondness  for  Sully  iv,  461.  He  holds  his  bed  of  justice, 
and  confirms  there  the  regency  of  Mary  de  Medicis,  462.  Preparations 
made  for  his  coronation,  503.  The  reception  he  gives  Sully:  his  happy 
dispositions,  v,  19.  He  rewards  Sully's  services,  132.  He  is  against  him 
in  his  process  with  his  grandson,  136. 

Lewkenor,  master  of  the  ceremonies  in  London,  disobliges  Sully,  iii,  41. 

Liancourt,  Nicholas  d'Amexval  de,  marries  the  fair  Gabrielle.  ^  See  Es- 
trees  particulars  relating  to  this  marriage,  ii,  322. 

Liancourt,  du  Plessis,  first  equerry  of  Henry  IV,  receives  this  prince  at 
Liancourt,  ii,  120.  Appointed  by  Henry  IV  one  of  the  members  of  the 
council  of  regency,  iv,  422. 

,  madame  de.  See  Estrees,  Gabrielle  d'. 

Lieramont,  Francis  de  Dampierre  de,  governor  of  Catclet,  ii,  l^. 


\ 


INDEX.  367 

Ligne,  IWoiorai,  prince  of,  endeavours  to  deprive  the  princes  of  Epinoy  of 
their  estates,  ii,  340.     Refuses  to  marry  mademoiselle  de  Me.'un  to  the 
marquis  de  Coeuvres,  iii,  405. 
Ijg-ne,  John  de,  count  of  Aremberg.  See  Areinberg. 
Ligny,  Mary  de  Melun,  princess  of,  iv,  373. 
Lig-ny,  his  party  in  Provence,  i,  307. 

Lille,  Johnde,  a  madman,  who  attempts  to  assassinate  Henry  IV,  iv,  56. 
Limueil.  Taken  by  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  iv,  18. 
Limosin.     Military  exploits  between  the  two  parties  in  this  province,  ii, 

116;  iv,  29. 
Linghen,  taken  by  Spinola,  iii,  432. 

Livarot,  John  d'Arces  de,  one  of  the  favourites  of  Henrj'  III,  ii,  18. 
Livron.     The  duke  of  Montpensier  fails  in  his  attempt  upon  that  place,  i, 

50.  As  likewise  Henry  III,  i,  53. 
Lognac,  the  assassin  of  the  duke  of  Guise,  dies  miserably,  iii,  418. 
Lognac,  a  Protestant  captain,  gratuities  g^nted  him  by  Henry  IV,  iii, 

418. 
Loire.     Advantages  from  joining  it  with  the  Seine  and  the  Soane,  iii,  299. 
The  canal  of  Briare,  ib.  See  Briare.  A  great  inundation  of  this  river  in 
1608,  iv,  26U 
Lombardy,  kingdom  of,  a  project  for  establishing  it  in  favour  of  the  duke 

of  Savoy,  iv,  68. 
Lomenie,  Antony  de  Brienne  de,  ii,  166,  257. 

Loncaunai,  a  Protestant  gentleman  escapes  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartho- 
lomew, i,  34. 
Londe,  la,  mayor  of  Rouen  for  the  League,  i,  202. 
London.  Sully's  magnificent  reception  there,  iii,  45. 
Longueville.  This  family  supports  Sully,  v,  11. 
LonguevUle,  Henry  d'Oiieans  de,  continues  with  Henry  IV  after  the  death 

of  Henry  III,  i,  200. 
Loppes,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  present  at  the  defeat  of  the  g^eat  convoy 

sent  to  Laon,  i,  459. 
Lorges.  Surprises  Chateaudun,  i,  168. 

Lorrain.  The  forces  of  Lorrain  defeated,  and  Dun,  Stenay,  kc,  taken  by 
tJie  duke  of  Bouillon,  i,  301.  Lorrain  separates  from  Spain,  and  unites 
with  France,  ii,  39.  Success  of  the  arms  of  Lorrain  in  the  war  of  1593, 
36.  Restitution  made  by  Lorrain  of  its  usurpations  upon  the  frontiers  of 
Champaign,  iv,  2G4.  Henry  IV  designs  to  re-unite  tliat  territory  to 
France,  by  marrying  the  heiress  to  the  dauphin,  307. 
Lorraine-Guise,  family  of  See  under  Guise,  Maienne,  Auraale,  Mer- 
coeur,  Elboeuf,  Montpensier,  Sommerive,  Joinvillc,  Bar,  Chaligny,  and 
Vauderaont. 


368  INDEX. 

Lorraine,  Charles,  cardinal  of,  i,  14.  His  death,  178.  He  forms  the  scheme 
of  the  leigue  at  the  council  of  Trent,  114.  His  real  sentiments  upon  re- 
ligion, 121.  His  pretensions  upon  Metz,  173. 

Lorrain,  Charles,  cardinal  of,  bishop  of  Strasbourg-,  iii,  6.  His  death,  iv, 
258. 

,  Charles  II,  duke  of,  his  plots  with  the  states  of  Paris  useless,  i, 

352.  His  treaty  with  Henry  IV  at  the  extinction  of  the  league,  ii,  263. 
The  princess  Catherine  refuses  to  marry  him,  295.  He  makes  an  agree- 
ment with  Henry  for  the  possessions  belonging  to  the  dutchcss  of  Bar, 
lii,  190.  Godfather  to  the  princess  Christina,  iv,  116.  Disputes  with  him 
concerning  the  boundaries  of  the  country  of  Messin,  terminated,  359. 
Grants  made  him  by  the  queen-regent,  v,  77. 

,  Claude  de,  a  stem  of  the  house  of  Guise.  His  children,  i,  14. 

,  Francis  de,  grand  prior  of  France,  i,  14. 

,  Lorraine,  Mary  de,  de  Guise,  queen  of  Scotland,  i,  15,  455. 


,  dutchess  of,  falls  dangerously  ill,  iv,  293. 

Loudun,  assembly  of  Protestants  held  in  this  city:   Sully's  services  there, 

V,  131. 
Loustrange,  Lewis  Francis  de,  one  of  the  chief  roj  alists  in  Limosin,  ii. 

116.  His  services,  366. 
Louviers.  Sully  not  able  to  take  it,  ii,  202.  Taken  by  Henry  IV,  253. 
Louvre.  Henrv  IV  begins  to  build  the  great  gallery  there,  iii,  20. 
Luc,  Fi-ancis  d'Epinoy  de  Saint,  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  i,  422. 

Present  at  the  siege  of  Laon,  ii,  18.  One  of  the  favourites  of  Heur}'  III. 

His  exploits  in  Brittany,  167.   His  death  and  character,  178. 
Luc,  Saint,  goes  to  London  with  Sully,  iii,  35.     Receives  him  in  Poitou, 

263. 
Lullins.     Agent  and  comm.issioner  from  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  the  affair  of 

Saluces,  ii,  329. 
Luquisses,  Provencal  gentlemen,  their  imprisonment  and  process,  iv,  8. 

Their  punishment,  37. 
Lusignan.  Taken  by  the  duke  cf  Montpensier,  i,  51. 
Lux,  baron  dc,  ncgociates  the  conversion  of  Henry   IV.,  i,  360.     The 

part  he  had  in  the  batUe  of  Fontaine-Francoise,  ii.  62.  He  advises 

Biron  to  goto  court,  iii,  15.     Obtains  his  pardon,  after  he  had  made  a 

free  confession  to  Henry  IV,  and  to  Sully,  ii,  498.  Is  deputed  by  this 

prince  to  the  parliament  of  Dijon,  iv,  182. 
Jy.i.sembourg,  Henry  de,  «luke  of  Piney,  ambassador  to  Rome,  ii,  235. 

Ii.\s  process  with  the  parliament,  517. 

.. ,  Mary  de.  See  Martigues. 

Ijyons.  Seized  by  the  princes,  i,  24.  Surrenders  to  Henry  IV,  449.    Pro- 
cess carried  on  by  this  city  against  Feydeau,  iv,  189. 
T<vrp,  atibfy  ef,  l>elonging  to  cardinal  du-Perron,  iii,  430. 


INDEX.  369 


M. 


INIacary,  Saint.  The  Protestants  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  upon  that 
place,  i,  57. 

Madame  Catherine  dc  Bourbon,  dutchess  of  Bar,  is  scut  back  to  Henry 
III,  to  her  brother,  i,  56.  Her  taste  for  diversions,  G2.  Her  love  for  the 
count  of  Soissons,  167.  She  gives  him  a  promise  of  marriage,  398, 
which  she  afterwards  puts  into  Sully's  hands,  405.  Sully  is  sent  to  her 
by  Henry  IV^,  to  break  off  tiiis  marriage:  conversation  between  them, 
ii,  97.  She  endeavours  to  deprive  him  of  the  king's  favour,  109.  Henry 
takes  the  farms  from  her  which  she  enjoyed  in  his  name,  273.  Several 
matches  refused  by  her:  she  at  length  consents  to  marry  the  duke  of 
Bar.  Obstacles  raised  to  this  marriage  by  Rome  and  the  clergy,  296. 
A  conference  is  held  to  persuade  her  to  change  her  religion,  but  to  no 
purpose,  297.  Visits  the  king  at  Metz,  and  receives  him  at  Nancy,  iii, 
6,  18.  Particulars  relating  to  her  death,  her  character,  and  the  dispensa- 
tion for  her  marriage,  ib. 

Madrid,  castle  of,  or  Bois  de  Boulogne.  Queen  Margaret  resides  there  for 
some  time,  iv,  46. 

Maes.  The  utility  of  joining  this  river  with  the  Saone,  iii,  299. 

Mahomet  III,  His  character:  the  Janizaries  and  the  city  of  Constantino- 
ple revolt  against  him,  ii,  463. 

Maienne.  Charles  of  Lorraine,  duke  of,  takes  Brouage,  i,  69,  70.  Com- 
mands the  army  of  the  league  in  Guyenne,  133.  Marches  to  Tours, 
where  he  narrowly  misses  taking  Henry  III,  and  is  driven  from  thence 
by  Henry  IV,  188.  Defeated  at  Arques,  207.  Forced  to  abandon  Diep- 
pe, and  marches  towards  Paris,  209.  He  takes  Pontoise,  and  fails  in  his 
attempt  upon  Meulun,  214.  Loses  the  battle  of  Ivry,  222,  23,  Encoun- 
ters at  Noyon,  fcc,  250.  Loses  Mante  and  Houdan,  256.  Punishes  the 
insolence  of  the  sixteen,  268.  Joins  his  forces  with  those  of  the  prince 
of  Parma,  280.  Cause  of  the  checks  this  prince  meets  with  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Rouen,  285.  Proposals  made  by  him  to  the  king  of 
Spain,  319.  The  arts  he  practises  against  the  Spanish  party  and  his 
own  nephew,  and  the  faults  he  commits  at  the  meeting  of  the  states  of 
Paris,  352.  The  parliament  oppose  him,  355.  The  measures  taken  by 
him  to  exclude  Henry  IV  from  the  throne,  357.  He  endeavours  to 
render  the  kings's  abjuration  useless,  378.  Opposes  the  deputation  from 
the  Parisians  to  this  prince,  381.  Demands  a  new  truce,  391.  Takes 
the  government  of  Paris  from  the  count  of  Belin,  421,  423.  Baffles  the 
designs  of  the  duke  of  Nemours,  440.  Marches  to  the  assistance  of 
Laon,  407.  Endeavours  to  secure  Burgundy,  ii,  15.  Errors  in  his  con- 
duct upon  that  occasion,  59.  He  makes  his  treaty  with  Henrj^  IV,  125. 


370  INDEX. 

Sum  of  money  paid  Lira  upon  making  his  treaty,  263.  He  gives  Henry 
satisfaction  for  the  behaviour  of  tlie  count  of  Sommerive,  his  son,  iv. 
238.  He  refuses  to  sell  his  domain  of  Antibes  to  the  king,  iv,  288.  One 
of  the  council  of  the  regency,  422.  Mary  de  Medicis  makes  him  one 
of  her  public  council,  466.  Grants  which  he  procures  from  the  queen- 
regent,  v,  23. 
Maienne,  Mademoiselle  de,  Henry  IV,  refuses  to  consent  to  her  marriage 

with  the  marquis  of  Rosny,  iv,  209. 
Maienne,  city  of,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  211. 

Maignan.  Sully's  valet  de  chambre:  gives  him  a  seasonable  assistance  at 
the  siege  of  Paris  194.  Saves  his  life  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  228.  Carries 
him  in  triumph  to  Rosny,  283.     Of  great  use  to  him  at  the  siege  of 
Rouen,  263. 
Maillezais.  Taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  145.  Retaken  by  the  league,  152. 
Mailly,  James  de.  See  Beneheart. 
Mainfroy.  Competitor  with  Charles  of  Anjou,  i,  7. 

Maintenon,  Lewis  d'Angennes  de,  misses  taking  Cliartres  for  the  league, 
i,  190.  Makes  an  agreement  with  the  Maintenons  for  the  abbey   of 
Coulon,  iii,  11. 
IMaisses,  Andrew  Hurault  de,  his  services  against  the  rebels,  i,  452.  He 
is  admitted  into  the  council  of  finances,  ii,  36.  Where  he  unites  with 
Sully,  157.  Commissioner  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisale  of  Saluces, 
347:  and  in  that  of  the  earldom  of  Saint  Paul,  iii,  343. 
Mains,  Alexander,  a  Jesuit,  an  accomplice  of  Chatel,  ii,  43. 
Mains,  or  Maio,  Laurence,  a  Jesuit,  labours  to  procure  the  settlement  of 
his  society  in  France,  iii,   192.  His  promise  to  Henry  IV,  in  the  name 
of  this  society,  201. 
Maixant,  Saint,  retaken  by  the  league,  i,  152.  Henry  IV,  and  Catherine 

de  Medicis  confer  together  at  this  place,  149. 
Mallassise,  de,  i,  4.  Deputed  by  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  Rochelle,  17. 
Malderet,  deputed  by  the  United  Provinces  to  Henry  IV,  v,  102. 
Malicorne,  John  de  Chourses  de,  unable  to  succour  Talmont,  i,  140.  Re- 
signs the  government  of  Poitou  in  favour  of  Sully,  iii,  175. 
Malta,  knights  of,  take  and  destroy  Passava,  ii,  4G4.  Hemy  IV  procures 

his  son  Alexander  to  be  received  in  that  order,  iii,  373. 
Mandelot,  Francis  de,  his  humanity  to  the  Protestants  on  Saint  Bartholo- 
mew's day,  i,  44. 
Mandcrcheidt,  John:  See  Strasbourg. 
Mandoza,  Bernardin  de,  proposals  made  by  him  from  Spain  to  Henry  IV^, 

i,  10&. 
Mandoza,  Ignatius  de,  one  of  the  Spanish  plenipotentiaries  to  the  states 

of  Paris,  i,  351. 
Manicamp,  Philip  de  Longueville  de,  lieutenant  for  the  duke  of  Vendome 


INDEX.  371 

in  the  government  of  La  Fere,  ii,  C6.  Sent  to  Flanders  upon  the  prince 
of  Conde's  flight,  iv,  303. 

Manou,  John  d'O,  de,  one  of  the  Catholic  leaders  in  tlie  party  of  Henry 
IV,  i,  332. 

Mansfield,  Charles,  leads  a  Spanish  army  into  France,  i,  351.  Takes 
Noyon,  3.57,  and  La  Capelle,  442.  Unable  to  prevent  the  loss  of  Laon, 
467.  Defeated  by  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  ii,  44.  Loses  an  opportunity  of 
fighting  with  the  army  of  Henry  IV,  at  Amiens,  182. 

Mante.  The  government  of  it  refused  to  Sully,  i,  232.  The  duke  of  Mai- 
enne  fails  in  his  attempts  upon  it,  250.  Conferences  upon  religion  held 
there,  370,  380.  Sully  causes  a  bridge  to  be  built  there. 

Mantau.  In  what  manner  this  principality  passed  into  the  family  of  Gon- 
zague,  iv,  1 15.  The  designs  of  Henry  IV  upon  the  territory  of  Man- 
tua, 307. 

Vincent  de  Gonzague  duke  of,  brother-in-law  to  the  queen,  iv, 

114.  The  reception  given  him  by  Henry  IV,  at  Paris,  273. 

Eleonorade  Medicis,  dutchessof,  godmother  to  the  Dauphin,  takes 


precedence  of  the  princes  of  the  blood,  at  his  baptism,  iv,  114. 
Eleonora  de  Gonzague,  princess  of,  Henrv'  IV  proposes  to  marry 


her  to  his  third  son,  iv,  273. 
,  Margaret  de  Gonzague,  princess  of,  Henry  IV  proposes  a  mar- 


riage between  her  and  the  duke  of  Bar,  iv,  421.  She  is  taken  ill,  iv,  73. 

Manufactures  of  fine  stuffs.  Do  not  succeed  at  first  at  Tours,  ii,  341. 
Henry  IV,  establishes  them  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Sully,  iii,  177. 

Mar,  earl  of,  one  of  the  Scotch  faction  at  London,  iii,  54.  Deputed  to 
Sully,  100—130. 

Marais,  Mademoiselle  du,  daughter-in-law  to  the  duke  of  Sully,  married 
by  Henry  IV,  to  La-Boulaye,  iii,  401. 

Marc,  Saint,  driven  out  of  Meulan  by  d'Aumont,  i,  200. 

Marchand,  Charles  La,  gives  his  name  to  the  bridge  Marchand,  iv,  259. 

Margaret  de  Yalois,  queen  of  France,  celebration  of  her  nuptails  with 
Henrj'  IV,  i,  30.  She  leaves  him  and  returns  to  court,  106.  iS^egocia- 
tions  for  the  dissolution  of  her  marriage  commenced,  ii,  215.  Sully  en- 
deavours to  procure  her  consent  to  it,  223.  Parliculars  relating  to  her 
life,  225  Her  hatred  to  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  237.  The  affairs  of 
the  dissolution  of  her  marriage  resumed,  and  completed,  332.  Henry  IV 
obliges  the  count  of  Auvergne  to  do  her  justice  with  regard  to  the  inhe- 
ritance of  Catherine  de  Medicis,  iii,  2,52.  Sully  confers  with  her  con- 
cerning the  cabals  of  the  disaffected  party,  453.  She  quits  the  castle  of 
Usson,  and  resides  in  the  castle  of  Madrid:  honours  which  she  receives 
there  from  the  king  and  queen,  iv,  45.  Her  death  and  character,  46. 
Makes  presents  to  the  duke  and  dutchess  of  Sully.  65.  Assists  at  thf 
baptism  of  the  children  of  France,  116. 


372  INDEX. 

Marie,  Saint,  regretted  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  199. 

Marillac,  eng'aged  in  Henry  1  V's  gallantries,  iv,  221. 

Marine,  its  deplorable  condition  at  the  time  of  the  peace  of  Vervius,  ii, 
262. 

Marion.  Sully's  letter  to  him,  iv,  267. 

Marivaut,  Claude  de  Tlsle  de,  present  at  the  attack  of  the  prince  of  Par- 
ma's vanguard,  i,  269.  At  the  siege  of  Laou,  457.  At  the  defeat  of  the 
grand  convoy,  459. 

Mark  la,  how  this  principality  became  united  to  the  dutchy  of  Cleves,  iv, 
386,  7. 

Mark,  William  Robert  de  la,  brother  to  the  dutcliess  of  Bouillon:  liis  death 
and  last  will,  i,  256. 

Mark,  Robert  de  la,  father  to  the  dutchess  of  Bouillon,  i,  255.  He  held 
Sedan  under  the  protection  of  Francis  II,  iv,  83. 

Mark,  Charlotte  de  la.  See  Bouillon,  dutchess  of. 

Markham,  conspires  against  the  kiogof  England,  iii,  154. 

Marie,  castle  of,  Henry  IV  resides  there  in  his  youth,  i,  462. 

Marmande.  Henry  IV  unsuccessful  against  that  place,  i,  60.  Skirmishes 
before  this  town,  81. 

Marmoutier.  Henry  IV  narrowly  escapes  being  taken  there  by  the  duke 
ofMaienne,  i,  188. 

Marquemont,  Denis  de,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  endeavours  to  procure  a 
dissolution  of  the  marriage  between  Henry  IV  and  Margaret  de  Valois. 
ii,  214.  Is  refused  a  cardinal's  hat,  iii,  225. 

Marquette.  A  Flemish  officer:  commands  the  succours  to  Ostend,  iii,  318. 

Marseilles.  Its  reduction  by  the  duke  of  Guise,  ii,  31.  Deputation  from 
thence  to  Henry  IV,  97.  Birou's  party  endeavour  to  get  possession  of 
this  cit)"",  455.  Insurrections  which  happen  there  upon  the  prohibition  of 
commerce  with  Spain,  iii,  310.  Schemes  of  the  disaffected  party  to 
seize  it,  ii,  440.  The  troubles  in  this  city  pacified,  iv,  127. 

Marsilliere,  de,  a  Protestant  officer:  deputed  to  Germany,  i,  139. 

Marteau,  Michael,  de  la  Chapelle,  traverses  Villars's  treaty  with  Henry 
IV,  i,  409,  429. 

Marthe,  messieurs  de  Saint,  jurtify  Sully  against  the  calumnies  of  father 
Cotton,  iii,  361. 

Martigues,  Mary  de  Beaucaire,  dutchess  of,  intercedes  for  the  duke  of 
Mercoeur  with  Henry  IV,  ii,  195.  Visits  Sully,  199.  Raises  obstacles 
to  the  marriage  of  the  duke  of  Vendome,  with  mademoiselle  de  Mer- 
coeur, iv,  245. 

Martin,  Charles  le  Clerc  de  Saint,  slain  at  Cahors,  i,  77. 

,  de  Saint,  first  gentleman  of  the  bed  chamber  to  the  king  of  Na- 
varre, ii,  114. 

Mastin.  madam  de  Saint,  wife  of  the  first  president,  ii,  114. 


iNDEX.  373 

Mastin,  madam  de,  her  reception  of  Sully  her  nephew,  i,  104. 

Martinbault,  member  of  the  parliament  of  Rouen.  In  the  party  of  Henry 
IV,  ii,  96. 

Martinengue.  His  party  in  Provence,  i,  307. 

Matelet,  gfovernor  of  Foix,  throws  himself  into  Calais;  and  surrenders  it  to 
the  Spaniards,  ii,  72. 

Matignon,  James  de,  marshal  of  France.  Takes  Montgomery  prisoner,  i, 
49.  Commands  an  army  in  Guyenne:  loses  Costets,  132.  Refuses  to 
succour  Villcmur,  309.  Henry  makes  him  one  of  the  council  of  finan- 
ces, ii,  36.  Defeats  the  Crocans,  and  raises  the  siege  of  Blaye,  117. 

Matignon.  Odet  de.  See  Thorigny. 

Matthias,  archduke  of  Austria,  the  United  Provinces  offer  him  the  sove- 
reignt}'  over  them:  but  are  afterwards  disgusted  with  him,  i,  89. 

Maugiron,  Francis  de,  a  favourite  of  Henry  III,  li,  18. 

Mauleon.  Taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  145. 

Maupeou,  appointed  by  Henry  IV  one  of  the  council  of  the  regency,  iv, 
422. 

Maurevert,  Nicholas  de,  wounds  admiral  Coligny,  i,  28. 

Maurier,  Benjamin  Aubery  du,  his  letter  to  Boaillon,  ii,  39;  iii,  15,  The 
service  he  does  him  i  i  the  affair  of  Sedan,  iv,  89.  Benefits  conferred  on 
him  by  Sully,  v.  38. 

Maximilian  I,  emperor,  Philip  II  endeavours  to  deprive  him  of  the  empire, 
ii,  28G.  His  claims  upon  the  Low  Countries  contestible,  iv,  386. 

Maximilian  II,  emperor,  his  dispositions  witli  regard  to  the  territories  of 
Cleves,  Juliers,  &c.,  iv,  390. 

Meaux,  enterprise  of,  i,  23.  Vitry  surrenders  this  city  to  Henry  IV,  392. 

Medavy,  Charles  Francis  Rouxel  de,  one  of  the  general  officers  of  the 
league,  i,  202.  He  commences  a  treaty  with  Sully,  388.  Concludes  it, 
408. 

Medicis,  house  of,  of  late  date,  iv,  378. 

Medicis,  Alexander  de,  cardinal  of  Florence,  negociates  for  the  peace  of 
Vervins,  ii,  228.  Sully  receives  him  at  Paris,  and  at  St.  Germain,  246. 
He  is  made  pope.  See  Leo  XI. 

Medicis,  Catherine  de,  queen  of  France.  Unsuccessful  in  the  war  against 
the  Protestants,  i,  3.  Deceives  them  by  the  peace  of  1570,  4.  Her  arti- 
fices to  draw  the  Huguenots  to  Paris,  23.  Her  schemes  for  the  establish- 
ment of  her  children,  ib.  Charles  IX  hates  her,  ib.  Her  artifices  to  dis- 
unite Henry  IV  and  monsieur,  55.  She  deceives  them  both  by  the  peace 
called  Monsieur's  peace,  56.  Her  letter  to  the  prince  ofCond^,  83.  Her 
schemes  to  procure  the  sovereignty  of  the  Low  Countries  and  the  king- 
dom of  Algiers  for  the  duke  of  Anjou,  89.  Her  treachery  in  treating  with 
Sully,  106.  Loses  an  opportunity  of  suppressing  the  league,  and  of  uni- 
ting the  Low  Countries  to  France,  116.     She  goes  into  Poilou.  and  has 

VOL.  V.  n 


S74  INDEX. 

several  conferences  with  Henry  IV,  149.  Her  indifference  about  reli- 
gion, 150.  Several  negociations  between  her,  the  duke  of  Guise,  &c. 
after  the  action  of  the  barricadoes,  178.  Reconciles  Henry  HI  and  the 
Guises,  ib.  Her  death  and  character,  180.  Her  last  will  in  favour  of 
her  daughter,  iii,  251.  The  value  of  her  estates,  252. 

Medicis,  Eleonora  de.  See  Mantua,  dutchess  of. 

,  Ferdinand  de,  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  marries  Mary  de  Medicis 

in  the  name  of  Henry  IV,  ii,  365.  He  surrenders  the  isles  of  Pomegue- 
Ratoneau,  and  If,  to  this  prince,  440.  His  death,  iv,  378. 

-,C6me  II  de,  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  succeeds  Ferdinand,  iv,  378. 


Henr}'  engages  him  in  his  interests,  414. 
,  Francis  Marie  de,  grand  duke  of  Tuscany:  marriage  of  his  daugh- 


ter to  Henry  IV,  ii,  338. 

— ,  D.  John  de,  a  bastard  uncle  to  the  queen:  comes  with  her  to  Pa- 
ris, ii,  403.  The  queen  forces  him  to  leave  France,  iv,  228. 

■- ,  Mary  de,  married  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  338.     Arrives  at  Lyons,  395. 

Comes  to  Fontainebleau,  afterwards  to  Paris,  403.  Goes  to  keep  the  ju- 
bilee at  Orleans,  417.  Is  delivered  of  the  Dauphin,  436.  She  follows  the 
king  to  BJois,  465.  The  king  discloses  to  her  the  design  of  arresting  Bi- 
ron,  485.  Birth  of  the  princess  Elizabeth  of  France,  530.  Uneasiness 
which  she  gives  the  king  by  her  jealousy  and  bad  temper,  iii,  231.  Sully's 
advice  to  heron  this  subject,  240.  Grants  which  she  procures  from  the 
king,  ib.  Sully  persuades  her  to  write  a  submissive  letter  to  the  king, 
ib.  They  are  reconciled  and  quarrel  again,  231.  Mutual  complaints  be- 
tween her  and  Sully,  248.  Other  quarrels  between  her,  the  king,  and 
the  marchioness  of  Verneuil,  250.  Presents  made  to  her  by  Henry  IV, 
270.  She  attends  the  king  in  his  journey  to  Auvergne,  &:c.,  iv,  32.  Vi- 
sits and  honours  paid  by  her  to  queen  Margaret,  45,  6.  A  curious  con- 
versation between  her,  the  king,  and  Sully  upon  their  disputes,  58.  She 
makes  complaints  to  Henry,  63.  Presents  made  by  her  to  Sully,  65. 
Favours  the  Spanish  policy  against  that  of  the  king,  68.  Favours  the 
duke  of  Bouillon,  86.  Escapes  being  drowned  at  Neuilly,  1 17.  A  fami- 
liar dialogue  between  her  and  the  king,  130.  Birtli  of  her  second  son, 
140.  New  quarrels  between  her,  the  king,  and  the  marchioness  of 
Verneuil,  200,  223.  She  pawns  her  jewels,  200.  Birth  of  ber  third  son, 
231.  She  gives  the  king  dangerous  advice  against  the  Protestants,  249. 
She  goes  to  Chartres,  296.  Her  friendship  for  father  Cotton,  ibid. 
Grants  which  she  procures  for  Leonora  from  Sully,  341.  Consequences 
of  her  jealousy  of  the  princess  of  Cond^,  349.  He  appoints  her  regent 
during  the  execution  of  his  great  designs,  422.  She  insists  upon  being 
crowned  in  opposition  to  the  desires  of  Henry,  423.  Account  of  her  se- 
cret council,  and  conduct  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  459,  et  seq.; 
V,  1,  et  seq. 


INDEX.  375 

Munel,  house  of,  and  disUoguished  persons  of  this  name,  i  7.  See  also 
under  Epino} ,  Ligne,  Roubais. 

Melun,  Hughde,  viscount  de  Gand,  i,  9.  Sully  loses  his  inheritance,  90. 

,  Anne  de,  lady  de  Ilosny,  i,  8,  91. 

,  N.  de,  Henry  IV,  gives  him  the  abbey  of  Moreilles,  iii,  402. 

,  mademoiselle  dc,  her  relations  refuse  to  marry  her  to  tlie  marquis 

de  Coeuvres,  iii,  404. 

Melvil,  Andrew,  a  Scotch  minister,  iv,  151. 

Menager.  Deputed  from  the  states  of  Blois  to  Henry  IV,  i,  67. 

IMende.  Taken  by  Fosseuse,  ii,  205. 

Menehoult.  The  agreement  of  Saint,  v,  124,  5. 

IMenelay,  the  marchioness  of,  takes  the  habit  of  a  nun,  iv,  298. 

Mercoeur,  Philip  Emanuel  de  Lorrain,  duke  of,  made  governor  of  Brit- 
tany, i,  210.  Defeats  the  royalists  at  Craon,  301.  His  schemes  discon- 
certed by  Sully,  318.  His  plots  with  the  states  of  Paris  ineffectual,  352. 
His  success  in  Brittany,  ii,  115.  A  bon-mot  of  his  with  regard  to  his 
pretended  claims  upon  Brittany,  192.  Methods  which  he  makes  use  of 
to  obtain  his  pardon,  195.  His  party  in  Brittany  supprest,  198.  The 
sum  he  receives  upon  making  his  treaty,  264.  He  goes  into  Hungary  to 
serve  the  emperor  in  his  wars,  340.  He  is  made  lieutenant-general 
there,  404.  Takes  Albe-Royale  from  the  Turks,  462.  Particulars  re- 
lating to  his  death,  534. 

>IerccEur,  Frances  de  Lorrain  de,  contracted  to  the  duke  of  Vendome,  ii, 
195.  Great  difficulties  in  accomplishing  their  marriage,  iv,  245. 

,  Mary  de  Luxembourg,  dutchess  of,  the  methods  she  makes  use  of 

to  move  Henry  IV  in  favour  of  her  husband,  ii,  195.  Sully  is  reconcil- 
ed to  her,  199.  Obstacles  raised  by  her  to  the  marriage  of  her  daughter 
withtlie  duke  of  Vendome,  iv,  245. 

Merovingiens.  Character  of  this  race,  v,  65. 

Mesmes,  N.  de,  i,  4.  Deputed  hy  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  Rochelle,  18. 

Mesmes,  John  James  de.  See  Roissy. 

Mesmin,  mademoiselle  de  Saint,  Sully  falls  in  love  with  her,  but  after- 
waras  subdues  his  passion,  i,  109. 

Mesnil,  du,  captain  of  the  old  palace  of  Rouen  in  the  king's  party,  ii,  97. 

IMessiUac,  Raymond  de  Rastignac,  de,  succours  Villemur,  i,  310. 

Messin,  termination  of  a  dispute  respecting  its  boundaries,  iv,  342. 

Metz.  Henry  IV,  goes  thither,  and  drives  out  the  Sobolles,  iii,  3.  Sully 
supports  this  city  against  the  Jesuits,  iv,  104.  The  duke  of  Verneuil  is 
made  bishop  of  it,  256. 

jNIeulan.  Taken  by  d'Aumont,  and  Sully,  i,  200.  The  league  make  a 
fruitless  attempt  upbn  it:  Henry  IV  runs  great  dangers  in  succouring 
it,  214,335. 

Meyrargues,  baron  de,  his  crime  and  punishment,  iv,  37, 

Micbau,  captain,  an  adventure  which  Henry  IV  has  with  him,  i,  112. 


376  INDEX. 

Michael,  Vaivode  of  Transilvania,  defeated  by  George  Baste,  ii,  462. 

Michel,  Saint,  this  town  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 

Michel,  Saint,  deputed  by  Henry  V  to  Sully,  iv,  249.  He  informs  Sully  of 

the  assassination  of  Henry  IV,  441 . 
Mignon,  Nichole,  attempts  to  poison  Henry  IV,  her  punishment,  ii,  345. 
Mignonville,  a  Protestant  officer,  i,  140.  Commands  the  artillery  at  Cou- 

tras,  160. 
Milly,  conferences  of,  the  subject  treated  of  there,  i,  386. 
Milon,  a  Protestant  officer,  occasions  the  taking  of  Monsegur,  i,  84. 
Mines  of  gold  and  silver,  &c.  discovered  in  France,  ii,  527. 
Miolens.  A  city  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 
Miossens,  Henry  d' Albert,  baron  de,  one  of  the  Protestant  lords,  i,  50: 

ii,  115. 
Mirande,  a  snare  laid  by  its  inhabitants  for  Henry  IV,  i,  64. 
Mirebau,  James  Chabot  de,  his  behaviour  at  the  battle  of  Fotaine-Fran- 

eoise,  ii,  60. 
Mirepoix,  Louisa  de  Bethune,  marchioness  of,  her  ingratitude  to  the  duke 

of  Sully,  her  father  v,  55. 
Miron,  first  physician  to  Henry  III,  his  speech  to  this  prince.  See  Henry 
III.  He  assists  at  the  conferences  after  the  barricadoes,  i,  178. 

■  ■\  ,  Francis,  lieutenant  civil,  and  intendant  of  Paris:  Biron's  dis- 
course to  him  upon  the  scaffold,  ii,  490.  His  death,  iv,  258.  His  opposi- 
tion to  the  registring  the  rents;  particulars  relating  to  his  life:  Sully's 
generosity  to  liis  family,  ib. 
Mistresses  of  Henry  IV,  their  names;   the  children  he  had  by  them,  iv, 

220. 
Mole,  Joseph  Bonniface  de  la,  beheaded,  i,  49. 

,  Edward,  his  opposition  to  the  duke  of  Maienne.  See  States  of 

Paris. 
Molina,  a  Jesuit;  his  opinion  concerning  grace,  iii,  204. 
Momier,  keeper  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  ii,  246. 
Monaco.  Spain  usurps  this  principality,  iii,  333. 
Monarchy,  universal,  proofs  that  Charles  V,  Philip  II,  and  Philip  HI, 

formed  schemes  for  it,  iv,  66. 
Monceaux,  marchioness  of.  See  Estrees,  Gabriel  de. 
Moncontour,  battle  of,  i,  2. 

Mondoucct,  Claude,  resident  in  the  Low  Countries,  i,  31. 
Money,  regulations  respecting  it,  i,  387;  ii,  408,  409,  410. 
Mens.  Taken  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  i,  20. 
Monsegur.  Taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  84. 
Monsire,  Gamaliel  dc,  sent  by  Henry  IV,  to  draw  out  the  garrison  from 

Sedan,  iv,  20 1. 
Mont,  Du,  or  Des  Monts.  Sent  into  Canada,  iii,  185. 
MontalR^,  house  of,  in  Piedmont.  Sully  dissuades  Henry  IV,  ficm  pyr- 


INDEX.  377 

chasing  the  estates  of  that  house,  ii,  442.  A  quarrel  on  this  occasioo 
between  the  count  of  Soissons  and  Sully,  iv,  472.  The  queen-regent 
favours  the  count  of  Soissons  in  this  affair,  v,  5. 

Montaffie,  Lewis,  count  of,  marries  his  daughter  to  the  count  of  Soissons 
ii,  442. 

Montagu.  Taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  76. 

Montataire.  Deputed  to  Sully  by  the  prince  of  Cond^,  iv,  490. 

Montauban.  A  cautionary  town  given  to  the  Protestants,  i,  4.  It  main- 
tains its  privileges,  45.  Assembly  of  Protestants  held  in  this  city:  tu- 
mults among  them,  117.  Their  eulogium  upon  Henry  IV,  iii,  170. 
Taken  by  Lewis  XIII.  Sully's  services  at  this  siege. 

JVIontausier.  A  protestant  officer.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  i,  160. 

Montbazffn,  Lewis  de  Rohan,  duke  of,  i,  122.  The  reception  he  gives 
Sully,  130.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Bonneval,  191.  Is  killed  at  Ar- 
ques,  207. 

,  Hercules  de  Rohan,  duke  of,  Sully's  friendship  for  him  censur- 
ed, iii,  390.  Henry  IV,  lives  with  him  atLivry,  iv,  381.  Appointed  one 
of  the  regents,  422.  Deputed  to  Sully  by  the  queen-regent,  458. 

Montespan.   Attends  Henry  IV,  in  the  campaign  of  Savoy,  ii,  393. 

Montferrat.  Henry  IV,  has  a  design  upon  this  principality,  iii,  13. 

ilontglat,  Lewis  de  Harlay  de,  first  steward  of  the  household  to  Henr}- 
IV.  He  is  sent  by  that  prince  to  meet  the  foreign  army,  i,  169.  An  in- 
terview between  Henry  and  Sully  at  his  house,  iii,  56.  Resident  from 
France  in  Germany,  iv,  136.    Appointed  ambassador  to  the  Porte,  422. 

Montglat,  madam  de,  governess  to  the  children  of  France,  iii,  345.  Pre- 
sents made  her  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  418.  Of  Sully,  iv,  60.  Carries  tlie 
children  of  France  to  Noissy,  202. 

Montgomery,  Gabriel,  count  of,  kills  Henry  II,  in  a  tournament,  i,  15. 
Escapes  at  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew,  35.  Returns  into 
France,  48,  49.  His  death,  50.  His  son,  59,  60. 

Montignac-le-Comte,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Maienne,  i,  135. 

Montigny,  Francis  de  la  Grange  de,  present  at  the  defeat  of  the  gran-^ 
convoy  sent  to  Laon,  459.  Henry  refuses  him  the  post  of  master-general 
of  the  ordnance,  ii,  178.  Makes  him  governor  of  Metz,  and  the  coun- 
try of  Messin,  iii,  5.  Sully's  friendship  for  him  calumniated,  390.  A 
quarrel  between  him  and  the  duke  of  Epemon,  iv,  244. 

Montluc,  Blaise  de,  marshal  of  France;  commands  in  Languedoc,  i,  45. 
His  opinion  concerning  the  siege  of  Rochelle,  46. 

Montluc,  John  de,  bishop  of  Valence,  i,  34. 

^lontluc-Balagny.  See  Balagny. 

Montluel.  Taken  from  the  league,  ii,  44. 

Montluet,  Francis  d'Angennes  de,  sent  by  Henry  IV  to  Bouillon,  iv,  4. 
Opposes  the  enterprise  of  Sedan,  73. 


378  iNi^Ex. 

Montmartin.  Treats  for  the  goyerument  of  Poilou  for  Sully,  iii,  176.  Seat 
to  the  Grisons  on  the  affair  of  the  Valtoline,  388.  Assists  at  the  synod 
of  Rochelle,  iv,  150. 

Montmelian,  a  conversation  bebveen  the  duke  of  Savoy  and  Sully,  con- 
cerning this  place,  ii,  347.  Operations  ag-ainst  it,  370. 

Montmorency,  Anne  de,  constable  of  France,  an  account  of  his  ministry, 
i,  14. 

,  Charles  de,  de  Damville,  admiral:  an  important  service  done 

him  byConchini,  v,  8. 

,  the  chevalier  de,  seizes  the  Luquisses  and  other  rebels,  iv,  8. 

,  Francis  de,  called  the  marshal  de  Montmorency,  i,  17,  20, 


35. 


,  William  de.  See  There. 

,  Henry,  constable  de;  he  joins  the  Protestants,  i,  49.     He 

gives  the  Protestants  good  council,  119.  Commands  the  troops  of  Hen- 
ry IV  in  Languedoc,  133, 141.  Supports  his  part}-  in  Dauphine,  307. 
Succours  VilleiriUr,  310.  His  success  in  Dauphine,  ii,  44.  Opposes  Bul- 
ly's entrance  into  the  council  of  finances,  1 19.  One  of  the  commission- 
ers in  the  affair  of  the  marquisate  cf  Saluces,  ii,  347.  Commands  the 
troops  left  in  Piemont,  402.  Suspected  of  being  an  accomplice  with  Biron, 
497.  Henrj'  IV  retores  him  to  his  favour  at  the  intreaty  of  Sully,  500. 
He  and  his  family  intercede  for  the  count  of  Auv<;rgne,  503.  He  does 
Sully  a  service,  529.  He  favours  the  rcpealoftlie  Jesuits  banishment, 
iii,  192.  Is  employed  in  the  prohibition  of  commerce  between  France 
and  Spain,  313.  Appointed  one  of  the  members  of  the  council  of  regen- 
cy by  this  prince,  422.  He  offers  his  services  to  Sully  after  the  death  of 
Henry  IV,  iv,  458.  The  queen-regent  makes  him  one  of  her  council, 
466.  Takes  Sully's  part  against  Bouillon,  v,  10.  His  quarrels  with  the 
grandees  and  the  ministers,  11. 

,  Charlotte  de.  See  Angouleme,  dutchess  of. 

,  Charlotte  Margaret  de,  209,  245.  Married  to  the  prince  of 


Conde  contrary  to  Sully's  advice:  motives  of  tliis  marriage,  and  the  pas- 
sion of  Henry  for  this  princess,  iv,  302.  The  plots  and  discontent  of  the 
prince  of  Conde,  350.  Her  Husband  carries  her  to  Flanders,  335. 

,  Hippolita  de-  See  Epinoy. 

,  Louisa  de  Budos,  wife  to  the  constable,  her  death,  ii,  313. 


Montpazier  and  Villefranche,  surprised  by  the  inhabitants  of  each  other,  i, 

58. 
Montpensier,  Francis  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  takes  Fontenai  and  Lusignan. 

i,  50. 
■  — ,  Francis  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  raises  the  siege  of  Livron,  i, . 

50.  Attends  monsieur  in  Flanders,  103. 


INDEX.  379 

Montpensier,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  commands  the  royal  forces  in 
Normandy,  i,  210.  Henry  III  to  blame  in  taking  the  government  of  Brit- 
tany from  liim,  ib.  An  accountol  this  expedition,  2"25.  He  loses  tlie 
battle  of  Craon,  30 1 ,  Is  wounded  at  the  siege  of  Dieux,  368.  Sully  re- 
conciles him  and  the  count  of  Soissons,  390.  Receives  a  recompense 
from  Henry  IV,  398.  Henry  sends  Sully  to  him  upon  some  false  accusa- 
tions, ii,  95.  And  designs  to  marry  him  to  the  princess  Catherine,  97. 
He  marries  the  heiress  of  the  house  of  Joyeuse,  325.  Is  suspected  of  be- 
ing concerned  in  Biron's  conspiracy,  497.  His  death,  iv,  213.  Henry 
IV  destines  his  only  daughter  for  the  second  son  of  France,  307. 

,  Catherine  Maria  de  Lorrain,  dutchess  of,  the  clemency  and 

generosity  of  Henry  IV  to  this  lady,  i,  425, 

,  Mary  de  Bourbon,  only  daughter  of  Henry  duke  of  Mont- 


pensier: she  is  contracted  to  the  second  son  of  France,  iv,  ?07. 

Montpezat,  Henry  des  Pres  de,  sent  by  the  duke  of  Maienne,  into  Spain,  i, 
391.  Serves  the  league,  ii,  97. 

Montreuil.  Henry  IV  makes  his  entry  there,  ii,  13. 

Montrichard.  Henry  III  and  Henry  IV  have  a  conference  there,  i,  188. 

Montricoux.  An  estate  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  55. 

Montrond.  An  estate  of  Sully's  v,  13.  improvements  made  by  Sully  on 
this  castle,  151. 

Moors.  In  Spain,  i,  12.  They  revolt  and  implore  assistance  from  France, 
iv,  284.  Banished  out  of  Spain,  285. 

Moreilles,  abbey  of,  given  to  a  nephev?  of  Sully,  iii,  402. 

Moret.  Sully  receives  the  king  there,  ii,  48.  Henry  purchases  that  house, 
iv,  119. 

Moret,  Jaqueline  de  Beuil,  countess  of,  presents  which  she  receives  from 
Henry  IV,  iv,  122.  Her  character,  ib.  He  goes  to  see  her,  140,  220. 
Her  children  by  him,  200.  An  intrigue  between  her  and  the  prince  of 
Joinville,  238.  She  endeavours  to  ruin  Sully,  346. 

Morette,  count  of,  one  of  the  duke  of  Savoy's  commissioners  in  the  affair 
of  Saluces,  ii,  347. 

Morgan,  the  count  of,  Auvergne's  agent,  iii,  269. 

Morienne,  Saint  John  de,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 

Morlaix,  taken  by  d'Aumont,  ii,  14. 

Morlas,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Protestants:  he  changes  his  religion,  and  is 
greatly  esteemed  by  Henry  IV,  i,  335. 

Mornay,  Philip  Du  Plessis,  i,  129.  He  cures  Henry  IV  at  La  Mothe-Fre- 
lon,  183.  He  is  made  governor  of  Saumur,  186.  A  letter  which  Henry 
IV  sent  to  him  upon  his  treaty  of  union  with  Henry  III,  188.  A  letter 
from  him  to  Henry  IV  after  the  battle  of  Aumale,  278.  He  interposes 
in  the  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  360.  Serves  Villeroi  in  his  treaty  witli 
the  king,  427.     Cabals  in  the  Protestant  party  during  the  siege  of  Ami- 


380  KVDEX. 

ens,  ii,  175.  Causes  an  article  to)be  inserted  in  the  edict  of  Nantes,  by 
which  it  is  obliged  to  be  amended,  307.  His  pubhc  dispute  with  Du  Per- 
ron, 354,  His  plots  at  London,  iii,  66.  The  king  of  England  speaks  to 
Sully  in  his  favour,  77.  He  plots  in  favour  of  Bouillon,  and  against  the 
pope,  172.  He  excites  the  Protestants  to  rebellion,  ib.  Sully  excludes 
his  deputies  from  the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  and  disconcerts  his 
schemes  there,  463,  iv,  14.  He  endeavours  to  break  off  the  enterprise 
against  Sedan,  68.  Farther  account  of  his  plots  with  the  Protestants, 
248.  Sully  justifies  him  to  the  king  against  a  slander  that  was  raised 
against  him,  365.  He  openly  supports  Sully's  party  against  the  court, 
and  the  council  of  the  queen-regent,  v,  121 . 
Morosini,  John  Francis,  the  pope's  nuncio.     Henry  dares  not  oppose  him, 

i,  183. 
Morsan,  Barnard,  provost  of,  procured  justice  to  be  done  to  the  Hugue- 
nots at  Rouen,  i,  17. 
Mulberry-trees.     Ordered  b)-^  an  edict  to  be  planted  in  the  kingdom,  ii,- 
427.     Henry  has  them  cultivated  contrary  to  Sully's  advice,  iii,  177. 
Stuffs  made  of  the  bark  of  these  trees,  419. 
Muscovy.  Part  of  the  great  design  relating  to  this  state,  v,  85. 
Mothe,  Valentine  de  Pardicu  de  la,  brings  troops  to  the  assistance  of  the 

league  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  i,  269.  His  death,  ib. 
Mothe-Fr^lou,  la,  Henry  IV  is  taken  ill  there,  i,  182. 
Motte,  bridge  of  the,  the  two  kings  have  an  interview  there,  188. 
Motteville,  member  of  the  parliament  of  Rouen.     In  tlie  party  of  Henry 

IV,  ii,  97. 
Moussy,  Bouthillier  de,  ii,  19.     Defeats  a  body  of  forces  belonging  to  the 

league,  44. 
Moussy,  father,  a  Jesuit.  His  letter  on  occasion  of  the  quarrel  about  the 

college  of  Poitiers,  iii,  362. 
Moutiers,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  368. 

Mouy,  Isaac  Vaudre  de,  a  Protestant  officer,  i,  125.  Present  at  the  battle 
of  Bonneval,  191.  Does  not  arrive  till  after  the  battle  of  Ivry,  225.  Ad- 
vises the  amendment  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  ii,  266. 
Murat,  treasurer  of  France,  contributes  to  the  seizure  of  the  count  of  Au- 
vergne,  iii,  272.  Gives  information  of  the  seditious  cabals,  iv,  434.  His 
connections  with  Lesdiguieres  render  him  suspected,  151. 
Murat,  treasurer  of  the  extraordinary  of  war,  attached  to  Sully;  advice, 

and  marks  of  confidence  which  he  receives  from  him,  v,  39 
Mustapha,  aga  of  Cairo,  his  letter  to  Sully  concerning  a  resident  from  the 
Porte  at  Marseilles,  iv,  383. 


INDEX.  381 


j\. 

Nangis,  goes  into  the  service  of  the  archduke  in  Flanders,  iii,  433. 

Nangis,  Beauvais,  liis  conversation  with  tlie  duke  of  Guise.  See  Guise; 
Henry  de. 

Nantes  edict  of,  extorted  by  the  Protestants,  ii,  39.  Henry  IV,  employs 
himself  in  drawing  up  articles.  If)  I.  His  stay  at  Nantes  for  that  pur- 
pose, 202.  Opposition  made  to  its  being  registered,  211,308.  They 
find  it  necessary  to  make  some  alterations  in  it:  treachery  of  those  who 
were  employed  to  compose  it,  303.  And  proposed  by  Henry  IV,  as  a 
fundamental  writing  in  the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut,  iii,  445. 

Naples.     Henry  IV  proposes  to  give  this  kingdom  to  the  pope,  iii,  332. 

Narbonne,  the  rebels  endeavour  to  seize  this  place,  ii,  455,  iii,  439. 

Narbonne,  viscounty  of,  piirchased  by  the  house  of  Bourbon,  i,  10. 

Nassau,  William  de,  prince  of  Orange.   See  Orange. 

^ ,  Henry  de,  ambassador  from  the  United  Provinces  to  London, 

iii,  61. 

,Justin  de,  ambassador  from  the  States-General  to  France:  a  con- 


versation between  Henry  IV.  and  him,  ii,  105. 
,  Lewis,  de,  or  count  Lodovic,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Protestant 


party  in  France,  i,  25,  iii.  74. 

,  Maurice  de,  prince  of  Orange.    See  Orange. 

,  Philip  de,  brings  troops  to  the  assistance  of  Henry  IV,  at  the 


siege  of  Rouen,  i,  257.  He  defeats  the  count  of  Mansfield,  ii,  44. 

Navarre,  kingdom  of,  usurped  by  the  Spaniards,  i,  12.  Design  of  Cathe- 
rine de  Medicis  to  purchase  it,  and  exchange  it  with  Spain,  90.  Claims 
of  the  house  qf  Rohan  upon  the  estates  possessed  by  that  of  Albret 
there,  iii,  400.  The  finances  of  Navarre  reunited  to  those  of  France, 
iv,  178.  A  dispute  concerning  the  boundaries  of  this  kingdom  terminated 
to  Henry's  advantage,  280.  Part  of  the  great  design  which  relates  to 
this  state,  i,  106.   See  Political  design. 

Navarre,  Antony  de  Bourbon,  king  of,  i,  2.  His  death,  13.  Particulars  re- 
lating to  his  life,  ib. 

Navarre,  Henry  d'Albert  king  of,  particulars  relating  to  this  prince  at  the 
birth  of  his  grandson,  i,  10. 

,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  king  of  See  Henry  IV. 

,  Jean  d'Albrct,  queen  of,  i,  10.     Retires  to  Rochelle  at  the 

peace  of  1570,  17.     Motives   which  determine  her  to  go  to  Paris,  19. 
Her  death,  32. 

Nemours,  Charles  Emanuel  de  Savoy,  duke  of,  fights  for  the  league  at 
Jvry,  i,  223.  Defends  Paris  against  Henry  IV,  235.  His  party  in  Pro- 
vence unsuccessful,  307.   As  likewise  his  designs  and  plots  at  the  states 

VOL.  V.  O 


SS2  INDEX. 

of  Paris,  352.  The  city  of  Lyons  surrenders  to  Henry  IV,  notwithstand- 
ing" his  endeavours  to  the  contrary:  the  treatment  he  receives  there, 
440.  The  constable  do  Montmorency  defeats  his  troops,  and  takes  his 
towns,  ii,  44.     His  death,  87.  Sum  paid  him  at  his  treaty,  263. 

Nemours,  Henry  de  Savoy.  See  Saint  Sorlin. 

,  la  Garnache.  See  Garnache,  la. 

Nerac,  a  brave  action  of  Henry's  before  this  town,  i,  71. 

Nerestan,  Philibert  de,  captain  of  the  guards,  arrests  the  count  of  Au- 
verg-ne,  iii,  278.  Supports  Sully's  opinion  upon  the  enterprise  of  Se- 
dan, iv,  82.  First  grand  master  of  the  order  of  Mount  Carmel,  196. 

Nery,  Madam  de,  prevails  upon  d'Estrees  to  treat  with  Sully  for  the  post 
of  grand  master  of  the  ordnance,  ii,  243. 

Nesle,  marquis  of,  slain  at  the  battle  of  Ivry.  See  Ivry. 

Netancourt,  John  de,  count  of  Vaubecourt,  deputed  by  Bouillon  to  the 
king,  iv,  90.  Henry  IV  makes  him  governor  in  Sedan,  95, 204. 

Neubourg,  Philip  Lewis,  count  palatinate  of,  his  claim  to  the  succession  of 
Cleves,  iv,  388.  He  divides  it  with  the  elector  of  Brandenbourg,  507. 

Ne\  ers,  Charles  de  Gonzague,  duke  of,  wounded  at  the  siege  of  Buda: 
his  eulogium,  ii,  534.  He  serves  in  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  iv,  88. 
Processes  between  him  and  Henry  IV,  for  the  estates  of  the  house  of 
Albret,  188.  He  is  sent  ambassador  to  Rome,  257.  The  ministers  treat 
him  ill,  V,  14.  Grants  which  he  procures  from  the  queen-regent,  23. 
Estates  purchased  by  Sully  of  him,  53. 

ISevers,  Lewis  de  Gonzague,  duke  of,  makes  himself  dreaded  by  Henry 
III,  i,  184.  Attaches  himself  to  Henry  IV,  after  the  death  of  that  prince, 
242,  Brings  troops  to  the  king,  and  endeavours  to  procure  the  chief 
sway  in  his  council,  243.  Excites  the  Catholics  to  mutiny  at  the  siege 
of  Rouen,  269.  The  cause  of  another  misfortune  which  happens  to  the 
king  at  Bully,  272.  He  becomes  one  of  the  heads  of  the  third  party, 
324.  His  plots  with  the  states  of  Paris,  354.  Henry  IV,  sends  him  to 
Rome,  378.  Made  governor  of  Champaign,  ii,  23,  and  head  of  the  new 
council  of  finances.  36.  His  quarrels  with  Sully,  38.  He  commands  the 
king's  forces  in  Picardy,  46:  his  ill  success,  52.   His  death,  87. 

Nevers,  dutchess  of,  engaged  in  the  intrigues  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  309. 

Neufchatel.  Taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  203.  Ill  defended  by  Givry,  281. 

Neuville.  See  Villeroi,  and  Alincourt. 

Neufvy,  Bertrand  de  Melet  de  Fayolles  de,  an  officer  in  the  party  of  the 
league,  i,  131. 

Neuvy,  madam  de,  gives  bad  advice  to  the  princess  Catherine,  ii,  103 
107. 

Neuilly,  the  king  and  queen  are  in  danger  of  being  drowned  there  iv 
117. 


INDEX.  383 

Nicholas,  Simon,  lus  gay  disposition:  freedom  and  liveliness  of  his  jests, 
ii,  474. 

Nieuport,  battle  of,  ii,  404. 

Noailles,  quarrels  between  this  family  and  that  of  Roquelaure  composed 
by  Sully,  iv,  118. 

Noailles,  Francis  de,  ambassador  to  the  Porte,  i,  75.  He  commands  the 
forces  at  the  sieg-e  of  Hierrefort,  iv,  196. 

Nocle,  Beauvais  la.  See  Beauvais. 

Nogent  le  Bethune,  buildings  there  by  Sully,  v,  147. 

Noirmoutier,  marchioness  of.  See  Sauves. 

Norapar.  See  Force,  La. 

Norfolk,  duke  of,  one  of  king  James's  privy  counsellors,  iii.  44. 

Normandy,  places  taken  by  the  royalists  in  that  province.  Military  opt- 
rations,  &c.  by  the  duke  of  Montpensier,  i,  254.  Normandy  sends  sup- 
plies to  Henry  IV,  for  the  siege  of  Rouen,  257.  Its  towns  and  governors 
submit  to  that  prince,  420.  Sully  supports  the  interests  of  this  province, 
iv,  120. 

Northumberland,  earl  of,  one  of  the  factious  lords  at  London,  iii,  55. 
Conducts  Sully  to  his  audiences,  71 — 91.  His  abilities;  Sully  gains  his 
friendship,  78.  He  receives  some  advice  of  importance  from  him,  86. 
Appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  to  confer  with  him,  100.  Sully 
makes  him  presents,  143.  Quarrels  with  colonel  Vere,  154. 

Notables,  assembly  of,  at  Rouen,  Henry  IV's  conduct  there,  and  reflec- 
tions on  this  subject,  ii,  145. 

None,  Francis  de  La,  defeated  in  Flanders,  i,  31.  Eulogium  of  this  officer, 
ib.  He  takes  the  suburb  St.   Germain  by  assault,  212. 

None,  Odet  de  La,  proposed  for  deputy-general  of  the  Protestants,  iv,  3, 
17.  Opposes  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  83.  Employed  by  Sully  in  the  af- 
fair of  Metz  against  the  Jesuits,  104.  Serves  the  king  in  the  Synod  of 
Rochelle,  148. 

Noyon.  The  forces  of  the  League  defeated  there,  i,  247,  259.  Taken  by 
count  Mansfield,  351. 

Nugnes  or  Ordognes.   Sent  by  Mendoza  to  Henry  IV,  i,  382. 

Nuys,  taken  by  marshal  Biron,  ii,  44. 

Nyort,  Henry  IV,  repulsed  ttiere,  i,  147.  but  afterwards  taken  by  him, 
182. 


O. 


O,  Francis  d',  de  Fresne,  kc.  superintendant  of  the  finances,  attaches 
himself  to  the  service  of  Henry  IV,  after  the  death  of  Henry  III,  i, 
199,  but  governs  his  finances  badly,  and  suffers  him  to  be  in  want  of 
every  thing.  231.  Endeavours  to  have  the  chief  sway  in  this  counciL 


384  INDEX. 

243.  Hinders  the  Catholics  from  obeying  him  at  the  siege  of  Rouen, 
266;  and  raises  a  mutiny  among  them,  295.  He  becomes  one  of  the 
beads  of  the  third  party,  324.  Interposes  in  the  affair  of  Henry's  con- 
version, 360.  Procures  the  government  of  Paris,  422.  Opposes  the  car- 
dinal de  Bourbon  and  Sully,  449.  boiicits  for  the  Jesuits  in  their  process 
with  the  University,  454.  His  pixifusion:  his  \  ices,  ii,  18.  Particulars  re- 
lating to  his  death,  19.  He  rents  the  farms  under  borrowed  names,  iii. 
407. 

O,  John  d',  de,  Manou.   See  Manou. 

Odou  d',  serves  the  king  in  the  affair  of  the  Moors'  revolt  against  Spain,  ivi 
282. 

Offices  of  the  finances  and  the  bar  suppressed,  li,  417.  Creation  of  offices 
to  be  made  upon  occasion,  iv,  322. 

Officers  of  tlie  crown  and  others.  Sully  alters  the  form  of  their  payment? 
and  pensions,  ii,  271.  Suppresses  part  of  them  in  the  finances  and  the 
bar,  317. 

Ognies,  Lewis  d',  contributes  to  the  defeat  of  the  duke  d'Auraale,  i,  248. 

Oise,  George  de  Brancas-V^Ulars  chevalier  d',  surrenders  le  Havre  to  Hen- 
ry IV,  i,  433.  Obtains  a  pension  for  it,  ii,  17.  Attends  the  king  in  the 
campaign  of  Franche  Comt^,  65.  Sum  paid  him  at  his  treaty,  264. 

Oldicome,  Edward,  a  Jesuit,  engaged  in  the  conspiracy  of  the  English 
lords  against  James  iv,   136,   176. 

Oleron,  isle  of,  taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  4. 

Olivari,  Seraphin,  Cazailla,  his  reply  to  Clement  VIII,  who  refused  to 
give  Henry  IV  absolution,  i,  378.  Sully  procures  a  cardinal's  hat 
for  him,  iii,  225.  Debts  paid  to  him  by  Henry,  iv,  229. 

Onau,  Biron  d',  or  de  Dona,  defeated  at  Auneau,  i,  170. 

Ondevous,  agent  from  the  du^e  of  Bouillon,  ii,  398. 

Oraison,  marquis  d',  accompanies  Sully  to  London,  iii,  47.  Employed 
in  the  affair  of  the  marriage  between  mademoiselle  de  Mercoeur  and  the 
duke  of  Vendome,  iv,  199. 

Orange.  A  dispute  concerning  this  place  and  Blaccons,  iii,  449.  Henry  IV 
shows  too  much  indulgence  to  Lesdiguieres  upon  tliis  occasion,  iv,  21. 

,  William  de  Nassau,  prince  of,  takes  Mons  from  the  Spaniards, 

i,  20.  Lieutenant  general  to  the  archduke  Mattliias,  89.  He  escapes  be- 
ing murdered  at  Antwerp,  99.  He  foresees  and  rcadeis  ineffectual  the 
designed  treachery  at  Antwerp,  101.  Endeavours  in  vain  to  recon- 
cile monsieur  and  the  Flemings,   102. 

Orange,  Maurice  de  Nassau,  prince  of,  gains  the  battle  of  Nieuport  against 
the  archiuke  Albert,  and  raises  the  siege  of  that  place,  ii,  404.  Endea- 
vours tvT  cany  the  war  into  the  neighbourhood  of  Dunkirk,  418.  Takes 
Rhii:;berga.id  lose^  Bolduc,  419,  TaKes  Grave,  ai,  K.  Drives  the  Spa- 
niards out  of  Vacteadonk,  ib.     Takes  Cadsan  and  Sluys,  317.     Other 


INDEX.  385 

military  operations,  433.  Interests  himself  in  the  affair  of  Orange  and 
Blaccons,  449.  His  disagreement  with  Barnevelt,  one  of  the  princi- 
pal causes  of  the  truce,  iv,  133.  He  loses  Antwerp,  164.  He  prepares 
a  suspension  of  arms,  173,  and  plots  in  France  to  prevent  it,  274.  He 
consents  to  the  treaty  of  truce,  370.  He  joins  the  German  princes 
assembled  at  Hall,  402.  Takes  Juliers  at  the  head  of  the  confederates, 
504.  His  part  in  the  great  design,  v,  97,  102. 

Orange,  princess  of.  Sully  entertains  her  at  Rosny,  ii,  316.  Letters  which 
she  writes  to  Bouillon  on  tlie  part  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  77.  She  receives  a 
letter  from  Henry  IV,  99.  Letters  wrote  by  her  to  Sully,  on  the  affair 
of  the  truce,  277. 

Oibitello.     Spain  unjustly  takes  possession  of  it,  iii,  332. 

Orleans.  Taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  25.  Surrendered  by  La-Chatre  to 
Henry  IV,  392.  Sum  paid  for  it,  ii,  264.  The  king  and  queen  keep  the 
jubilee  there,  417.  Henry  passes  some  time  there  in  his  journey  to  Au- 
vergne,  iv,  33, 

,  Gaston,  John  Baptist  of  France,  duke  of  Anjou,  afterwards 

duke  of.     See  Anjou. 

,  N.  de  France,  duke  of,  his  birth,  iv,  140.     He  is  taken  ill,  iv, 

259.  Is  contracted  to  mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  307.  Sully  presa- 
ges his  death,  cause  of  it,  v,  19. 

Ornano,  Alphonso  d',  marshal  of  France,  gives  Henry  III  good  advice  on 
the  day  of  the  barricadoes,  i,  173.  He  supports  the  party  of  Henry  IV 
in  Dauphine,  304.  Supports  the  Liounois  against  the  League,  440. 
Helps  to  defeat  the  troops  of  the  dukes  of  Savoy  and  d'Epernon,  ii,  117, 
167.  Services  done  by  him  to  Henry  IV  after  the  death  of  the  dutchess 
of  Beaufort,  273.  The  king  is  disgusted  with  him,  444.  Sully's  friend- 
ship for  him  calumniated,  lii,  390.  Sully  takes  his  part  against  Epernon, 
iv,  40,  200.  He  disapproves  of  the  outrageous  sermons  of  father  Gon- 
thier,  347. 

Orval,  Francis  ^le  Bethune  count  of,  particulars  concerning  hiin,  v,  52, 
134. 

Oseray,  L',  groom  of  the  chamber  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  324. 

Osorio,  a  Spanish  officer,  defends  La-Fere,  ii,  84. 

Ossat,  Arnaud  d',  cardinal,  accused  of  favouring  the  League,  ii,  70.  An 
examination  into  his  conduct  and  sentiments,  70.  Employed  in  the.  dis- 
solution of  Henry's  marriage  with  Margaret  de  Valois,  214.  Obtains  a 
dispensation  for  the  marriage  of  the  princess  Catherine  and  the  duke  of 
Bar,  296.  His  conduct  in  this  respect  examined,  ib.  He  serves  Henry 
IV  at  Rome  in  the  affair  of  Martha  Brossiere,  310.  Further  particulars 
of  his  negociation  for  dissolving  Henry's  marriage,  333.  The  treaty 
which  he  makes  with  the  grand  duke  oi  Tuscany  for  lie  restitution  of 
the  isles.  &c.  blamed  by  Sully,  441.  Accusations  of  this  minister  against 


sae  INDEX. 

him,  iii,  7.  Mortifications  which  he  receives  from  Sully,  10.  He  is  made 
coadjutor  of  Brieux,  11.  His  opinion  concerning  the  affair  of  the  Eng- 
lish clergy,  97.  Sully  presents  a  memorial  against  him  to  the  king,  205. 
Heads  of  the  accusations  contained  in  this  memorial,  207.  His  justifi- 
cation: particulars  relating  to  his  birth,  his  life,  and  his  death,  208. 
Ostend.  The  archduke  Albert  lays  siege  to  it,  ii,  419.  Chatillon-Colig- 
ny  and  some  other  Frenchmen  are  slain  there,  434.  Farther  account  of 
this  siege,  iii,  11.  The  Spaniards  endure  great  fatigue,  and  are  very  un- 
successful, 318.  The  surrender  of  this  place,  321.  In  which  the  long  re- 
sistance made  by  the  Flemings  almost  exhaust  Spain,  ib. 


P. 


Pajot,  a  treasurer,  a  petition  presented  against  him,  iv,  355. 

Palatine,  elector,  a  design  to  make  him  the  protector  of  the  French  Pro- 
testants, i,  118.  Henry  IV  withdraws  the  farms  from  his  hands,  ii,  271. 
And  refuses  to  pardon  Bouillon  at  his  request,  iii,  14.  He  continues  to 
support  Bouillon,  and  endeavours  to  procure  him  the  protection  of  king 
.James,  66,  213.  His  fears  occasioned  by  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  iv, 
87.  He  writes  a  polite  letter  to  Sully,  272. 

Palcheux,  a  Protestant  officer,  present  at  the  battie  of  Arques,  i,  205.  At 
that  of  Ivry,  224.  Is  unjustly  put  under  an  arrest  for  the  surrender  of 
Neufchatel,  281. 

Palliers,  sells  the  lands  of  Caussade  to  Sully,  v,  55. 

Palot,  receiver-general,  turned  out  of  his  office  by  Sully,  iii,   161. 

,  the  prince  of  Condes  agent  at  Paris,  v,  490. 

Pangeac  or  Pangeas,  A";  de  Pardaillan  de,  obliges  the  count  of  Soissons  to 
quit  Bsarn,  i,  303. 

Pangeas,  madame  de,  gives  good  advice  to  the  princess  Catherine,  ii,  103. 
Endeavours  to  restore  SuUj-  to  her  favour,  113.  Gives  an  exact  inven- 
tory of  the  effects  of  that  princess,  iii,  190. 

Panny,du,  agent  from  d'Entragues  in  London,  iii,  67. 

Parabere,  a  Protestaul  officer,  takes  Corbie,  i,  246.  Present  at  the 
siege  of  Laon,  455.  His  letter  to  Sully  concerning  Bouillon,  iv,  83,  112. 

Pardieu.     See  Mothe,  La. 

Pare,  Arabroise,  surgeon  to  Charles  IX,  his  conversation  with  that  prince 
concerning  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  i,  42. 

Parisiere,  N.  de  la,  deputed  by  the  city  of  Poitiers  to  Henry  IV  on  occa- 
sion of  the  quarrel  between  Sully  and  father  Cotton,  iii,  36 1 . 

Parma,  Alexander  Farnese,  duke  of,  raises  the  blockade  of  Cambray,  and 
maker  a  fine  retreat,  i,  94.  Forces  monsieur  to  quit  Flanders,  103.  A 
speech  of  his  upon  the  barricadoes,  174.  Obliges  Henry  IV  to  raise  the 


INDEX.  38? 

siege  of  Paris,  237.  Takes  possession  of  an  advantageous  post,  and  acts 
like  an  able  general  upon  this  occasion:  a  smart  saying  of  bis  to  the 
duke  of  Maieune,  238.  He  takes  Corbcil  with  great  difficulty,  240. 
Suffers  some  losses  in  his  retreat,  241.  He  repasses  tlie  Somme,  and 
comes  to  the  assistance  of  Rouen-  Henry  goes  to  meet  him,  268.  He 
misses  taking  this  prince  at  Aumale,  277.  A  saying  of  bis  upon  this  ac- 
tion, 277.  He  repasses  tlie  Somme,  and  again  takes  the  road  to  Rouen, 
278.  He  avoids  fighting,  and  arrives  at  Rouen,  282.  Henry  IV  deceives 
him,  and  gains  several  advantages  over  him,  283:  he  is  wounded,  286: 
he  escapes  the  pursuit  of  Henry  IV  by  a  master  piece  of  good  conduct  at 
the  passage  of  the  Seine,  288.  A  mutiny  in  the  army  of  Henry  IV  pre- 
vents his  bemg  pursued,  292.  He  goes  back  to  Flanders,  300.  Designs 
to  return  again  into  France,  but  dies,  313.  Opinion  concerning  his 
death,  ib. 

Parquet,  president  to  the  parliament  of  Grenoble,  iv,  112. 

Partenay,  Catherine  de.  See  Quellenec 

Parthenay.  Henr)'  IV  is  repulsed  before  this  town,  i,  147. 

Pascal,  ambassador  from  France,  to  the  Grisons,  iii,  337. 

PAsithea,  the  faction  in  the  queen's  household  make  use  of  her  to  serve 
their  pernicious  designs,  iv,  309. 

Passage,  du,  gives  the  king  information  of  the  duke  of  Savoy's  designs,  ii, 
346. 

Passy,  defended  by  Sully  against  the  League,  i,  216. 

Paul  V,  Rejoicings  in  Paris  for  his  advancement  to  the  pontificate,  iii, 
425.  His  attachment  to  France.  See  Bethune.  His  great  esteem  for 
Sully,  430.  He  congratulates  Henry  upon  the  expedition  to  Sedan,  iv, 
06.  Origm  and  effects  of  the  dispute  between  him  and  the  Venetians, 
99.  He  stands  godfather  to  the  Dauphin,  116.  His  moderation  with  re- 
spect to  the  Protestants,  149;  .v,  83.  He  forbids  the  English  to  take  the 
oaths  of  fidelity  to  king  James,  176.  He  grants  with  some  difficulty  the 
bishopric  of  Metz  to  the  duke  of  Verneuil,  257.  Presses  Henrj-  to  pub- 
lish the  council  of  Trent,  ibid.  He  agrees  to  the  union  against  the  house 
of  Austria,  413.  The  queen-regent  unites  with  him  and  Spain  against 
the  policy  of  the  last  reign,  483.  His  part  in  the  great  design,  v,  98. 

Paul,  county  of  Saint,  particulars  relating  to  it,  iii,  343;  iv,  97. 

Paul  Francis  d'Orleans,  count  of  Saint,  governor  of  Provence,  ii,  46.  De- 
feated before  Dourleans,  57.  Justifies  himself  to  Henry  IV,  concerning 
the  assassination  of  the  younger  d'Epinoy,  iv,  144.  He  forms  a  design 
to  go  into  the  service  of  the  archdukes,  241. 

Pearls,  false,  manufacture  of,  established  by  Henry  IV,  iii,  419. 

Pedro,  Don,  de  Toledo,  ambassador  from  Spain  to  France,  labours  to  pro- 
cure a  peace,  iv,  274.  His  intrigues  at  court:  a  bon-motof  Henry's 
upon  this  ambassador,  ibid. 


388  INDEX. 

Pc^uillon.  See  Martigues, 

Pellev^  Nicholas  de  cardinal,  reveals  the  plots  of  St.  Bartholomew,  i,  34. 
Proposes  a  marriag-e  between  the  Infanta  of  Spain  and  the  archduke 
Ernest  to  the  states  of  Paris:  his  plots  UQSuccessful,  353. 

Pembroke,  earl  of,  Sully  sees  him  at  Dover,  ii,  428. 

Pentievre,  claims  of  this  house  upon  Brittany,  ii,  192. 

Pepin  Le-Bref.  Sully's  character  of  this  king,  v,  66. 

Peres,  Antonio,  minister,  to  Philip  II,  ii,  392. 

Peronne,  assembly  of,  the  design  of  the  League  formed  there,  i,  112. 
Henry  IV,  makes  his  entrj'into  this  city,  ii,  13. 

Perron,  James  David,  cardinal  du,  one  of  the  authors  and  promoters  of 
the  third  party,  i,  323.  Sully  brings  him  over  to  Henry's  interest,  340. 
He  instructs  this  prince  in  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  370.  And  has 
the  chief  hand  in  his  conversion:  iie  endeavours  to  convert  Sully,  374. 
Sent. to  Rome  bj  iienry  IV,  to  pay  obedience  to  the  Pope,  and  made 
bishop  of  Evreux,  378.  Labours  with  Sully  to  procure  a  reconciliation 
between  the  duke  of  Montpensier  and  the  count  of  Soissons,  401.  His 
conduct  at  Rome  blamed  ii,  70.  He  labours  to  procure  a  dissolution  of 
the  marriage  between  Henry  IV,  and  Margaret  de  Valois,  214.  His 
public  dispute  with  Du-Plessis  Mornay,  354.  He  serves  the  king  but 
indifferently  at  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  395.  Sully  endeavours  to  make  him 
approve  of  the  tolerations  of  religions,  222,  and  obtains  a  cardinal's  hat 
for  him,  ii,  225;  The  friendship  between  him  and  Sully,  and  their  letters 
to  each  other,  423.  His  residence  at  Rome,  427.  He  congratulates 
this  minister  upon  the  success  of  the  expedition  to  Sedan,  iv,  96.  Con- 
versations between  them  upon  the  two  religions,  102.  Made  archbishop 
of  Sens  and  great  almoner,  104.  Informs  Sully  of  the  plots  of  the  Spa- 
nish ambassador  with  the  courtiers,  157.  Persuades  Paul  V  not  to  insist 
upon  the  recal  of  the  Jesuits  with  the  Venetians,  177.  Cannot  prevail  on 
Sully  to  change  his  religion,  217.  He  is  appointed  of  the  council  of  the 
regency  by  Henry  IV,  422. 

Perron,  du,  brother  to  the  cardinal,  Sully  makes  use  of  him  to  get  the 
contract  of  marriage  between  the  princes  Catherine  and  the  count  of 
Soissons,  i,  401.   A  conversation  between  him  and  Sully  iv,  129. 

Persia,  Sophy  of,  sends  an  ambassador  to  the  emperor  Rodolph,  ii,  366. 

Persy  le  Riche.  A  captain  in  Nerestan's  regiment.  Serves  at  the  siege 
of  Ostend,  ii,  318. 

Pest.  Taken  by  the  Christians  from  the  Turks,  ii,  535. 

Phenomena,  seen  the  evening  before  tlie  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  215. 

PhiUp  the  August,  king  of  France,  his  character,  iv,  270,  293. 

Phihp  le  Bel,  king  of  France,  motives  for  the  edict  he  published  against 
duels,  iv,  50.  Sully's  character  of  this  king,  v,  70. 


INDEX.  389 

I'Jiiljp  de  Valois,  king  of  France,  occasions  a  rebellion  in  his  kingdom 
by  h»s  excessive  imposts,  iv,  270. 

Philip  II,  kingof  Spain,  causesof  the  war  being  re-kindlcd  between  Henry 
ana  liiin,  i,  13.  His  offers  to  Henry  IV,  105.  His  design  of  making  the 
duke  of  Savoy  count  of  Provence  disconcerted  by  Lesdiguieres,  307. 
Conditions  offered  this  prince  by  the  duke  of  JVIaienne  and  the  League  • 
his  views  by  supporting  the  League,  322.  His  plots  with  the  states  of 
Paris  ineffectual,  352.  Proposals  made  by  him  to  Henry  IV,  after  his 
abjuration,  378.  Motives  for  his  desi-ing  a  peace  with  France,  ii,  193. 
His  death,  282.  His  last  will,  ibid.  Particulars  relating  lo  his  person, 
his  character,  and  policy,  287.  He  orders  an  examination  to  be  made 
into  the  usurpation  of  Navarre,  ibid.  A  marriage  between  him  and  the 
princess  Catherine  proposed,  293.  Proofs  of  his  designs  for  universal 
monarchy,  iv,  66.  The  causes  that  hindered  their  succeeding,  67.  Mo- 
tives for  the  advice  he  gave  to  the  duke  of  Anjou  concerning  the  treach- 
ery at  Antwerp,  3 1 3. 

Philip  HI,  kingof  Spain,  his  instructions  and  advice  to  Philip  II,  ii,  284. 
Marries  the  archdutchess  at  Gratz,  293.  Supports  the  rebels  in  Ireland, 
460.  He  condemns  the  pretended  Don  Sebastian  to  the  gallies,  461. 
Congratulates  Henry  IV,  upon  the  discovery  of  Biron's  conspiracy 
512.  Takes  possession  of  Final,  Piombino,  &c.  Without  any  just  claim 
iii,  333,  and  endeavours  to  seize  Embden,  ibid.  Favours  the  duke  of 
Savoy  in  his  attempts  upon  Geneva:  Complaints  and  invectives  of  the 
king  of  England  against  him,  74.  Pretended  proposals  for  an  union  of 
these  two  princes  against  France,  86.  His  designs  upon  Barbary.  157 
Upon  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  157.  He  resumes  his  father's 
designs  of  universal  monarchy,  iv,  66.  He  carries  on  plots  in  the  court 
of  Fi-ance  against  the  hfe  of  Henry  IV,  158.  He  ratifies  the  treaty  for 
a  suspension  of  arms  with  the  United  Provinces;  and  afterwards  con- 
cludes a  truce  for  twelve  years,  171. 

Picardy,  military  exploits  in  this  province,  ii,  14,  66,  190. 

Pieixjy,  Sir  Rich,  defeats  the  rebels  in  Ireland,  ii,  460. 

Pienne,  company  of,  defeated  bj'  Henry  IV,  i,  154. 

Pierrefort,  castle  of,  besieged,  iv,  196. 

Piles,  Armand  de  Clermont  de,  a  Protestant  lord,  i,  27.  Murdered  at  the 
massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew,  37. 

Piementel,  an  Italian.  Henry  IV,  admits  him  into  his  parties  of  pleasure; 
a  comical  adventure  between  Sully  and  him,  iv,  208.  His  arts  to  win  a, 
gaming,  261. 

Piombino.  Usurped  by  Spain  from  the  emperor,  iii,  333. 

Pisany,  John  de  Vivonne,  de,  deputed  by  Henry  IV  to  the  pope,  who  refuses 
to  give  him  audience,  i,  338.  Sent  to  Rome  to  pay  obedience  to  the 
pope, 378. 

VOL.  V.  p 


390  INDEX. 

Pius  IV,  pope.   Degrades  the  cardinal  de  Chatillon,  i,  20. 

Pius  V,  refuses  to  give  a  dispensation  for  the  marriage  of  Henry  IV 
with  Margaret  de  Valois,  i,  31.  Deplores  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartlio- 
lomew,  35.  His  character,  iii,  422. 

Plague,  at  Paris,  hinders  the  celebration  of  the  baptism  of  the  cliildren  of 
France,  iv,  116. 

Placentia,  cardinal  de,  legate,  his  plots  witli  the  states  of  Paris  ineffectual, 
i,  356.   He  retires  to  Soissons  after  the  reduction  of  Paris,  424. 

Plessis,  Francis  du.  See  Richelieu. 

Plessis-Mornay.  See  Mornay. 

Pluviant,  Claveau,  a  Protestant  gentleman  murdered  at  the  massacre  of 
Saint  Bartholomew,  i,  27,  36. 

Pluviers  or  Petiviers,  taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  194. 

Podins,  a  Catholic  oificer  in  the  royalist  party,  i,  59. 

Poisry.  Taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  194. 

Poitiers,  blockade  of  this  city,  i,  302.  It  surrenders  to  Henry  IV,  443. 
Sum  paid  for  its  surrender,  ii,  264.  Quarrel  between  Sully  and  father 
Cotton  on  account  of  a  college  in  this  city,  iii,  355.  The  citizens  make 
complaints  against  the  Jesuits,  iv,  155. 

Poitou,  Henry's  journey  into  this  province,  476.     He  gives  the  govern- 
ment of  it  to  Sully,  iii,  177.  Value  of  this  government,  ib.  His  journey 
thither,  258.  Honours  paid  him  there,  261.   He  sells  this  government  to 
the  duke  of  Rohan,  v,  53.     Roads  and  public  works  made  by  him  there, 
147. 
Pol,  Antony  de  Saint,  brings  the  forces  of  the  League  to  the  siege  of  Rou- 
en, i,  269.     One  of  the  four  marshals -of  France  made  by  the  League, 
347.  Slain  by  the  duke  of  Guise,  ii,  l;40. 
Police,  order  in  it  restored,  ii,  231.  Sully's  maxims  upon  the  police,  413. 
Henry  IV  restores  it  in  his  kingdom,  iii,  416.     Regulations  upon  it,  iv, 
189.     Other  regulations  and  establishments  projected  in  the  cabinet  of 
state,  322. 
Political  Design,  or  the  gi-eat  design  of  Henry  IV.     This  prince  corres- 
ponds with  queen  Elizabeth  upon  that  subject,  ii,  426.  Sully  goes  to  Do- 
ver to  confer  with  her,  428.  The  five  principal  points  of  this  design,  430, 
31.  Discloses  it  to  the  king  of  England,  iii,  118.     Sully  imparts  it  to  the 
cardinal  Bufalo,  312.     Plots  at  court  to  hinder  the  execution  of  it,  iv, 
157.  Henry  and  Sully  endeavour  to  forward  it,  321.  The  succession  of 
Cleves  made  the  pretence,  389.     Means  of  executing  it.     The  design 
endeavoured  to  be  .blasted:  the  princes  and  electors  who  unite  with 
Henry  upon  the  great  design.     It  is  broken  off  by  the  death  of  Henry. 
Explanation  of  this  political  scheme,  v,  62,  et  seq.   Henry  IV's  general 
view  in  it,  72.     The  probability  of  its  execution  proved,  73.     In  what 
manner  it  was  formed  by  Henry  and  Sully,  76,  and  concerted  with  queen 
Elizabeth,  80.  Its  purport  witli  respect  to  religion,  84.   Means  by  which 


INDEX.  391 

the  infidels  were  to  be  driven  out  of  Europe,  87.  Its  purport  merely  po- 
litical, to  humble  the  house  of  Austria,  89.  To  establish  fifteen  equal 
powers,  93.  Measures  taken  with  the  princes  of  Europe,  102.  Detail  of 
tlie  forces,  and  the  necessary  expenses,  107.  Dispositions  and  march  of 
the  armies  108.  Manifestos,  112.  Regulations  for  the  troops,  114.  The 
result  which  might  be  expected  from  the  g-reat  design,  ibid. 
Poilet,  skirmishes  at,  i,  207. 

Poland.   Henry  III  is  elected  king  of  Poland,  i,  47,  and  returns*  to  France 
after  the  death  of  Charles  IX,  52.  Sigismund  king  of  Poland,  driven  out 
of  Sweden  by  his  uncle,  ii,  340.     Part  of  the  great  design  relating  to 
this  kingdom.   See  Political  Design. 
Poltrot,  John  de  Mere,  assassinates  the  duke  of  Guise,  i,  14. 
Pomegue,  isle  and  castle  of,  restored  to  France,  ii,  440. 
Pompadour,  Lewis,  viscount  of,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  League  in  Limo- 

sin,  ii,  IIG. 
Pons.     Henry  IV  and  the  prince  of  Conde  have  a  conference  there,  but 
quarrel,  i,  69.  The  great  boldness  of  the  Protestants  in  that  city,  iv,  151. 
Ponteaudemer.  Taken  from  the  League  by  the  party  of  Henry  IV,  i,  212. 

Surrendered  to  the  prince  of  Parma,  284.  Submits  to  Henry  IV,  433. 
Pontcarre,  de,  serves  Henry  IV  at  Paris  agaipst  the  seditious  party,  i,  451. 
Summoned  to  the  council  held  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Jesuits,  iii, 
192.  Appointed  one  of  the  council  of  regency  by  Henry  IV,  iv,  422,  and 
admitted  into  the  public  council  of  the  queen-regent,  466. 
Pont-Courlaj',  a  Protestant  gentleman,  his  plots  against  Sully  in  Poitou, 
iii,  259.     Henry  IV  employs  him  to  reconcile  Sully  and  father  Cotton, 
363.    He  gives  Sully  some  information  concerning  the  seditious  faction, 
iv,  248. 
Pont  I'Eveque,  taken  from  the  League  by  the  royalists,  i,  212. 
Pont-neuf.     Finished  by  Henr3^  IV,  iii,  415. 
Pontoise,  taken  by  the  two  kings,  i,  194.     Retaken    by    the  League, 

212.     Sum  paid  by  Henry  at  its  surrender,  ii,  264. 
Porte,    la,    raises    obstacles    to  the  marriage  of  mademoiselle  de  Mer- 

coeur  with  the  duke  of  Vendome,  iv,  248. 
Fortes,  des.     See  Tiron. 
Portocarrero,  Hernando  Teillo,  surprises  Amiens,  and  is  slain  there:  a 

saying  of  his  upon  the  great  captains  of  his  time,  ii,   163. 
Porto-Hercule.    The  Spaniards  seize  it  unjustly,  iii,  332. 
Portugal.     Henry  IV  sends  La  Tremouille  there  to  examine  into  the  dis- 
pute concerning  the  true  or  false  Don  Sebastian,  ii,  233.     Catherine  de 
Medicis  has  a  claim  upon  this  kingdom,  ib. 
Posts,  regulations  concerning  them;  post-horses  established,  iv,  322, 


3!^S  INDEX. 

Poterie,  La,  a  gentleman  attached  to  Sully,  and  present  with  him  at 
the  skirmish  at  Touvery,  i,  27. 

Potier.     See  Gerres,  and  Blancmenil. 

Prada,  secretary  of  state  to  the  king  of  Spain,  L'Hote  carries  on  a  corres- 
pondence with  him,  iii,  210. 

Praslin,  Charles  de  Cfcoiseul,  marquis  de,  captain  of  the  guards,  ii,  482. 
He  arrests  the  count  of  Auvergne,  488.  Sully's  friendship  for  him  ca- 
lumniated, iii,  390.  Gratuity  granted  him  by  Henry  IV,  418.  His  let- 
ters to  Sully  upon  the  fondness  of  this  prince  for  hmiting,  iv,  141.  A 
conversation  between  them  upon  the  prince  of  Condd's  flight,  356.  Hen- 
ry sends  him  to  Flanders  to  demand  the  princess  of  Cond^,  359.  The 
queen-regent  deputes  him  to  Sully,  458. 

Pre,  du,  Dn  Rollet  makes  use  of  him  to  traverse  Sully's  treaty  with 
Villars,  i,  4 13.    Who  orders  him  to  be  hanged,  417. 

Preaux,  Hector  de,  a  Protestant  officer,  governor  of  Chatelleraut:  cabals 
during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  175.  One  of  the  agents  of  France  to  the 
states-general,  iv,  173.  Deputed  by  Jeanniu  to  Henry  IV,  341.  Soli- 
cits the  archduke  in  favour  of  the  prince  of  Epinoy,  375.  Foretells  the 
persecution  of  the  Protestants  under  the  new  reign,  v,  14. 

Pressaigny,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  present  at  the  battle  of  Bonneval,  i. 
143. 

Primerose,  a  Protestant  preacher  at  Bourdeaux,  iv,  188. 

Privas,  synod  of,  the  dispute  concerning  Saint  John  d'Angely  termi- 
nated there,  v,   123.     See  Rohan. 

Profession  of  faith  made  by  Henry  IV.  The  objections  to  this  writing 
removed  by  Sully:  it  is  sent  to  Rome,  i,  375. 

Prognostics  of  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  and  this  prince's  presages  of  it, 
iv,  426.     See  Henry  IV. 

Protestants.  See  under  Nantes,  edict  of,  Henry  IV,  Sully,  Bouillon, 
Chatellerault,  Gergeau. 

Provence.  The  king  of  Spain  endeavours  to  put  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  pos- 
session of  this  province,  i,  307.  The  rebels  make  an  attempt  to  seize  the 
strong  towns  in  it,  iii,  439. 

Provinces  of  France.  Debts  due  to  them  discharged  by  Sully,  iv,   179. 

Provinces,  United.     See  Flanders. 

Proutiere,  Philip  Gourea  de  la,  deputed  by  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  the 
queen  of  Navarre,  i,  17. 

Prussia.     See  Brandenburg. 

Pucharnaut,  agent  for  Henry  IV  in  Auvergne,  iii,  315. 

Puget,  treasurer  of  the  exchequer,  iii,  385.  Brings  Sully  a  comptant  from 
the  queen,  which  he  refuses  tosi'^-n,  v,  6. 

Puiseaux.  Sully  is  sent  thither  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  417. 


INDEX.  393 

Puritans.     Quarrels  between  them  and  the  English  Protestants,  iii,  154. 
Conferences  at  London  between  them  and  the  chtirch  of  England,  324. 


Q 

Quasy,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  what  happened  to  liim  at  Marmande,  i,  81 . 

Quelus,  or  Caylus.  Sec  Caylus. 

Quentin   Saint,  the  battle  of,  lost  by  the  constable  of  Montmorency:  an 

account  of  u  hat  followed  afterwards,  i,  11.     Henry  goes  to  St.  Quentin 

to  see  mademoi.^ells  d'Estrees,  247. 
Quimper,  taken  by  marshal  d'Aumont,  ii,  14. 


R. 


Rabodanges,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartho- 
lomew, i,  34.  A  letter  wrote  to  him  by  Charles  IX,  ib. 

Rafis,  John  de  Leyre,  called,  discovers  the  treason  of  L'Hote,  iii,  212. 
Gives  information  of  it  to  Barrault,  and  escapes  out  of  Spain,  ib.  Comes 
to  Henry  IV,  and  gives  him  proofs  of  it;  rewards  which  he  obtains  for  this 
discovery,  215. 

Ragny,  obtains  the  employment  formerly  possessed  by  the  baron  de  Lux. 
iii,  402. 

Ragny,  madarae  de,  a  confident  of  Henry  IV  in  his  amours,  iii,  249. 

Raleigh.  Sully  sees  him  at  Dover,  ii,  428.  One  of  the  malecontents  at 
London,  iii,  55.  Information  given  by  him  to  Sully,  86.  He  conspires 
against  the  king  of  England,  154. 

Rambonillet,  Nicholas  d'Angennes,  marquis  of.  i,  122.  Has  great  share 
in  cementing  the  union  of  the  two  kings,  1 83,  and  in  the  treaty  of  Ples- 
sis-les-Tours,  185. 

Rambures,  de,  murders  the  young  d'Epinoy,  iv,  143. 

Ranchin,  physician  to  the  constable  de  Montmorency,  contributes  to  the 
seizing  of  the  Luquisses,  iv,  8. 

Randon,  John  Lewis  de  la  Rochefoucault,  count  of,  loses  the  battle  of  Is- 
soire  against  the  Protestants,  i,  230. 

Rastignac,  De,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  league  in  Languedoc,  ii,  116. 

Ratisbon,  diet  of,  a  conference  there  about  reconciling  the  two  religions, 

ii,  462. 
Ravaillac,  Francis,  the  procedings  at  his  trial  supprest,  iv,  435.  Other 
faults  attributed  to  his  judges,  and  remarks  upon  this  conduct,  ib.     Ra- 
vaillac's  punishment:  particulars  on  this  subject,  448.  A  particular  ac- 
count of  the  assassiqation  of  Henry  IV,  v,  159  et  seq.  Examination  of 


394  INDEX. 

the  different  opinions  concerning  the  cause  of  the  authors  of  this  par- 
ricide, ib. 
Raucourt.  See  Bouillon,  Sedan. 

Reason,  council  of,  Established  in  the  assembly  des  notables,  at  Rouen, 
ii,  155,  which  afterwards  requests  Henry  IV  to  suppress  it,  158. 

Rebours,  commissioner  for  registering  the  rents,  iii,  301. 

Reuby.  Henry  IV  orders  the  fortifications  of  that  place  to  be  demolished. 

iv,  173. 
Recolets,  instituted,  iii,  173. 

Recrainville,  Lewis  d'Alonville  de,  or  I'Arclainville,  commands  in  Char- 
tres  for  the  league,  i,  191. 

Refuge,  du,  agent  in  Switzerland,  iv,  194.  Sully  charges  him  with  be- 
having ill  there,  382. 

Regnardiere,  La,  a  court  buffoon,  banished,  ii,  35.  A  bon-mot  of  his  con- 
cerning Beringhen,  527. 

Religion,  memorial  drawn  up  by  Sully  upon  the  toleration  of  religions,  iii, 
222.  Part  of  the  great  design  of  Henry  IV,  relating  to  religion:  divi- 
sion of  the  several  religions,  and  the  means  of  keeping  them  in  tranquil- 
lity, V,  86. 

Renaud,  Rachel,  discovers  the  conspiracy  of  La-Fleche,  iv,  366. 

Renier,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  by  the  assistance  of 
Vezins  his  enemy,  i,  45.  Succours  Montaiibou,  and  defeats  a  body  of 
troops  belonging  to  the  king,  ib.  Themines  obliges  him  to  give  up  the 
command  of  Villemur,  309. 

Rennes.  Sully  resides  there  while  he  settles  the  affairs  of  this  province, 
ii,  199.  Henrj' IV  passes  some  time  there;  his  firmness  with  respect  to 
the  sovereign  courts,  200. 

Renouard,  inspector  of  accounts,  employed  in  registering  the  rents,  iii, 
301.  Sully's  confidence  in  him,  and  the  advice  he  gives  him  before  he 
retires  from  court,  v,  41. 

Reole,  La,  taken  by  the  Protestants,  i,  57.  Catherine  de  Medicis  confers 
there  with  the  king  of  Navarre,  70:  Ussae  delivers  up  this  place  to  the 
league,  72. 

Republic,  a  Protestant,  scheme  of  establishing  it  in  France  formed  by  ad- 
miral Coligny.  See  Coligny.  The  heads  of  tlie  party  endeavour  to  put 
it  into  execution,  iv,  12.  Bouillon  seeks  to  engage  the  prince  of  Conde 
in  the  design,  499. 

Resnel,  Antony  de  Clermont,  Marquis  de,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Pro- 
testant party,  i,  27.  Murdered  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  36. 

Resnel  company  of,  defeated  by  Henry  IV,  i,  154. 

Retz,  Albert  de  Gondy,  duke  of,  one  of  the  counsellors  of  Catherine  de 
Medicis,  i,  32.  Made  one  of  the  members  of  the  new  council  of  finan- 
ces, ii,  36. 


INDEX.  395 

Retz,  Charles  de  Gondy  de.  See  Bellisle. 

,  Peter  de  Gondy  de.   See  Gondy,  cardinal  de. 

Revenues,  royal,  estimation  made  of  them  in  the  assembly  des  notables,  ii, 
149.  Memorial  upon  the  means  of  augmenting  them,  iv,  322. 

Rheims,  revolts  from  the  duke  of  Guise,  and  surrenders  to  Henry  IV,  ii, 
25.  This  city  refuses  to  admit  the  Jesuits,  iii,  3,0.5.  Lewis  XIII  is  crown- 
ed there,  v,  13. 

Rhimbcrg,  besieged  and  taken  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  ii,  419.  Retaken 
by  the  Spaniards,  iv,  131. 

Rhone.  The  borders  of  this  river,  as  far  as  Lyons,  ceded  to  the  king  by 
the  treaty  of  Lyons,  ii,  400.  Henry  IV,  secures  to  himself  this  posses- 
sion, iii,  340. 

Richardot,  John  de,  president,  employed  in  the  afTair  of  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce between  France  and  Spain,  iii,  313.  In  the  negociations  for  a 
peace  between  Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  iv,  276,  79.  His  death, 
302. 

Richelieu,  Francis  du  Plessis  de,  endeavours  to  injure  Sully  during  his 
journey  to  Poitou,  ii,  259.  Henry  employs  him  to  reconcile  this  minister 
and  father  Cotton,  363. 

,  cardinal  de,  follows  the  political  system  formed  by  Sully  for 

humbling  the  house  of  Austria,  iii,  209. 

Richeome,  father,  a  Jesuit,  dedicates  a  book  to  Sully,  iii,  364. 

Rieux,  Rene  de,  de  Sourdiac,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  league,  i,  332. 

Rieux,  governor  of  Noyon,  defends  himself  there  with  great  bravery,  i, 
249. 

Rieux,  de,  deputed  by  the  prince  of  Conde  to  Sully,  iv,  490, 

Rigaut,  defends  Corbeil  againt  the  prince  of  Parma,  i,  240. 

Rignac,  Peter  de,  lieutenant  for  the  duke  of  Bouillon:  his  plots  in  the 
Protestant  party  during  the  siege  of  Amiens,  ii,  175.  Sent  by  Bouillon 
to  Henry  IV,  510.  Promises  to  defend  his  towns  against  this  prince,  but 
abandons  them,  iv,  31,  87. 

Risse,  de  Crequy  de,  attends  Henry  IV,  in  the  campaign  of  Franche- 
Comte,  ii,  65. 

Roanuais,  duke  of,  cabals  with  the  malecontents,  iv,  248. 

Roche,  count  de  la,  takes  Agen.  See  Agen,  Matignon. 

Rochebeaucourt,  La,  obtains  the  post  of  king's  lieutenant  in  St.  John  d'An- 
gely,  iv,  112. 

Roche-Chalais.  See  Chalais. 

Rochefoucault,  Francis  duke  de  la,  suspected  of  murdering  the  duke  of 
Guise,  i,  14,  27.  Murdered  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  36. 

,  Francis  duke  de  la,  son  of  the  former  duke,  colonel-gene- 
ral, present  at  the  siege  of  Fontenay,  and  the  battle  of  Coutras,  i,  142. 


396  INDEX. 

One  of  the  royalist  commanders  in  Limosin,  ii,  116.     He  is  slam  at  the 
battle  of  St.  Yrier,  116. 
Rochefoucault,  the  abbe  de  la,  made  a  cardinal,  iv,  381.. 
Roche-Guyoa  de  Silly,  count  de  la,  i,   122. 

Rochelle,  g-iven  to  the  Protestants,  i,  4.  Catherine  de  Medicis  endeavours 
to  get  possession  of  it  by  stratagem,  22.  The  duke  of  Anjou  is  forced  to 
raise  the  siege  of  it,  46.  Honours  paid  by  the  Rochellers  to  Henry  IV, 
ii,  49.  Pernicious  designs  of  the  Protestants  assembled  there  against 
Henry  IV,  i,  182.  Honours  paid  by  it  to  the  king  in  the  person  of  Sullys 
iii,  261.  Henry's  kind  reception  of  the  deputies  from  Rochelle,  iv,  148. 
The  differences  between  the  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  Rochelle  ter- 
minated, and  the  Rochellers  obliged  to  give  the  king  satisfaction,  152. 
Sully  supports  the  Rochellers  against  the  Jesuits  in  the  affair  of  father 
Seguiran,  153,  4.  He  loses  several  great  sums  which  he  had  lent  them, 
V,  55. 
Rochemorte,  Lewis  Bouchereau  de,  surprises  Angers,  and  is  slain  there. 

i,  124. 
Rochepot,  Antony  de  SiUy  de  la,  advises  Sully  to  attend  monsieur  to  Flan- 
ders, i,  90.   He  is  sent  ambassador  to  Spain:  insulted  at  Madrid,  ii,  421. 
Returns  to  France,  iv,  135. 
Rochette,  agent  for  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  the  affair  of  the  marquisate 
of  Saluces,  ii,  328. 

,  La,  agent  for  the  duke  of  Guise  in  his  treaty  with  Henry,  ii,  21. 

Rodelle,  master  of  the  horse  to  queen  Margaret,  gives  information  of  the 

plots  carried  on  bj'  tlie  malecontents  to  Henry  and  to  Sully,  iii,  452. 
Rodolph,  emperor,  his  wars  with  Hungary  and  the  Turks.     The  king   of 
Spain  deprives  him  of  Final,  ii,  532.     His  war  against  the  Hungarians 
and  Turks,  534.  He  seizes  upon  Donawert  unjustly,  iv,  286.  Examina- 
tion of  his  claims  upon  the  principalities  ofClevesand  Juliers,  itc,  386. 
He  gives  tlie  investiture  of  them  to  the  vrchduke  Leopold,  and  endea- 
vours to  gain  over  Henry  to  his  interest,  390.  He  occasions  an  insurrec- 
tion of  the  German  Protestants  by  his  cruelties  to  them,  413.  Suffers  Ju- 
liers to  be  taken  by  the  confederates,  507,  and  shares  the  succession  of 
Cleves  between  the  elector  of  Brandcnbourg  and  the  palatine  of  IVieu- 
bourg,  508. 
Rohan,  house  of,  its  alliances,  its  claim  to  the  succession  of  the  house  of 
Albret,  for  the  appanages  of  Navarre,  Foix,  and  Armagnac,  ii,  115;  iii, 
40d. 

,  Benjamin  de.  See  Soubise. 

Rohan,  Henry  II  duke  of,  the  princess  Catherine  proposes  a  marriage 
between  him  and  mademoiselle  de  Sully,  ii,  1 15.  Henry  IV  refuses  his 
consent  10  this  match,  161.  The  duke  of  Rohan's  cabals  in  the  Protestant 
party,  and  with  the  king  of  England,  iii,  252.  His  I'eception  of  Sully  in 
Poitou,  262.     He  marries  maden^oiselle  de  Sully,  401.  Refused  the  pri- 


INDEX.  397 

vilege  of  nominating-  tlie  king's  lieutenant  of  Saint  John  d'Angely,  403. 
He  obtains  his  parJon  of  Henry  IV,  iv,  1 12,  and  does  the  king  some  ser- 
vices in  detecting  the  plots  of  the  courtiers,  162.  He  commands  the 
Swiss  troops  sent  against  Cleves,  424.  Approves  Sully's  design  of  re- 
signing his  employments,  483.  Is  made  marshal  de  camp  of  the  army 
sent  to  the  siege  of  Juliers,  505.  He  purchases  the  government  of  Poi- 
tou  from  Sully,  v,  54,  and  openly  supports  his  cause  in  the  assembly  of 
Chatelleraut,  121.  His  dispute  with  the  queen-regent  about  the  king's 
lieutenancy  of  Saint  John  d'Angely,  123. 

Rohan,  Lewis  de.     See  Montbason. 

,  Rene,  viscount  of,  defends  Lusignan,  i,  50. 

,  Catherine  de,  marries  the  duke  of  Deux-Ponts,  iii,  6. 

,  Catherine  de  Parthenay,  dutchess  of,  gives  bad  advice  to  the  pria- 

cess  Catherine  concerning  Henry  IV  and  Sully,  ii,  103.  She  alters  her 
opinion,  and  favours  this  minister,  115.  Her  plots  with  the  Protestant 
party,  205. 

,  Margaret  de  Bethune,  dutchess  of,  a  marriage  between  her  and 


the  count  of  Laval  proposed,  and  afterwards  with  the  duke  of  Rohan,  ii, 
115.  Henry  IV  approves  of  this  marriage,  iii,  402.  Gratuities  given  by 
him  to  the  new-married  couple,  403.  An  anecdote  concerning  the  sup- 
positious son  of  this  marriage.  See  Tancrede. 

Roissy,  John  James  de  Nismes  de,  commands  the  king's  troops  in  Au- 
vergne,  iv,  31. 

Rollet  Du,  an  officer  in  the  royalist  party,  present  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i, 
224.  Contributes  to  the  taking  of  Louviers,  253.  Thwarts  Sully's  treaty 
with  Villars,  413. 

Remain,  Saint,  a  miracle  related  of  this  pidiis  archbishop:  origin  of  the 
privileges  of  the  canons  of  Rouen,  iv,  197. 

Rome  and  Roman  empire.  The  establishment  of  manufactures,  tending  to 
promote  luxury,  wisely  prohibited  there,  iii,  363.  Its  revolutions;  causes 
of  its  fall,  V,  62,  etseq. 

Roncas,  agent  for  the  duke  of  Savoj'  in  the  affair  of  Saluces.  His  artiftces 
and  breach  of  faith,  ii,  329. 

Ronsey,  company  of,  defeated  by  Henr}- 1 V,  i,  1 54. 

Roquelaure,  Antony  de,  marshal  of  France,  a  Catholic  officer  in  the  ser- 
vice of  Henry  IV,  i,  59.  His  character;  a  humorous  dialogue  between 
Henry  IV^  and  him;  another  between  him  and  the  archbishop  of  Rouen, 
on  the  subject  of  the  princess  Catherine's  marriage,  ii,  299.  He  assists 
in  forcing  Henrj'  from  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  when  they  were  obliged 
to  part,  315.  The  chamber  of  justice  employ  his  interest  with  Henry, 
416.  A  friend  of  Sully's,  iii,  175.  Henry  sends  him  to  compliment  queen 
Margaret,  iv,  46.  He  is  summoned  to  the  council  on  the  aiTair  of  SedaU; 
31. 

VOL.  V.  q 


398  INDEX. 

Rosan,  Durefort  de,  fights  a  duel  with  Turenne,  i,  74. 

Rosieres,  madam  de,  a  friend  of  the  cardinal  of  Bourbon,  i,  337. 

Rosne,  Christian  de  Savigny,  baron  of,  one  of  the  general  officers  in  the 
service  of  the  League,  i,  249.  One  of  the  four  marshals  of  Fi'ance  made 
by  the  League,  347.  Takes  Le  Catelet  and  La  Capelle,  ii,  54.  Defeats 
the  French  at  Dourlens,  57. 

Rosny,  castle  and  estate  of.  See  under  Sully. 

— — — ,  Francis  de  Bethune,  baron  of,  father  of  the  duke  of  Sully,  his  al- 
liances, i,  4.  State  of  his  family  and  domestic  affairs,  8,  24.  He  attends 
the  queen  of  Navarre,  27.  His  advice  not  listened  to^  26.  He  makes 
his  escape  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew.  Writes  to  his  son  on 
that  occasion,  40. 

.  See  Sully. 

,  Maximilian  H,  de  Bethune,  marquis  of,  eldest  son  of  the  duke  of 


Sully.  Henry  IV  sends  du  Laurence  to  him  during  his  indisposition,  143. 
Several  great  matches  proposed  for  him,  209.  The  king  marries  him  to 
mademoiselle  de  Crequy,  2 1 0.  Particulars  relating  to  this  marriage, 
and  to  the  private  conduct  of  Rosny;  the  king  proposes  to  give  him  ma- 
demoiselle de  Vendome  in  marriage,  213.  Henry  IV  reconciles  the  duke 
of  Vendome  aud  him,  412.  He  gives  him  the  reversion  of  the  post  of 
master-general  of  the  ordnance,  he  commands  the  artillery  in  the  expe- 
dition of  Cleves,  421.  He  prevents  his  father  from  resigning  his  em- 
ployments, 434.  Prevails  upon  Sully  to  leave  Montrond,  v,  17,  The 
fortune  he  received  with  his  wife,  52.  Sully  lends  him  money,  and  pays 
his  debts,  55.  The  uneasiness  which  his  dissolute  conduct  gives  to  Sully, 
133. 

Rosny,  baron  of.     See  Bethune,  Solomon  de. 

Rosne,  de.  Sully  defends  Passy  against  him,  i,  216. 

Rotonneau,  isle  and  castle  of,  surprised  by  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany, 
and  restored  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  440. 

Roubais,  or  Robeck,  Robert  de  Melun,  marquis  of,  takes  Bouillon  prison- 
er, i,  95.  Cause  of  his  hatred  of  Sully,  ib. 

Roubais,  Mary  de  Melun,  lady  de,  refuses  to  [give  her  consent  to  a  mar- 
riage between  the  marquis  of  Cceuvres  and  mademoiselle  de  Melun, 
iii,  404. 

Rouen.  The  Protestants  take  possession  of  it,  i,  23.  D'AUegre  takes  it  for 
the  League,  216.  Henry  IV  prepares  to  invest  it,  256.  He  begins  the 
siege,  and  makes  an  unsuccessful  attack,  259.  The  trenches  forced  at 
difl'erent  times  by  that  prince  and  admiral  Villars,  262.  The  vigorous 
defence  made  by  this  governor,  267.  Henry  is  obliged  to  raise  the  siege, 
280.  Sum  paid  by  Henry  for  the  surrender  of  Rouen,  364. 

Rousse,  La,  servant  to  th.  dutchess  of  Beaufort.  Sully  causes  her  to  be 
shut  up  in  the  Bastille,  ii,  317. 


INDEX.  399 

Roussiere,  La,  governor  of  Fontenay  for  the  League,  i,  142. 

Roussy,  count  of,  solicits  a  pardon  for  marslial  Biron,  ii,  494.  Slain  in  the 
battle  of  Arques,  i,  207. 

Rouxel.     See  Medavy. 

Rubenpre,  Andrew  de  Bourbon  de,  deputed  to  Henry  IV  by  the  states  of 
Blois,  i,  67. 

Rue,  La,  a  gentleman  in  Sully's  service,  wounded  with  him  at  the  encoun- 
ter of  Touvery,  i,  246. 

Rumigny,  his  speech  to  marshal  Biron  upon  the  scaffold,  ii,  490. 

Rumilly,  treaty  of,  between  the  duke  of  Savoy  and  the  republic  of  Gene- 
va, ii,  634. 

Ruse,  Martin,  de  Beaulieu,  secretary  of  state,  i,  206.  He  favours  the  Je 
suits  in  the  quarrel  between  father  Seguiran  and  the  Rochellers,  iv,  133, 
4. 

Russia.     See  Muscovy. 

Russy,  Elias  de  La-Place  de,  agent  for  Bouillon,  iv,  1 .  Sent  by  him  to 
Flanders,  167,  where  he  concludes  the  treaty  of  mediation  with  Jean- 
nin,  &c.,  370. 


Sagonne,  j^ohn  Babou  de,  slain  at  the  battle  of  Arques,  i,  207. 

Salced^^s  resistance  to  the  Guises,  the  cause  of  his  death,  i,  173. 

Salignac,  John  de  Gonlault  de,  his  duel  with  Rosan,  i,  75.  One  of  the 
heads  of  the  Protestant  party,  ii,  171.  Solicits  a  pardon  for  Biron, 
494.  Ambassador  to  the  Ottoman  Porte,  iii,  346. 

Salic-law.  An  erroneous  opinion  of  Sully's  concerning  this  law,  iii,  330. 

Salt.  The  price  of  it  increased  to  fifteen  sols  three  bushels,  ii,  165.  Re- 
gulations upon  this  part  of  the  revenue,  iii,  119. 

Saluces,  marquisate  of,  a  dispute  concerning  it,  ii,  227.  Artifices  of  the 
duke  of  Savoy  to  elude  the  restitution  of  it,  328,  352.  Sully's  reasons  for 
not  giving  up  this  fief,  348.  Conditions  upon  which  it  is  ceded  to  that 
prince,  400. 

Samblancay.  See  Beaune. 

Sancerre.     Siege  of  this  town,  i,  46. 

Sancy,  Nicholas  de  Harlay  de,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Protestant  party,  i, 
335.  Serves  Villeroy  in  his  treaty,  428:  his  character,  his  services,  ii,  32. 
His  raillery  aud  bon-raots  upon  the  fair  Gabrielle  prevent  his  being 
made  superintendant  of  the  finances,  33.  His  quarrel  with  Sully  in  the 
king's  presence,  134.  He  leaves  the  council  of  finances,  169.  The  king 
of  England  blames  his  conduct,  iii,  77.    His  hatred  of  Sully;  his  dissipa- 


400  INDEX. 

tion:  Heury  IV  purcbases  his  jewels,  387.  Sully  buys  the  lands  of  Dour- 
den  of  bim,  V,  53. 

Saone,  Henry's  brave  exploits  at  the  pass  of  this  river,  ii,  60.  Utibty  of  its 
being'  joined  with  the  Loire,  iii,  299. 

Saveuse.  Anne  Je  Brosse.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Bonneval,  i,  191. 

Saveuse,  Charles  de  Brosse,  loses  Bonneval,  where  he  is  wounded,  and 
dies  in  despair,  i,  192. 

Sault,  Christian  d'Aguirre,  countess  of,  her  party  in  Provence,  i,  301. 
Favours  that  of  the  king'  there,  ii,:  31  and  assists  in  driving  out  the 
dukes  of  Savoy  and  d'Epemon,  117.  She  endeavours  to  procure  a  mar- 
riage between  the  marquis  of  Rosny  and  mademoiselle  de  Crequy;  and 
to  hinder  Sully's  conversion,  iv,  i:16.  Engag'es  in  Heniy's  amours,  221. 

Saulx.   See  Tavannes. 

Saumur,  one  of  the  five  cities  that  continued  faithful  to  Henry  HI,  i,  182. 
Given  to  Henry  IV,  as  a  cautionary  city  by  the  treaty  between  the  two 
kings  186.  The  Protestants  there  hold  a  mutinous  assembly,  iii,  172 
Du-Plessis  ]Momay  puts  himself  to  needless  expenses  to  fortify  Saumur. 
463. 

Savoy.  Henry  IV,  carries  the  war  thither,  ii,  363  et  seq.  Design  of 
Philip  II,  to  seize  that  state:  part  of  the  great  design  with  respect  to 
Savoy,  v,  116. 

,  Charles  Emanuel,  duke  of,  he  unites  with  Spain  and  the  league,  and 

has  bad  success  in  Provence,  i,  308.  His  plots  with  the  sti^eiof  Paris 
ineffectual,  333.  He  supports  the  partj'  of  the  duke  of  NWiours  in 
Lyons,  but  cannot  hinder  him  from  being  driven  from  thence,  440.  Vic- 
tories gained  by  Lesdiguieres  over  the  duke  of  Savoy,  ii,  14.  By  the 
constables  de  Montmorency  in  Dauphiny  and  Lyonnois,  44.  Other  en- 
counters in  which  the  troops  are  defeated  by  Lesdiguieres,  117.  He 
signs  the  treaty  of  Vervins  at  Chamberry,  228.  He  demands  the  prin- 
cess Catherine  in  marriage,  295.  His  artifices  to  avoid  making  a  restitu- 
tion of  the  marquisate  of  Saluces,  328.  He  goes  to  Paris,  346.  Henry's 
reception  of  him  at  Fontaiuebleau,  ib.  His  intrigues  in  the  French 
court,  349 — 353.  Towns  and  forts  taken  from  him,  367  et  seq.  His 
correspondencies  with  Biron,  390.  Countries  and  forts  given  up  by  him, 
in  exchange  for  Saluces,  397.  Condition  of  tlie  treaty  between  the  duke 
of  Savoy  and  marshal  Biron,  454.  Cong^tulates  Henry  on  the  discovery 
of  this  conspiracy,  ii,  511.  Fails  in  an  attempt  upon  Geneva,  533. 
Animates  Spain  against  France,  iii,  157.  He  puts  an  end  to  his  wars 
with  the  republic  of  Geneva,  160.  He  continues  his  plots  against 
France,  430.  Design  of  Henry  IV  to  make  him  king  of  Lombard} ,  iv, 
69.  Presents  made  by  him  to  his  majesty,  1 76.  He  congratulates  Henry 
upon  the  birth  of  the  duke  of  Anjou,  273.  An  alliance  between  the 
two  courts  projected.  307.  Sully's  connexions  with  the  duke  of -Savoy 


INDEX.  401 

caluminated,  377.  He  joins  in  the  deputation  sent  to  the  king  by  the 
princess  assembled  at  Hall,  402.  He  makes  a  treaty  of  alliance  with 
France,  413.  Part  of  the  great  design  concerning  him:  he  is  to  be  de- 
clared king  of  Lombardy,  v,  95.  Forces  and  money  to  be  contributed 
by  him,  107. 

Savoy-Nemours.  See  Nemours  and  Sorlin,  Saint. 

Saussaie,  La,  a  Protestant  gentleman;  his  plots  during  the  siege  of  Ami- 
ens, ii,  175. 

Sauves,  madame  de,  Beaune  de  Samblancy  Henry  IV,  and  the  duke  of 
Alengon  rivals  for  this  lady,  i,  93.  She  introduces  Sully  to  Catherine 
de  Medicis,  107;  and  informs  him  of  her  designs,  150.  Informations 
sent  by  her  to  the  duke  of  Guise  and  the  states  of  Blois,  179. 

Sauveur,  Claude  de  Joyeuse  de  Saint,  slain  at  the  battle  of  Coutras,  i, 
163. 

Scaliger,  his  death,  iv,  258. 

Schomberg,  Caspar  de,  count  of  Nanteuil,  Henry  IV  consults  him  upon 
his  conversion,  i,  327.  Makes  him  one  of  the  members  of  the  council 
of  finances,  ii,  36,  123.  His  death,  occasioned  by  a  very  extraordinary 
sickness;  his  eulogium,  iii,  102. 

,  Henry  de,  marshal  of  France,  Suily'S  friendship  for  him  calum- 
niated, iii,  390.  Gives  information  of  Ravaillac's  conspiracy  to  Henry 
IV,  and  to  Sully,  iv,  430.  He  is  deputed  to  Sully  by  the  queen-regent, 
458. 

Schomberg,  Theodore,  a  Swiss  colonel,  slain  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  a  fine 
speech  of  Henry's  concerning  him,  i,  226.   •  - 

,  count  of,  grand  marshal  of  the  empire,  ii,  465. 

Scotch-Guard,  acknowledge  Henry  IV  for  king,  i,  199. 

Sebastian,  Don,  circumstances  relating  to  the  pretended  Don  Sebastian, 
ii,  233,  461. 

Sedan,  account  of  Henry  TV's  expedition  against  it,  iv,  71,  et  seq.  Gra- 
tuities which  Bouillon  receives  from  Mary  de  Medicis  for  this  principali- 
ty, V,  4. 

Sfondrato.  Conrmiands  the  troops  of  Gregory  IV,  at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  i, 
267,  280. 

Seguier,  John,  president  of  the  parliament:  the  g«od  advice  which  he  gives 
Sully  when  in  discontent,  i,  316. 

,  Peter,  chancellor,  supports  the  princes  of  Henrichemont  in  their 

process  with  Sully,  v,  136. 

,  Charlotte,  married  to  the  prince  of  Henrichemont,  v,  135. 


Seguiran,  Gaspard,  a  Jesuit,  his  quarrel  with  the  Rochellers,  iv,  ]  53. 
Segur,  de,  de  Pardaillan:  murdered  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
i,  39. 


4>02  INDEX. 

Segur,  James,  de,  baron  of  Pardaillan,  makes  his  escape  at  the  massacre 
of  St  Bartholomevr,  i,  39. 

Selles.  Henry  IV  raises  the  siege  of  that  place,  i,  357. 

Sellier,  John,  Henry's  Commissioner  at  Troyes,  iii,  419. 

Selvage,  Catherine,  one  of  the  bed-chamber  women  to  the  queen,  474. 

Sens.  Besieged  by  Henry  IV,  but  with  little  success,  i,  233. 

Servian,  deputy  from  Dauphine  for  the  Protestants,  iv,  111. 

Servin,  a  young  man  of  a  very  extraordinary  character,  iii,  35. 

Sicily.  This  kingdom  designed  to  be  given  to  the  republic  of  Venice,  v, 
104.  See  Political  Design. 

Sidney,  lord,  sent  by  queen  Elizabeth  to  Calais  with  letters  for  Henry  IV, 
ii,  428.     Is  appointed  to  receive  Sully  in  London,  iii,  43. 

Sigebert.  Character  of  this  king,  v,  66. 

Sigismond,  king  of  Sweden,  dethroned  by  Charles  his  uncle,  ii,  340. 

Sigogne,  Charles  de  Beausoncle  de,  taken  prisoner  at  Ivry  by  Sully,  i, 
222.  An  amusing  discourse  of  his  upon  the  affair  of  the  advocates,  iii, 
46,  48. 

Silk.  Henry  IV  causes  it  to  be  cultivated  in  France,  iii,  54.  Sully's  rea- 
sons for  opposing  it,  177.  Silk  manufactures  established,  412. 

SiUery,  Nicholas  Brulat  de,  chancellor,  deputed  from  the  court  to  Henry 
IV,  i,  120.  Opposes  Sully's  admission  into  the  council  of  finances,  ii, 
121.  Quarrels  with  him  in  the  council,  172.  Labours  to  pacify  Picardy, 
192.  Concludes  and  signs  the  peace  of  Vervins,  197,  228.  Is  sent  am- 
bassador to  Rome,  235.  Is  made  minister  of  state,  ii,  365.  Labours 
to  procure  a  repeal  of  the  Jesuits  banishment,  iii,  192.  His  plots  to  pro- 
cure two  cardinals  hats  for  Villars  and  Marquemont,  225.  He  unites 
with  the  courtiers  and  Jesuits  to  ruin  Sully,  374,  380.  The  cause  of  his 
hatred  to  Sully.  Acquaints  him  with  the  advancement  of  Paul  V,  to  the 
pontificate,  426.  His  letters  to  SuUy  at  the  assembly  of  Chatelleraut, 
iv,  15,  and  to  Villeroi  during  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  90.  Made  keeper 
of  the  seals,  138.  Opposes  Sully's  opinion  concerning  the  proposals 
made  by  the  Flemings,  165.  He  has  another  dispute  with  Sully,  334. 
Henry's  judgment  upon  his  good  and  bad  qualities,  338.  He  prejudices 
that  prince  against  SuUy,  407.  His  grave  reply  to  the  queen  upon  the 
death  of  Henry  IV.  He  is  admitted  in  the  secret  council  of  Mary  de 
Medicis,  465,  479.  Endeavours  to  ruin  Sully,  v,  3.  Makes  a  fraudulent 
use  of  the  seal,  8.  Gratuities  from  the  queen-regent,  24.  He  supports 
Villeroi  and  d'Alincourt  against  Sully,  27. 
Sillery,  Noel  Brulart,  commandeur  de,  engaged  in  the  amours  of  Henry 
IV,  iv,  22 1 .  Is  admitted  into  the  secret  council  of  Mary  de  Medicis. 
479. 
Silly.  See  Rochepot  and  Rocheguyon,  la. 
Simiane.  See  Gordes. 


INDEX.  408 

Simiers,  madam  de,  Louisa  I'Hopital  Vitrj',  contributes  towards  the  suc- 
cess of  the  treaty  between  tlie  king  and  Villars,  i,  388,  411,  419. 
Sixteen,  council  of,  Maienne  causes  four  of  them  to  be  hanged,  i,  268. 
Sixtus  V,  a  bon-motof  his  to  cardinal  Joyeuse  upon  Henry  111,  i,  69.  He 
excommunicates  the  Protestants,  114.     A  saying  of  his  upon  the  barri- 
cadoes,  174.     He  excommunicates  Henry  HI,  after  tlie  murder  of  the 
Guises,  183.     His  sayings  and  predictions  concerning  Henry  IV,  the 
duke  of  Maienne,  the  king  of  Spain,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  209.  His 
character:  a  bon-mot  upon  him,  iii,  422. 
Sluys,  siege  and  surrender  of,  318. 
Sobolle,  Raymond  de  Comminges  de,  and  his  brother  driven  out  of  Metz, 

iii,  5. 
Soissons,  one  of  the  towns  of  the  League,  i,  323.  The  chiefs  of  the  League 
retire  thither.  See  League.     The  garrison  is  defeated  by  the  royalists, 
ii,  44. 
Soissons,  Charles  de  Bourbon,  count  of,  joins  Henry  IV  and  takes  the 
dukeofMerccEur's  baggage,!,  155.  Behaves  bravely  at  the  battle  of  Cou- 
tras,  162,  but  hinders  Henry  from  taking  any  advantage  of  his  victory, 
167.  His  design  of  marrjnng  the  princess  Catherine,  168.    Quits  Henry 
after  the  barricadoes,  175.  He  endeavours  to  prevail  upon  Sully  to  quit 
the  party  of  Henry  IV,  186.     Goes  to  Beam  with  an  intention  to  marry 
ftie  princess  Catherine,  303.     His  character,  304.     He  becomes  one  of 
the  heads  of  the  third  party,  324.    His  views  and  plots  with  the  states  of 
Paris,  354.  He  defeats  the  Spaniards  at  Laon,  452.  Made  great  master 
of  the  household  to  the  king,  474.     Refused  the  presidency  of  the  coun. 
cil  and  attends  the  king  into  Burgundy,  ii,  47.  Sully  endeavours  to  break 
off  his  marriage  with  the  princess  Catherine,  97.     He  discovers  the  plot 
of  Mignon'to  poison  the  king,  303.    Opposes  Sully's  opinion  with  regard 
to  the  war  of  Savoy,  371 .  Quarrels  with  SuUy,  442.     Summoned  to  the 
council  held  at  Blois,  concerning  arresting  the  heads  of  the  seditious 
party,  472.  He  is  reconciled  to  Sul'y,  iii,  30.  He  quarrels  again  with  that 
minister,  164.  Henry  purchases  his  earl  Jom  of  St.  Paul,  343.  His  quar- 
rels with  the  prince  of  Conty,  460.     He  quarrels  again  with  Sully,  iv, 
39.     Opposes  the  expedition  of  Sedan,  80.     He  discovers  his  discontent 
pubhcly,  245,  and  unites  with  the  courtiers  and  Jesuits,  299     Made  one 
of  the  members  of  the  public  council  of  ^lary  de  Medicis,  his  conduct  on 
fjiis  occasion,  466,  472.  His  quarrels  with  the  prince  of  Conty  and  the 
duke  of  Guise,  473.  Sully's  advice  to  him,  496.  He  combats  Sully's  opi- 
nion with  regard  to  the  siege  of  Juliers,  505.  Procures  the  government 
of  Normandy,  v,  22. 
Solre,  count  of,  ambassador  from  the  archduke  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  424. 
Sommerive,  Charles  Emanuel  de  Lorrain  count  of,  defends  Lyons  against 


40^  INDEX. 

Henry  IV,  i,  443.     Surrenders  the  place  to  him,  ii,  12.     Is  banished  by 
the  king  for  his  amours  with  the  countess  of  Moret,  iv,  238. 
Sophy  of  Persia,  sends  an  ambassador  to  the  emperor  Rodoiph,  ii,  422. 
Sorlin,  Henry  de  Savoy-Nemoiirs,  marquis  of  Saint,  comes  to  Lyons  to  the 
assistance  of  the  duke  of  Nemours,  i,  440.     Makes  a  treaty  with  the 
king,  ii,  87. 
Soubise,  Benjamin  de  Rohan,  duke  of,  Henry  offended  with  him,  iv,  112. 
Sourdis,  Francis  d'Escourbleau,  marquis  of,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Ca- 
tholics who  opposes  Henry  IV,  i,  332. 
Sourdis,  Francis  d'Escourbleau  de,  he  is  made  a  cardinal,  ii,  234.  Goes  to 

Rome  to  assist  at  the  conclave,  iii,  224. 
Sourdis,  Isabella  Babou  de  la  Bourdaisiere,  marchioness  of,  mistress  to  the 
chancellor  de  Chiverny,  ii,  173.     Seconds  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort's 
schemes,  238. 
Southampton,  earl  of,  escorts  Sully  to  Loudon,  iii,  44.  In  great  favour  with 

the  king  of  England,  83.  His  quarrel  with  Grey,  154. 
Souvre,  Gilles  de,  an  anecdote  concerning  him:  his  eulogium,  ii,  416. 
Spain.  TheSpaniards  join  the  duke  of  Maienne,  i,  216.  They  behave  well 
at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  219.  Make  proposals  of  union  with  Henry  IV,  295. 
Victorious,  301.     Worsted  in  Provence  and  Dauphine,  307.  Assist  the 
League,  321.     Their  plots  in  the  assembly  of  the  states  at  Paris,  352, 
The  snares  laid  by  the  council  of  Madrid  for  Henry  IV,  382.     They  of- 
fer him  the  infanta  in  marriage;  they  leave  Paris,  383.  They  send  suc- 
cours to  the  duke  of  Nemours.  They  besiege  and  take  La  Capelle,  442. 
Assist  the  Jesuits  in  their  process  with  the  university,  451.  Defeated  be- 
fore Laon,  458.     Their  expeditions  into  Brittany,  ii,  14.     They  endea- 
vour to  establish  Burgundy  into  a  kingdom  for  the  duke  of  Maienne, 
15.     Driven  from  Marseilles  by  the  duke  of  Guise,  31.     Henry  IV  de- 
clares war  against  them,  40.     They  take  Le  Catelet  and  La  Capelle, 
54.  Defeat  the  French  at  Dourlens,  ib.  Enter  Franche-Compt^,  and  de- 
feated by  Henry  IV  at  Fontaine-Fraugoise,  65.  They  surprise  Amiens, 
162.     They  are  driven  out  of  Brittany,  198.     Continue  the  »var  against 
the  Dutch,  404.  Henry  disgusted  with  them:  they  insult  his  ambassador, 
421.    Support  the  French  rebels,  454,  as  likewise  those  in  Ireland,  460. 
Continuation  of  their  war  with  the  Dutch,  iii,  12.     Their  squadron  de- 
feated by  the  Dutch,   13.     Their  plots  in  England  after  the  death  of 
queen  Elizabeth,  21.   They  endeavour  to  gain  James,  43.      Spanish  fac- 
tion in  London,  54.     James's  hatred  and  jealousy  of  them,  74.     He  ac- 
cuses them  of  conspiring  against  his  life,  80.     They  make  him  great  of- 
fers to  induce  him  to  forsake  France,  87.     They  support  the  Englisli 
priests,  and  endeavour  to  dethrone  him,  97.     They  foment  the  conspi- 
racy of  the  English  lords  against  James,  153.  Their  fleet  defeated  by  the 
Dutch,  161.    Henry  unwisely  prohibits  trading  with  them,  310.     Conti- 


INDEX.  405 

Duation  of  their  war  with  the  Dutch,  317.  They  endeavour  to  procure 
a  peace  with  England.  321.  The  beginning-  of  their  difference  with  the 
Grisons,  336.  Continuation  of  their  war  in  Flanders,  431.  New  plots  carri- 
ed on  by  thetn  against  James,  434.  They  build  a  new  armament  of  galiies, 
iv,  9.  Continuation  of  tlieir  war  with  the  Dutch,  iv,  132.  Proposals  for 
a  truce,  133.  They  plot  against  Henry  in  his  court,  156.  Continuatioa 
of  the  war  in  Flanders,  163,  et  seq.  Negociations  for  a  truce  with  flol- 
land,  273.  The  weakness  of  this  crown  in  fixing  the  boundaries  of  Na- 
varre and  Beam,  280.  As  likewise  in  the  revolt  of  the  Moors,  28 1 .  Their 
detestable  plots  against  the  hfe  of  Henry  IV,  304.  A  treaty  of  truce  con- 
cluded between  them  and  the  Dutch,  370.  The  queen-regent  seeks  their 
alliance,  467,  482.  They  send  ambassadors  to  Paris  upon  the  death  of 
Henry  IV,  v,  12.  The  object  of  the  great  design  with  regard  to  that 
crown,  86. 

Spinola,  the  marquis  of,  besieges  Ostend,  ii,  532.  Has  an  audience  of  Henry 
IV  at  Paris,  iii,  431.  His  mihtarj-  explmts  in  Flanders,  432.  He  besieges 
and  takes  Rhiraberg,  iv,  131.  Concludes  a  treaty  with  the  Flemings  for 
a  suspension  of  arms,  276.  Favours  the  prince  of  Condi's  flight,  350, 
and  dissuades  the  archduke  from  surrendering  him,  359. 

Spinola,  Frederick,  his  squadron  beaten  by  the  Dutch,  ii.  532.  Killed  in  a 
naval  battle,  iii,  157. 

Stafford,  See  Sydney. 

Stenay,  taken  by  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  i,  301. 

Strozzy,  Philip,  one  of  the  principal  officers  of  Charles  IX,  i,  2.  Endea- 
vours to  surprise  Rochelle,  22. 

Stuart,  Henn,-,  lord  Darnley,  becomes  king  of  Scotiand. 

Stuart,  Mary,  queen  of  Scotland,  niece  to  the  duke  of  Guise,  i,  15. 

Stuart,  Arabella,  proposed  for  a  wife  to  Henry  IV,  ii,  21s. 

Stoniga,  or  Zuniga,  Don  Baltazar  de,  bis  offers  in  the  name  of  Spain  to 
Henry  IV  rejected  by  that  prince,  i,  378.  Sent  ambassador  to  France, 
iii,  314. 

Sweden,  a  revolution  in  that  kingdom,  ii,  340.  The  bad  policy  of  that 
court,  iii,  84,  Part  of  the  great  design,  relating  to  Sweden,  v,  88,  107. 

Sweden,  Charles,  king  of,  dethrones  Sigismund  his  nephew,  ii,  340,  and 
confirms  himself  in  the  throne,  iv,  165.  Himself  and  his  son  enter  into  a 
confederacy  against  the  house  of  Austria,  422. 

Swiss.  They  prevent  Charles  IX  from  being  taken  at  Meaux,  i,  23.  They 
grant  troops  to  Henry  III,  136.  Sully  treats  with  them  for  this  purpose, 
133.  They  march  into  France  under  several  disadvantages,  149,  and 
take  part  with  the  League  to  avoid  being  cut  in  pieces  at  Auneau,  170. 
They  are  disarmed  on  the  day  of  the  barricadoes,  172.  They  fig'nt  brave- 
ly for  Henry  IV  at  Arqucs,  208,  but  refuse  to  fight  at  Ivry,  223.  They 
mutiny  in  Henry's  army  after  this  battle,  235.  They  bring  him  succours 

VOL.  V.  r 


406  INDEX. 

at  the  siege  of  Rouen,  258,  and  refuse  to  pursue  the  prince  of  Parma, 
294.  Their  valour  before  Laon,  459.  They  unite  with  France  against 
Spain  in  the  war  of  1 595,  ii,  46.  Disbanded  after  the  peace  of  Vervins, 
230.  A  solemn  embassy  from  the  thirteen  cantons  to  renew  the  alliance. 
528.  France  levies  soldiers  in  Ssvitzerland,  528.  Their  dispositions  and 
true  policy  with  respect  to  the  house  of  Austria,  iii,  125.  Their  share  in 
the  design  of  Henry  IV,  127.  Become  mediators  between  the  duke  of 
Savoy  and  the  republic  of  Geneva,  158.  The  part  they  have  ii|  the  af- 
fair of  La  Valtoline  and  tlie  Grisons,  336.  Debts  contracted  by  Henry 
IV  with  them  during  the  League,  413.  The  Swiss  join  the  Grisons 
against  Spain,  iv,  175.  Sully  pays  the  debts  of  the  state  to  the  cantons, 
179,  194.  The  Swiss  enter  into  the  confederacy  against  the  house  of 
Austria,  414. 
Sully,  Maximilian  de  Bethune,  duke  of,  his  ancestors,  family,  and  his 
birth,  i,  5.  Goes  with  the  court  of  Navarre  to  Paris,  27.  Is  presented  to 
the  king  of  Navarre:  his  studies,  27.  Escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, 34.  His  education,  41.  His  first  exploits  in  arms,  54, 
57.  He  quarrels  with  Frontenac  and  Tureune,  59.  Follows  Henry  IV 
to  Beam:  his  economy:  his  reception  by  the  princess  Catherine,  62.  He 
is  at  the  taking  of  Eause;  at  the  battles  before  Slirande,  Nerac,  and 
other  encounters,  63.  His  behaviour  during  the  junction  of  the  two  courts 
of  Catherine  de  Medicis  and  the  king  of  Navarre,  71.  He  is  in  danger  at 
the  reduction  of  Cahors,  76,  and  before  Marmande.  Defends  Monsegur, 
78.  Is  made  counsellor  of  Navarre,  and  chamberlain  in  ordinary  to 
Henry,  85.  His  motives  for  going  with  monsieur  into  Flanders,  90.  He 
entertains  several  gentlemen  in  his  train,  94.  What  befel  him  at 
Cambray,  96.  Monsieur  refuses  to  oblige  him,  which  occasions  a 
coolness  between  that  prince  and  him,  100.  Advice  given  him  by 
the  prince  of  Orange,  of  the  treachery  of  Antwerp,  101.  His  reception 
from  madam  de  Mastin,  103.  Honours  paid  him  by  the  burgesses  of 
Bethune,  105.  He  returns  into  France,  his  reception  from  Henry: 
he  goes  to  the  court  of  Henry  III  to  acquaint  that  prince  with  the 
proposals  made  by  Spain  to  the  king  of  Navarre,  ib.  He  goes  to 
visit  monsieur  at  Chateau-Thierry,  107.  Continues  at  court  to  observe 
the  motions  of  the  League,  108.  Falls  in  love  with  mademoiselle  dc 
Saint-Mesmin,  109,  and  marries  mademoiselle  de  Courtenay,  111.  His 
domestic  employments  during  tlie  first  year  of  his  marriage,  ib.  He  re- 
turns to  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  carries  him  a  supply  of  money,  112. 
He  receives  the  duke  of  Joyeuse  at  Rosny,  114.  He  gives  good  counsel 
to  the  Protestants  in  the  assembly,  117.  Returns  to  Paris,  and  commen- 
ces a  negociation  there,  121.  He  goes  to  Guycune,  125.  The  kingo 
NavaiTC,  by  his  advice,  makes  head  against  three  armies  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Rochclle,  133.  He  throws  himself  into  Saint  BazeiJle,  135. 


INDEX.  407 

Is  deputed  to  Saint-Maur  to  Henry  HI,  137.  lie  treats  likewise  with 
the  Swiss;  and  for  the  use  of  the  foreign  troops  in  France,  138.  He  is 
present  at  the  siege  of  Talmont,  140,  and  at  that  of  Fontenay,  143.  He 
goes  to  his  wife  during  the  plague  at  Rosny,  146.  Reflections  upon  the 
weakness  of  Henry  IH,  147.  He  penetrates  into  the  designs  of  Cathe- 
rine de  Medicis,  149.  Defeats  a  squadron  belonging  to  Joycuse,  153, 
and  takes  advantage  of  his  absence  to  harass  his  troops:  services  which 
he  does  his  brother,  156.  He  goes  to  Paris  to  the  assistance  of  madame 
de  Rosny,  ib.  He  returns  to  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  serves  him  in 
the  battle  of  Coutras,  158.  His  wise  advice  after  this  battle,  168.  De- 
puted to  the  prince  of  Conti,  169.  Returns  to  Bergerac,  171.  He  accom- 
panies the  count  of  Soissons  to  court,  176.  His  conversation  with  Hen- 
ry HI,  177.  Reflections  upon  the  weakness  of  that  prince,  181.  He 
comes  to  make  his  report  to  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  goes  back  again 
to  conclude  the  treaty  between  the  two  kings,  185.  His  indisposition: 
his  advice  to  Henry  IV  upon  his  interview  with  Henry  III,  188.  He 
helps  to  defend  Tours,  190.  The  part  he  has  in  the  battle  of  Saveuse, 
191.  He  goes  to  the  assistance  of  his  wife;  his  excessive  grief  for  her 
death,  193.  He  returns  to  the  army  of  the  two  kings,  194.  Services 
which  he  does  to  Henry  IV,  200.  He  seizes  Meulan,  the  government  of 
which  is  denied  him,  ib.  Fails  in  his  attempt  upon  Louviers,  202.  Re- 
connoitres the  duke  of  Maienne's  army,  203.  Present  at  the  battle  of 
Arques,  206.  Fails  in  his  attempt  upon  Vernon,  210.  Storms  the  sub- 
urbs of  Saint  Germain,  211.  Preserves  the  country  of  Mante  against 
the  troops  of  the  League,  213.  His  motives  for  writing  his  IVIernoirs,  ib. 
He  contributes  towards  raising  the  siege  of  Meulan,  214.  Defends  Pas- 
sy,  217.  Present  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  wounded  there,  and  takes  several 
prisoners,  221,  22.  Carried  in  triumph  to  Rosny:  Henry  IV  caresses  him 
and  makes  him  a  knight,  228,  29.  Present  at  the  siege  of  Paris,  234. 
He  retires  in  disgust,  244.  He  saves  the  life  of  Clermont- Tonnere  at 
Joigny,  ib.  His  adventure  at  Touvery,  where  he  narrowly  escapes  be- 
ing slain,  246.  Henry  disconcerts  an  enterprise  which  he  had  projected 
at  Mante  against  the  duke  of  Maiennc,  252.  He  visits  madame  Chateau- 
pers,  255.  Seizes  a  boat  richly  laden,  256.  Attends  Henry  IV  to  the 
siege  of  Rouen,  258.  Opposes  Biron's  opinion  concerning  the  manner  of 
attacking  the  place,  259.  Is  present  at  the  attack  of  the  trenches,  263. 
"Makes  remonstrance  to  the  king,  upon  the  dangers  to  which  he  exposes 
his  life,  265.  Conversation  between  them,  concerning  the  mutinies  of 
the  Catholics  in  his  army,  267.  He  endeavours  to  procure  the  surrender 
of  Rouen,  by  a  correspondence  within,  266.  He  goes  with  Henry  IV  to 
meet  the  prince  of  Parma,  270.  He  complains  of  the  duke  of  Nevers's 
conduct  at  Bully,  272.  Is  present  in  the  battle  of  Aumale,  276,  and  at  all 
tbe  expeditions  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rouen,  286      He  declares  him 


40S  INDEX. 

self  for  pursuing  the  prince  of  Parma,  290.  He  marries  madame  de  ChS- 
teaupeis,  313.  Retires  to  his  seat  iu  disgust,  314.  He  intercepts  some 
papers  belonging  to  the  League  and  the  third  party,  and  carries  them  to 
Henry  IV,  318,  324.  The  confidence  this  prince  places  in  him  upon  this 
occasion,  326.  Motives  which  oblige  him  to  conceal  tliis  confidence, 
328.  Conversation  between  them,  332.  The  true  sentiments  of  this  mi- 
nister upon  religion,  334.  He  prevails  upon  the  Protestants  to  treat  with 
tlie  heads  of  the  Catholics  upon  this  subject,  337.  His  conversations  and 
negociations  with  Bellozane,  338;  with  the  Durets,  340;  and  with  du  Per- 
ron, ib.  The  part  he  has  in  the  reduction  of  Dreux,  368.  He  votes  con- 
trary to  the  inclinations  of  the  Protestants  in  their  assemblies,  373.  His 
answer  to  du  Perron,  who  exhorted  him  to  change  his  religion,  375.  The 
last  service  he  does  Henry  IV  in  the  affair  of  his  abjuration,  375.  He 
procures  a  second  truce  for  the  Parisians,  381.  He  opposes  the  deputa- 
tion of  La  Vareune  to  Spain,  384.  He  commences  a  negociation  with 
aibniral  vi liars,  Medavy,  ice,  388,  394.  He  reconciles  the  duke  of  Mont- 
pensier  and  the  count  of  iSoissons,  398.  He  treats  with  tlie  dutchess  of 
Aumale  for  her  husband's  surrender,  407;  with  Medavy,  408;  with  ad- 
miral Villars,  ib.  Difficulty  of  concluding  this  last  treaty,  41 1.  Sully 
returns  to  Rouen,  and  receives  in  the  king's  name  the  homage  of  Vil- 
lars and  the  city  of  Rouen,  428.  A  pleasant  adventure  which  happened 
to  hiin  with  Bois-rose,  435.  His  delicacy  with  regard  to  the  gratuities 
and  presents  bestowed  on  him  by  his  majesty,  437.  He  serves  in  the 
siege  of  Laon,  443.  The  affairs  of  the  government  oblige  him  to  return 
to  Paris,  his  conversation  with  the  cardinal  of  Bourbon,  446.  He  disco- 
vers the  designs  of  the  seditious  party,  451,  and  suppresses  the  process 
of  the  Jesuits  against  the  University,  453.  He  returns  to  Laon  to  give 
an  account  of  his  proceedings  to  the  king,  452.  Assists  in  defeating  the 
great  convoy,  457.  Is  employed  to  discover  Biron's  designs,  462.  Gives 
notice  of  the  approach  of  the  Spanish  army,  464.  Henry  sends  him  to 
Rouen,  ii,  2,  and  afterwards  to  Sedan,  ib.  His  conversation  with  Bouil- 
lon, 7,  et  seq.  The  affairs  of  the  state  again  oblige  him  to  return  to  Pa- 
ris, 14.  Employed  in  the  treaty  with  the  duke  of  Guise,  25.  His  apology 
for  this  treaty,  28.  His  sentiments  concerning  the  abuses  in  the  finan- 
ces, 37.  Made  secretary  of  state,  38.  Opposes  the  declaration  of  war 
with  Spain,  40.  Returns  to  the  council,  from  whence  the  bad  conduct  of 
the  counsellors  obhges  him  to  retire,  48.  His  dispute  with  the  officers  of 
the  count  of  Soissons,  51.  Conversation  between  Henry  and  Sully  upon 
the  disasters  which  happened  in  Picardy,  78.  He  refuses  to  go  with 
Bouillon  to  London,  and  discovers  the  snares  laid  for  him  by  the  coun- 
cil, 79.  He  goes  to  Paris  to  provide  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops 
during  the  siege  La  Fere,  84.  Goes  to  Amiens  to  attend  the  king,  86: 
he  is  deputed  to  Rouen  to  the  duke  of  Montpensier,  96.     Afterwards  to 


INDEX.  409 

the  princess,  to  hreak  off  her  marriage  with  the  count  of  Soissons,  98. 
Opposition  made  by  the  financiers  to  his  entering  the  council,  118,  and 
the  king's  resolution  thereon,  122.     Takes  a  journey  into  the  districts, 
126.  Calumnies  against  him  oblige  Henry  to  recal  him,  130.  His  quar- 
rels with  Sancy,  1 33.     Discovers  the  frauds  of  the  council  of  finances, 
137.  His  reflections  upon  the  general  states  of  the  kingdom,  140.  Others 
upon  imposts  and  government,  146,  etseq.  Contrives  the  means  of  re- 
taking Amiens,  164.     He  is  made  head  of  the  council  during  this  expe- 
dition, 170.     His  great  application  to  contribute  to  the  success  of  the 
siege  of  Amiens,  174,  and  in  disconcerting  the  cabals  of  the  Protestants 
during  it,  17S.     He   opposes    the   besieging  of  Dourlens,  188.     Re- 
proves Henry  for  his  indulgence  to  the  duke  of  Mercoeur,  198.    His 
stay  at  Rennes:  his  wise  regulations  there  to  pacify  Brittany,  200.     He 
prevails  upon  Henry  to  make  peace,  209.     A  curious  conversation  be- 
tween them,  on  the  necessity  of  Henry's  marrjing  again,  214,  et  seq. 
Sully  prepares  Margaret  de  Valois  for  the  dissolution  of  her  marriage, 
224.   '  The  share  he  has  in  the  several  regulations  in  the  government, 
231.     He  endeavours  in  vain  to  break  off  the  conference  of  Boulogne, 
234.  He  thwarts  the  schemes  of  madam  de  Beaufort  to  make  herself 
queen,  237.  Receives  the  cardinal  of  Florence  at  Paris  and  Saint  Ger- 
main, 246.  Undertakes  to  make  a  reformation  in  the  finances,  247.  His 
character,  dispositions,  eulogium,  248,  49.  He  gives  an  account  of  his 
estates,  of  his  abilities,  of  his  employments,  fcc.  253:  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  his  time,  and  his  daily  occupations,  235,  56,  et  seq.  Henry   IV 
makes  him  his  fii-st  minister,  257.  He  prosecutes  extortioners,  and  those 
who  are  guilty  of  any  embezzlement,  267.  Quarrels  in  full  council  with 
d'EpernoQ,  268.     He  takes  the  management  of  the  farms  of  the  state 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  nobles  and  foreigners,  272.     Other  labours  in 
the  finances,  274.  Calumnies  are  spread  against  him,  275.    He  accuses 
d'Ossat  of  opposing  the  marriage  of  the  princess  Catherine  and  the 
duke  of  Bar,  296.     Assists   at  a  conference  for  the  conversion  of  the 
princess,  298.  Prevails  upon  the  Protestants  to  consent  to  an  alteration 
in  the  edict  of  Nantes,  308.    The  superintendance  of  tlie  finances  esta- 
blished in  his  favour,   310.     Made  superintendaot  of  the  fortifications 
and  buildings,  and  surveyor-general,  311.  Condoles  with  Henry  IV,  on 
the  death  of  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  323.     Resists  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
who  sought  to  corrupt  him,  329.     He  attends  the  king  to  Blois,  331. 
Prevails  upon  Henry  to  marry  again,  332.  Tears,  before  Henry,  the 
promise  of  marriage  to  be  given  to  mademoiselle  d'Entragues,  337.  He 
concludes  the  marriage  Avith  the  princess  of  Tuscany,  338.     He  takes 
the  guardianship  of  the  prince  of  Epinoy's  children  upon  himself,  340. 
Made  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  343;  and  appointed  commis- 
sioner for  the  affair  of  the  raarquisate  of  Salaces,  his  conversation  with 


410  ^  INDEX. 

the  duke  of  Savoy  when  he  came  to  visit  him  at  the  Arsenal,  347.     His 
firmness  in  opposing'  the  other  commissioners,  351.  Present  at  the  dis- 
pute between  Du-Plessis  and  Du-Perron,  354.  Prevails  upon  Henry  to 
march  to  Savoy,  362.     Account  of  his  conduct  in  this  war,  366,  et  seq. 
He  receives  the  king  and  queen  at  the  Arsenal,  403.  He  resumes  the 
direction  of  the  finances  and  the    government,  407.     His   advice  to 
Henry  IV,  with  regard  to  the  prince  of  Orange,  419.  Presents  made  to 
him  by  the  grand  signior,  423.  He  goes  to  Elizabeth  at  Dover:  the  dis- 
course he  has  with  her,  the  praises  he  gives  to  this  queen,  428.  Henrj^ 
acquaints  him  with  the  birth  of  the  Dauphin,  436.  He  refuses  to  be- 
come a  security  in  the  affair  of  the  isles,  441.  He  dissuades  the  king 
from  purchasing  the  estates  of  the  count  of  Soissons,  442.  Obtains  the 
embassy  to  Rome  for  his  brother  the  count  of  Bethune,  443.     Letters 
from  Henry  to  him  upon  different  subjects,  444.  A  letter  from  Sullj-  to 
Biron:  and  a  conversation  with  him,  449.  He  is  commissioned  to  inter- 
rogate La-Fin:  his  name  is  mentioned  among  the  conspirators,  458.  He 
takes  measures  for  arresting  Biron;  and  is  made  governor  of  the  Bastile, 
459.  His  reception  of  the  foreign  princes,  464.  He  accompanies  the 
king  to  Blois,  ibid.  Clears  the  duke  of  Epernon,  and  opposes  liis  being 
arrested,  468.  The  precautions  he  takes  with  respect  to  Burgundy;  and 
Biron's  resentment  against  him,  479.  His  advice  to  the  king  concerning 
the  manner  of  arresting  Biron,  and  the  part  he  takes  in  the  arrest  of 
Biron  and  d'Auvergue,  487  et  seq.  A  conversation  between  Henry  and 
him  upon  his  motives  for  pardoning  the  count  of  Auvergne.  502.     He 
intercedes  for  the  prince  of  Joinville,  506.  Endeavours  but  in  vain,  to 
persuade  Bouillon  to  come  to  court,  510.     A  curious  conversation  be- 
tween Henry  and  him,  upon  the  bounds  which  he  proposed  to  set  to  his 
gratuities  to  him,  513.  His  discontent  at  the  opposition  that  prince  made 
to  some  of  his  designs;  and  the  precautions  he  takes  against  his  enemies, 
515.  His  severity  to  the  fraudulent  financiers,  517.  He  raises  the  value 
of  the  gold  and  silver  coin,  and  establishes  the  reckoning  by  livres,  523. 
"His  sentiments  of  the  edict  against  duelling,  527.  He  attends  Henry  to 
Calais,  529.  The  king  gives  him  the  abbey  of  Coulon,  iii,  11.     Secret 
conversations  between  him  and  Henry,  upon  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  in 
which  Sully's  embassy  to  London  is  resolved  upon,  20.  The  importance 
of  this  embassy,  21.  He  visits  Henry  when  indisposed  at  Fontainebleau, 
26.  Purport  of  the  instructions  he  received  on  his  embassy  to  England, 
30.  Account  of  his  journey  to  London  and  negociations  there,  38  et  seq. 
State  of  the  court,  and  of  the  Englisli  government,  53.  The  difficulties 
he  found  in  tliis  negociation,  ib.  Character  of  the  king  and  queen  of 
England,  57.  Presents  which  he  receives  from  James,  67.  An  account 
of  what  passed  at  his  first  audience,  71.  He  has  a  second  audience  with 
James,  and  a  private  conversation  ivith  this  prince,  91.    Is  invited  by 


INDEX.  411 

the  kinj  of  England  to  an  entertainment:  their  discourse  at  dinner, 
105.  Sully's  third  audience'of  the  king  of  Eng-land,  in  which  he  has  a 
private  conversation  with  him,  and  acquaints  him  with  the  conduct  of 
his  ministers,  116.  He  explains  to  him  the  great  design,  119.  The  kind- 
ness shown  by  this  prince  to  Sully,  129.  Audience  of  leave.  Civilities 
and  honours  paid  by  king  James  to  Sully:  presents  made  by  Sully  to  the 
king,  the  queen,  and  the  lords  of  the  English  court.  141,  43.  Embarks 
for  France,  143.  He  goes  to  Henry  at  Villers-Coterets:  his  reception 
from  the  king:  public  conversation  upon  his  embassy,  146.  Praises  given 
him  by  Henry,  149.  Private  conversations  between  the  king  and  Sully 
on  the  same  subject,  151.  He  resumes  his  labours  in  the  finances,  161. 
He  makes  remonstrances  to  the  king  upon  the  abuse  of  granting  small 
edicts,  162.  Henry  supports  him  against  his  enemies,  168.  He  receives 
and  treats  the  king  at  Rosny,  170.  He  endeavours  to  appease  the  mutiny 
among  the  Protestants,  173.  He  is  made  governor  of  Poitou,  174.  Op- 
poses the  establishment  of  silk  manufactures,  177.  He  blames  Henry's 
great  expenses  in  gaming,  mistresses,  Sfc.  185;  and  opposes  the  sending  of 
colonies  to  Canada,  ib.  Employed  to  rettle  the  claims  of  the  king  and 
the  duke  of  Bar,  to  the  effects  of  the  late  dutchess  of  Bar,  190.  He 
endeavours  to  hinder  the  recal  of  the  Jesuits,  197:  but  afterwards  fa- 
vours that  society,  204.  He  presents  a  memorial  against  d'Ossat,  205- 
He  assists  in  malring  a  discovery  of  I'Hote's  treasonable  practices,  216. 
His  behaviour  on  this  occasion  to  Villeroi,  220.  He  composes  a  memo- 
rial concerning  a  toleration  of  different  religions,  224.  A  curious  con- 
versation between  Henry  and  him,  respecting  the  queen  and  the  mar- 
chioness of  Verneuil,  232.  Sully  gives  advice  to  this  prince,  on  this 
subject,  which  he  does  not  follow,  235.  He  reconciles  the  king  and  the 
queen,  who  afterwards  quarrel  again,  243.  He  is  ill  used  by  that  prin- 
cess, 244;  and  forbears  to  concern  himself  in  her  quarrels  with  the  king, 
245.  Attempts  to  persuade  the  marchioness  of  Verneuil  to  disengage 
herself  from  the  king,  246.  Reciprocal  praises  between  queen  Margaret 
and  Sully,  251.  He  labours  to  prevent  the  cabals  of  the  malecon tents, 
252.  He  goes  to  Poitou,  256.  Honours  paid  him  there:  the  great  utility 
of  this  journey,  261.  Services  which  he  does  for  d'Epernon,  266.  He 
takes  measures  for  arresting  the  count  d'Auvergue,  272.  Letters  be- 
tween him  and  that  nobleman,  277.  He  reproaches  the  marchioness  of 
Verneuil  when  commissioned  to  interrogate  her,  281.  Cannot  prevail 
upon  Henry  to  send  her  out  of  the  kingdom,  285.  He  deposits  the  king's 
treasure  in  the  Bastile:  291.  Some  fine  reflections  upon  government, 
and  the  duty  of  kings,  295.  Methods  for  raising  money,  296.  Sully  un- 
dertakes to  prove  the  rents,  298.  Estabhshes  a  chamber  of  justice,  302. 
Regulations  upon  the  army:  an  establishment  for  disabled  soldiers,  305. 
Causes  of  the  ruin  and  decay  of  states,  307.     He  begins  the  canal  of 


4113  INDEX. 

Briare,  309.  Opposes  the  edict  for  thirty  per  cent,  310.  He  obhges  Vil- 
leroi  and  Sillery  to  sig'n  the  treaty  of  commerce,  316.  Secretly  favours 
the  Flemings,  318.  Sully's  advice  to  Henry  against  the  Spanish  policy, 
328.  His  sentiments  concerning  the  Salic  law,  and  the  alliances  of  the 
house  of  France,  330.  He  discloses  Henry's  great  Schemes  to  cardinal 
Bufalo,  332.     Supports  the  Grisons  against  Spain,  in  the  aflfair  of  La- 
Valtoline,  334.  Puts  the  king  in  possession  of  his  rights  with  regard  to 
the  bridge  of  Avignon,  340.  Dissuades  him  from  purchasing  the  earl- 
dom of  St.  Paul,  343:  and  endeavours  to  binder  him  from  erecting  build- 
ings for  his  manufactures;  and  from  encouraging  too  great  a  number  of 
rehgious  orders,  345.  Disapproves  of  the  pardon  granted  by  this  prince 
to  d'Entragues  and  d'Auvergne,  348.  Refuses  to  concern  himself  in  this 
affair  with  the  marchioness  of  Verneuil,  330.  Opposes  the  demolition  of 
the  pyramid,  353.  A  great  quarrel  between  him  and  father  Cotton,  on 
account  of  the  college  of  Poitiers.  376.;  and  is  reconciled  to  father  Cot- 
ton, 364.  He  is  concerned  with  d'Epernon  and  Grillon  in  a  dispute  re- 
lating to  the  post  of  colonel  of  the  guards.  368.  The  courtiers  and  Je- 
suits enter  into  a  combination  to  ruin  liim,  372.  Letters  between  Hen- 
ry and  him,  and  the  service  which  he  receives  on  this  occasion  from  the 
house  of  Ijorrain,  379.  A  long  and  interesting  conversation  between 
them,  in  which  they  are  reconciled,  383.     The  artifices  of  his  enemies: 
their  libels  against  him,  384.     Sully  convicts  tliem  of  calumny,  394- 
Henry  punishes  his  enemies,  and  loads  him  with  caresses  in  the  presence 
the  courtiers,  396.  He  puts  an  end  to  the  dispute  concerning  the  post  of 
the  colonel  of  the  guards,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  king,  397.    He  quar 
rels,  and  is  again  reconciled  with  this  prince,  398.  He  marries  his  daugh- 
ter to  the  duke  of  Rohan,  400;  and  his  wife's  daughter  to  La-Boulaye, 
401.  His  labours  in  the  finances,  406.  The  debts  of  the  state  discharged. 
and  plenty  and  good  order  restored  to  the  kingdom,  412.  Paul  V  writes 
a  complimentary  letter  to  him:  his  answer,  430.     Services  done  by  him 
for  Du-Perron,  ib.  His  opinion  of  Spinola's  arrival  at  Paris,  431.  Let- 
ters between  the  king  of  England  and  Sully,  434,     Sully  removes  Hen- 
ry's apprehensions  concerning  the  designs  of  the  Protestants  assembled 
at  Chatelleraut,  and  is  appointed  to  go  thither  to  act  for  the  king,  437. 
Purport  of  the  public  instructions  he  received  on  that  occasion,  445. 
and  of  his  secret  and  particular  instructions,  446.     Account  of  this  mis- 
sion, 452,  et  seq.  He  dismisses  the  assembly,  and  returns  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  his  conduct  to  the  king,  iv,  27,  whom  he  advises  to  take  a  jour- 
ney into  Limosin  and  Auvergne,  31.  He  attends  the  king  in  his  journey, 
33.    Theodore  de  Beza  dedicates  a  book  to  him,  39.     He  quarrels  with 
the  count  of  Soissons,  ib.,  and  with  d'Epernon,  ib.     A  bon-raot  of  his 
concerning  the  king's  first  phy.sician,  44.  Queen  Margaret  asks  his  ad- 
vice concerning  her  journey  to  Paris,  45.    Memorial  upon  the  custom.*; 


INDEX.  413 

aud  forms  of  duels,  49.  A  conversation  between  the  king-,  queen,  and 
Sully,  a  method  |)roposed  by  him  to  put  an  end  to  their  disputes,  52,  et 
seq.  New^-year's  gifts  from  their  majesties  to  him,  59.  Another  conver- 
sation between  the  king-  and  him  upon  the  means  of  humbling'  the  house 
of  Austria,  66.  He  is  made  duke  and  peer,  70.  He  confirms  Henry  in 
his  dcsig-n  of  besi  .ging-  8edan,  71.  An  uncommon  circumstance  with  re- 
gard to  the  wound  in  his  neck  and  mouth,  75.  His  letters  to  Bouillon, 
and  the  answers  to  them,  78.  His  complaints  ag-ainst  Villaroi  on  this 
expedition,  92.  He  visits  Sedan.  06.  Ho  cannot  prevail  upon  Henry  to 
turn  his  arms  ag-aiust  the  earliom  of  St.  Paul,  97,  and  endeavours  to 
dissuade  him  from  making  a  public  entry  into  Paris,  98.  He  giv^s  good 
advice  to  the  Venetian."  upon  their  difference  with  Paul  V,  100.  Does 
some  service  to  the  cardinal  Barbarini,  and  Du- Perron,  104.  He  sup- 
ports the  city  of  Metz  against  the  Jesuits,  103.  Composes  the  quarrels 
between  the  Catholics  and  Protestants,  1 13.  He  is  made  captain-lieute- 
nant of  the  queen's  company  of  gendarmes,  118.  Regulations  on  the 
finances,  119.  Friendship  between  him  aud  the  dutchess  of  Guise,  124. 
He  give  Henry  the  abstracts  of  the  general  accounts,  130.  His  advice 
to  the  king  concerning  the  war  in  Flanders,  133.  Henry's  letters  to  him 
upon  the  birth  of  a  second  son  of  France:  upon  his  children,  and  the 
chase,  &c.,  140.  He  suppresses  the  prosecution  upon  account  of  the 
murder  of  his  nephew  Epinoy,  144.  Henry  IV  disgusted  with  him, 
but  soon  after  reconciled,  145.  Refuses  to  interfere  in  the  disputes  of 
the  Jesuits  with  the  inhabitants  of  Rochelle,  153  Conversation  with 
Henry  IV  upon  the  intrigues  of  the  Spaniards  at  court,  158.  He  satisfies 
the  king  upon  this  head,  and  justifies  the  house  of  Lorrain,  160.  He  in- 
duces Henry  to  refuse  the  offer  made  by  the  United  Provinces  of  sub- 
mitting to  the  dominion  of  France,  166.  His  opinion  of  the  treaty  con- 
cluded between  Spain  and  Holland,  172.  Presents  made  by  him  in  Italy 
for  the  king,  177.  Briefs  sent  him  by  Paul  V,  and  his  answer  to  the 
pope,  178.  Operations  in  the  finances,  ib.  Establishes  order  in  the 
chambers  of  accounts,  kc.  &c. ,  1 82.  He  opposes  the  establishment  of  a 
chamber  of  justice,  191.  Warns  the  king  of  his  enemies,  193.  Regula- 
tions for  the  artillery,  &c.,  195.  He  condemas  his  majesty's  excessive 
expenses  in  manufactories,  buildings,  and  furniture,  iOO.  Heniy's  let- 
ters to  him  upon  his  domestic  quarrels,  203.  His  son  married  to  made- 
moiselle de  Crequy,  209.  He  is  offered  the  post  of  constable,  &c.,  which 
he  refuses,  213.  Means  employed  by  the  Proteslants  to  prevent  his  ac- 
cepting of  them,  216.  He  is  supported  by  Henry  against  his  enemies, 
218.  His  conversation  with  Henry  on  the  queen,  the  marchioness  of 
Verneuil,  &c.  221.  Henry's  letter  to  him  on  the  birth  of  his  son,  231. 
Employed  by  Henry  in  the  affair  of  Joinville  and  the  marchioness  of 
Verneuil,  234,  as  likewise  in  that  of  Soiamerive  with  the  countess  of 
VOL.   V.  S 


414  INDEX. 

Moret,  258.  In  the  assassination  of  Balagny  d'Eg-uillon,  242.  In  the  mar- 
riage of  M.  de  Vendotne  with  mademoiselle  Mercceur,  245.  He  oppo- 
ses the  violent  counsels  against  the  Protestants,  248,  251.  Henry's  let- 
ter to  him  upon  his  health  and  that  of  his  children,  254.  He  complains  of 
Henry's  extravag-ance  at  play,  260.  Grants  made  him  by  the  king,  263. 
Orders  plans  to  be  taken  of  the  coast  of  France,  and  a  restitution  of  the 
usurpations  made  by  Spain  and  Lorrain,  264.  Regulations  in  the  finan- 
ces, 265.  Exhorts  Henry  to  be  present  at  the  consultations  of  his  minis- 
ters, 267.  Memoirs  and  reflections  upon  the  taille,  imposts,  and  the  dif- 
ferent forms  of  our  government,  268.  He  receives  the  compliments  ot 
foreign  princes,  272.  Henry  follows  his  advice  upon  the  accommodation 
between  the  Spaniards  and  Dutch,  276.  Medais  and  memorials  i)resent- 
ed  by  him  to  Henry,  287.  Different  opinions  of  him,  290.  His  dispute 
with  Villeroi,  ih.  He  entertains  his  majesty  at  the  Arsenal,  291.  Dis- 
putes betwixt  him  and  father  Cotton,  295.  Henry  imparts  to  him  his 
disquietudes,  301.  A  discourse  between  them  upon  this  prince's  love 
for  the  princess  of  Conde,  302.  Upon  the  plots  against  his  life,  ib.  Sul- 
ly's opinion  of  these  plots,  and  his  wise  advice  to  the  king,  311.  He  has- 
tens the  execution  of  the  grand  design,  316.  Henry  and  he  employ 
themselves  in  composing  the  cabinet  of  state,  318,  &c.  His  conversa- 
tion with  the  king  on  the  different  ways  of  raising  money,  322.  Henry's 
character  of  Sully,  336.  Operations  in  the  finances,  339.  He  reproaches 
Henry  on  his  great  expenses,  341.  Edict  against  fraudulent  bankrupts 
and  duels,  343.  His  letters  and  counsels  upon  the  affair  of  the  prince  of 
Cond€,  348.  He  clears  du  Plessis  Mornay,  and  other  Protestants,  of 
false  informations  against  them,  365.  Conversation  between  Henry  and 
him  upon  the  means  of  humbling  the  house  of  Austria,  397,  &c.  The 
courtiers  inspire  Henry  with  suspicions  against  him,  408.  Negociations 
with  the  princes  of  Europe,  and  other  preparations  for  the  grand  design, 
412.  Henry's  conversation  with  him  upon  the  presages  of  his  approach- 
ing death,  426,  &c.  Sully  endeavours  ineffectually  to  persuade  the  queen 
to  delay  her  coronation,  429.  Schomberg  informs  him  of  a  conspiracy, 
&c.,  640.  He  receives  the  first  account  of  tliis  prince's  assassination,  his 
behaviour  and  speeches  upon  that  occasion,  441,  443.  Sully's  reasons  for 
not  going  to  the  Louvre,  447.  His  complaints  against  the  autlior  of  this 
murder,  and  upon  the  negligence  with  which  he  is  guarded,  449.  A 
sketch  of  the  character,  and  of  the  good  and  bad  qualities  of  this  prince, 
450,  452:  goes  to  the  Louvre:  his  reception  from  the  king  and  queen-mo- 
ther, 459.  The  hatred  and  plots  of  the  courtiers  against  him,  461.  He 
assists  at  the  ceremony  of  a  bed  of  justice,  463.  His  complaints  of  the 
court  and  council  of  the  queen-regent,  464.  Jlesolves  to  withdraw  him- 
self, 468.  The  count  of  Soissons  seeks  his  friendship,  and  afterwards  be- 
comes his  enemy,  470,  473.     His  opinion  with  regard  to  Clcves  not  fol 


INDEX.  415 

lowed,  474.  His  advice  to  the  count  of  Bethune,  ambiissador  at  Ronje, 
478.  His  advice  with  regard  to  the  duiie  of  Savoj',  and  the  other  allies 
of  the  crowu,  not  followed,  481.  He  again  resolves  to  dehver  up  his 
posts,  and  again  hindered  by  his  family,  483.  He  is  reconciled  with  the 
prince  of  Cond^,  493.  Counsels  which  he  gives  him,  499.  He  opposes 
the  grants  promised  to  the  duke  of  Bouillon,  v,  3.  As  likewise  those 
of  council  in  the  affair  of  Cleves,  504.  He  opposes  Conchini  and 
the  count  of  Soissons,  4.  Refuses  to  sign  a  comptant  sent  him  by 
the  queen-regent,  6.  Blames  Sillery  and  Conchini,  8.  His  dispute 
m  full  council  with  Bouillon,  9.  He  retires  to  Moutrond  during  the 
coronation  of  Lewis  XIII,  and  there  falls  sick,  13.  Is  recalled,  the  re- 
ception he  meets  with,  18.  Visits  the  children  of  France,  19.  Conchini 
prejudices  the  queen  against  him,  21.  His  indignation  at  the  proposal 
made  to  the  council,  "24.  He  opposes  ViUeroy  and  Alincourt  in  full 
council,  28.  Eulogium  of  his  boldness  and  honesty,  31.  He  gives  up  his 
post  of  superintendant  and  captain  of  the  Bastile,  33.  His  titles,  ibid. 
Brevets  and  recompenses  which  he  receives,  37.  His  advice  to  his  se- 
cretaries, 38,  9.  Honours  paid  him  upon  his  quitting  Paris,  42.  He  pre- 
vents the  cabals  of  his  enemies  at  court,  44.  The  king  gives  him  a  bre- 
vet for  the  augmentation  of  his  pension,  48.  He  gives  a  particular  ac- 
count of  his  estate,  and  the  improvements  he  made  in  it,  with  the  provi- 
sion he  makes  for  his  children,  &c.,  49,  et  seq.  His  disputes  with  the 
prince  of  Conde,  58.  The  assembly  of  Protestants  at  Chatelleraut  sup- 
port his  interest  against  Bouillon  and  his  enemies,  120.  The  part  he 
takes  in  the  affair  of  St.  John  d'4ngely,  123,  and  in  the  revolt  of  the 
princes,  124.  Other  services  in  the  war  against  the  Protestants:  recom- 
pensed with  a  marshal's  staff",  132.  State  of  his  family,  and  his  disqui- 
etude upon  account  of  the  marqms  of  Rosny,  and  the  prince  ot  Hen- 
richemont,  133,  &c.  His  death,  136.  Honours  paid  to  him  by  the  dut- 
chess  of  Sully,  137.  His  residence  at  Viilebou:  at  SnUy,  -fcc.  State  and 
government  of  his  house:  the  employment  of  hi?  time,  &c.,  140,  et  seq. 
His  buildings,  146. 
Sully,  dutchess  of,  Rachael  de  Coriielilet.  Sully  asks  her  in  marriage,  i, 
257.  Married  to  him,  313.  She  is  beloved  by  the  princess  Catherine, 
ji  114.  Her  convpi'satiou  with  the  dutchess  of  Beaufort,  316.  She  ex- 
erts herself  w'^^  madame  de  Brandis  for  the  surrender  of  the  castle  of 
Montmeh=»i>  387.  Her  return  to  Paris,  399.  She  goes  to  Baugy,  418. 
Dehvct'cdof  a  son,  488.  Presents  she  receives  from  their  majesties,  iii, 
188.  Gives  the  queen  good  counsel  with  regard  to  Conchini,  iv,  229. 
Henry  IV,  compliments  her  upon  the  birth  of  her  son,  231.  Sully  in- 
forms her  of  the  disposition  of  the  queen -regent,  and  of  the  council  to- 
wards him  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  483.  She  opposes  his  giving 
up  his  posts,  484.  The  sum  she  brought  Sully  at  her  marriage,  v,  52. 
She  excuses  her  husband  to  the  queen-regent,  131.     The  mausoleum 


416  INDEX. 

she  causes  to  be  built  for  him,  137.  Her  life  and  domestic  occupations. 
145,  &€. 

Sulsback,  counts  of,  right  of  these  princes  to  the  dutchy  of  Juliers,  iv, 
507. 

Surenne.  A  conference  at  this  place  betiveen  Henry  IV,  and  the  Protes- 
tants, i,  366. 

Synods  of  Protestants.  They  raise  a  rebellion,  ii,  175,  203.  Sully  forbids 
them  in  the  king's  name  to  receive  deputies  from  the  factious  lords,  iii. 
463. 


T. 


Talan.  The  troops  of  the  League  are  driven  out  of  this  castle  by  Henrj- 

IV,  ii,  59. 
Talmont,  taken  by  La  Tremouille,  i,  140.  Defended  against  tiie  League, 

147. 
Tambonneau,  the  president,  commissary  for  proving  the  rents,  iii,  301. 
Taucrede,  pretended  heir  to  the  house  of  Rohan,  iii,  399- 
Tapestry-workers,  Flemish,  sent  for  to  Paris,  iv,  200. 
Tarn,  the  duke  of  Joyeuse  dro^vned  there,  i,  312. 
Tassone,  Octavio,  agent  for  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  ii, 

403. 
Tavannes,  Gaspard  de  Saulx  de,  one  of  the  counsellors  of  Catherine  de 

Medicis:  his  character,  i,  3. 
Tavannes,  John  de  Saulux,  viscount  de,  defeated  and  taken  prisoner  at 

Noyon,  i,  248.  Driven  from  Dijon  by  the  king's  forces,  ii,  58. 
Taxis,  John,  count  of  Villamediana,  ambassador  from  Spain  to  England, 

iii,  77. 
Taxis,  John  Baptist,  count  of,- i,  351,  378. 
Teillo,  Hernando.  See  Portocarrero. 
Teligny,  Charles  de,  son-in-law  to  admiral  Coligny,  deputed  to  Charles 

IX,  by  the  Huguenots,  i,  18.  Slain  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 

3.6. 
Tende,  Claude  de  Savoy,  count  of,  refuses  to  obey  the  orders  of  Charles 

IX,  to  massacre  the  Protestants,  i,  44. 
Terrail,  du,  commands  the  light  horse  in  the  army  of  the  league  at  the 

battle  of  Ivry,  i,  220.  Goes  with  Sully  to  London,  iii,  48.     Loters  into 

the  service  of  the  archduke:  takes  Bergen  op-zoom,  and  loses  it  again, 

433.  Fails  in  an  attempt  upon  Sluys,  iv,  266.  Endeavours  to  surprise 

Geneva:  is  taken  there,  and  beheaded,  377. 
Tesin,  the  scheme  of  turning  this  river  fatal  to  Francis  I,  ii,  85. 
Themines,  Pons  de  Lausieres  de  Cardiitillac  de,  defends  Villemur,  and  de 


INDEX.  U7 

feats  the  forces  of  the  League  there,  i,  309,  Solicits  for  Biron's  pardon, 
ii,  494.  Does  the  kiog  good  service  ag-ainst  the  rebels,  iv,  8. 

Thermes,  John  de  Saint  Larry  de,  one  of  Henry  the  third's  favourites,  ii, 
18. 

Thermes,  Paul  de  la  Barthe  de,  defeated  at  Gravelines,  i,  15. 

Thore,  William  de  Montmorency  de,  fails  in  his  attempt  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  bridge  of  Saint  Maixence  for  Henry  IV,  i,  21 1. 

Thou,  James  Augustus  de,  president,  a  conversation  between  him  and 
Montague,  upon  the  characters  of  Henry  IV,  and  the  duke  of  Guise,  i, 
120.  Consulted  by  Henry  IV,  upon  his  conversion,  327.  Employed  in 
composing  the  edict  of  Nantes,  ii,  305.  His  sentiments  with  regard  to 
religion  suspected,  ib.  He  votes  in  the  council  against  the  repeal  of  the 
Jesuits' banishment,  iii,  196. 

Thou,  Nic.  de,  crowns  Henry  IV^,  at  Chartres,  i,  396. 

Thouars.  SuUy  goes  there  to  visit  la  Tremouille,  iii,  263. 

Tignonville,  mademoiselle  de,  beloved  by  Henry  IV,  i,  61. 

Tilenus,  a  Protestant  minister,  his  dispute  with  Du  Val,  ii,  297. 

Tiron,  Philip  des  Portes,  abbot  of,  employed  in  Villars's  treaty  with  Henry 
IV,  i,  413.  Grntuities  which  he  received  from  this  prince,  268. 

Tonnerre,  Francis  Henry,  count  of  Clermont,  SuUy  saves  his  life  at  Joig- 
ny,  i,  244. 

Torigny,  Odet  de  Matignon,  count  of,  present  at  the  battle  of  Ivry,  i,  224. 
The  cause  of  the  death  ol  la  Chataigneraye,  224.  Fights  in  the  battle 
of  Fontaine-Fran^oise,  ii,  60. 

Touchet,  N.  du,  a  Protestant  gentleman,  escapes  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, i,  34. 

Touchet,  INIary,  mistress  to  Charles  IX,  i,  444. 

Toulon.  The  malecontents  endeavour  to  seize  upon  this  city,  ii,  455,  iii, 
439. 

Toulouse.  Its  reduction,  ii,  86.  Sum  paid  for  its  treaty,  264.  The  chamber 
of  requests  suppressed  by  its  parliai*ent,  iii,  170.  Its  ancient  counts, 
vassals  to  the  kings  of  France,  341. 

Tour,  John  de  la,  betrays  the  league,  i,  223. 

Touraine,  cities  of,  taken  by  Henry  IV,  i,  212. 

Tournelles.     Henry  IV,  establishes  his  silk  manufactories  there,  iii,  184. 

Tours,  one  of  the  five  cities  which  continued  faithful  to  Henry  III,  i,  182. 
The  two  kings  have  a  meeting  near  the  city,  187.  Duke  of  Maienne 
invests  it,  and  obliged  to  retire  by  the  two  kings,  188.  The  duke  of 
Guise  escapes  from  its  castle,  254.  The  first  manufactories  of  rich  stuff 
do  not  succeed,  ii,  341. 

Tours,  Robert  de,  a  contractor,  attempts  to  bribe  Sully  and  his  wife,  ii,  171. 

Touvery.  Sully  dangerously  wounded  at  this  place,  i,  246. 

Trape,  La,  valet  de  chambre  to  Sully,  i,  58,  76. 


418  INDEX. 

Tremblecourt,  Lewis  de  Beauveau  de,  defeated  in  endeavouring  to  suc- 
cour Nayon,  i,  248.  His  success  in  Burgundy,  ii,  46. 

Tremont,  one  of  the  general  officers,  of  the  league,  at  Ivry,  i,  223. 

Tremouille,  Claude,  duke  de  la,  takes  Talmont,  i,  140.  Fights  at  Coutras, 
where  his  troops  behave  ill,  161.  Gives  bad  counsel  to  the  prince  of 
Cond^,  165.  Has  a  great  share  of  the  victory  gained  at  Fontaine-Frau- 
goise,  ii,  63.  Plots  amongst  the  Protestants  during  the  siege  of  Amiens, 
175.  Sent  by  Henry  IV,  to  examine  into  the  affair  of  the  false  Sebastian, 
233.  Is  suspected  of  being  amongst  the  seditious,  468.  He  engages 
with  Bouillon,  iii,  14.  His  intrigues  with  the  king  of  England,  66,  and 
the  Protestants,  against  the  state,  252.  Sully  visits  him  at  Thenars,  and 
disconcerts  his  schemes,  263.  His  death,  266.  Sully  purchases  from  him 
theJands  of  Sully. 

Trigui,  an  officer  in  the  king's  party,  i,  445.  Present  at  the  defeat  of  the 
great  convoy  before  Laon,  459. 

Troyes.  The  Jesuits  refused  an  establishment  there,  iii,  355; 

Turks  and  Turkey.  They  carry  on  a  war  in  Hungary,  ii,  404.  The  Grand 
Seignior's  embassy  to  Henry  IV,  the  magnificent  titles  they  give  him, 
423.  Continuation  of  their  war  in  Hungary,  463.  They  give  succour 
to  the  Moors  in  Spain,  iv,  288.  The  grand  design,  so  far  as  it  relates  to 
them,  V,  87. 

Turenne,  viscounty  of,  seized  upon  by  Henry  IV,  ii,  210.     Bouillon  pre- 
tends that  this  viscounty  is  one  of  the  great  fiefs  of  the  crown,  249. 
Turenne,  viscount  of.   See  Bouillon. 
Tyber.  A  great  overflow  of  this  river,  ii,  282. 


V. 


Vactendonck.  The  Spaniards  driven  from  this  place  by  the  prince  of 
Orange,  iii,  12. 

Vair,  William  du,  counsellor  of  the  parliament,  his  opinion  for  the  heredi- 
tary succession  of  the  crown,  i,  355. 

Vaivodes  of  Traiisilvania,  defeated  by  George  Baste,  ii,  462. 

Vail,  du,  his  dispute  at  the  conference  with  Tilenus,  ii,  297. 

Valentia,  the  council  of,  its  edict  against  duels,  iv,  50. 

Valentia  in  Spain,  an  insurrection  there,  upon  account  of  the  expulsion  of 
Moors,  iv,  284. 

Valentiuian  III.     Sully's  opinion  of  this  emperor,  v,  64. 

Vallee,  Michael  Piquemouche  de  la,  lieutenant-general  of  the  ordnance, 
ii,  374.  He  conducts  the  duke  of  Vendome  into  Brittany,  iv,  247. 

Valette,  Bernard  de  Nogaret  de  la,  admiral  of  France,  particulars  of  his 
life;  killed  at  the  siege  of  Roquebrune,  i,  301. 


INDEX.     '  419 

Valette,  John  Lewis  de  Nogaret  de  la.  See  Epernon. 

Valois,  Claude  de,  daughter  of  Henry  II,  married  to  the  duke  of  LorraiD, 
i,  16. 

,  Margaret  of,  queen  of  France.  See  Margaret. 

Valtoline.  Tlie  situation  of  this  canton:  dispute  upon  account  of  it  be- 
tween th£  Spaniards  and  Grisons,  iii,  336;  iv,  174. 

Vandrelep,  tretty  of,  between  England  and  the  United  Provinces,  iii,  64. 

Varade,  Peter,  a  Jesuit,  involved  in  the  affair  of  Chatel,  ii,  43. 

Varenne,  William  Fouquet  de  la,  imprudently  sent  by  Henry  IV  to  Men- 
doza,  i,  384.  Particulars  relating  to  him,  385.  Services  done  by  him  to 
the  princess  Catherine,  ii,  112.  Henry  IV  recommends  the  dutchessof 
Be£ufort  to  his  care,  316.  His  letters  to  Henry  IV  and  to  Sully  upon  the 
tragical  death  of  this  lady,  320.  Henry's  affection  for  him,  416.  He  is 
employed  in  arresting  marshal  Biron  and  Auvergne,  ii,  487.  This 
prince  makes  use  of  him  in  accommodating  matters  betwixt  Sully  and 
the  count  of  Soissons,  iii,  168.  He  is  instrurjiental  in  the  recal  of  the  Je- 
suits, 192.  He  joins  with  the  qpurtiers  and  Jesuits  to  ruin  Sully,  374. 
His  services  to  the  Jesuits  at  La-Fleche,  iv,  106.  He  supports  father 
Seguiran  and  the  Jesuits  against  the  Rochellers,  153.  His  attachment  to 
the  Jesuits,  297.  Informs  Henry  of  the  plots  of  the  Spaniards  against  his 
person,  304,  357.  His  speech  to  the  Jesuits  upon  the  death  of  this 
prince,  v,  179.  Sent  by  the  queen-mother  to  Sully,  iv,  458. 

Vassignac.   See  Bassignac. 

Vaucelas,  Andrew  de  Cochefilet,  earl  of,  sent  by  Sully  to  the  queen  of  Eng- 
land, iii,  141.  Discovers  in  Spain  the  plots  of  the  queen's  party  against 
the  life  of  Henry  IV,  and  informs  him  of  it,  iv,  304. 

Vaucemain.     Sully  sells  him  the  abbey  of  Absie,  v,  56. 

Vaudemont,  Nicolas  of  Lorrain  de,  Henry  III  marries  his  daughter,  i,  52. 

Velasco,  John  Ferdinand  de,  constable  of  Castile,  sent  ambassador  extra- 
ordinary from  Spain  to  London,  iii,  77.  Plots  against  Henry  IV,  156. 
Concludes  at  London  the  agreement  betwixt  Spain  and  England,  326. 
Henry  the  Fourth's  reception  and  conversation  with  him  at  Paris,  328. 

Vendome,  Alexanderde  Bourbon,  chevalier  de.  See  Bourbon,  Alexander 
of. 

,  Charles  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  i,  2. 

,  Coesar  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  son  to  Henry  IV,  and  the  Fair  Ga- 

brielle,  ii,  35.  Design  of  giving  him  the  sovereignty  of  Franche-Comte, 
45.  Made  governor  of  La-Fere,  86.  Betrotlied  to  mademoiselle  de 
Mercoeur,  195.  Sent  by  Henry  IV  to  visit  queen  Margaret,  iv,  46.  Dif- 
ficulties in  accomplishing  his  marriage  with  mademoiselle  de  Mercoeur, 
245.  He  accuses  Sully  of  opposing  his  legitimation,  345.  Henry  IV  re- 
conciles him  with  Sully  and  Rosny- 


420  INDEX. 

Vendome,  Catherine  Henrietta,  de  Bourbon.  See  Bourbon,  Catherine, 
Henrietta  de. 

Veneur,  Taeneguy  le,  endeavours  to  save  the  Protestants  at  Rouen,  at  the 
massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  i,  44. 

VenetiaDS.  The  reception  and  presents  made  its  ambassador,  423.  Unites 
with  the  Grisons  against  Spain,  iii,  65.  Sully's  conference  with  tlie  Ve- 
netian resident  at  London:  its  advantage  in  the  execution  of  the  great 
design,  1 27.  Their  great  veneration  for  a  suit  of  armour  given  them  by 
Henry,  202.  The  interest  they  had  in  the  affair  of  the  V  altoline,  335. 
Presents  given  by  Henry  IV  to  their  ambassador,  421.  Account  of 
their  quarrel  with  Paul  V,  iv,  99.  Their  union  with  the  G  isons  against 
Spain,  175.  Their  difference  with  the  Pope  terminated  by  the  mediation, 
of  Henry  IV,  177.  Confederacy  between  France  and  this  republic,  308. 
They  join  the  deputation  sent  this  prince  by  the  German  princes  assem- 
bled at  Hall,  402.  The  grand  design  so  far  as  it  regards  this  republic, 
V,  88,  98,  108. 

Ventadour,  Ann  de  Levis,  duke  of,  made  prisoner  before  Cambrai,  i,  95. 
His  suceess  against  the  League  in  Languedoc,  ii.  115.  He  intercedes 
with  Henry  IV  for  the  count  of  Auvergne,  503.  Sully  calumniated  upon 
account  of  his  friendship  for  him,  iii,  390.  Debts  of  the  king  to  him  dis- 
charged, 418    He  complains  of  Sully,  iv,  232. 

Verdun.  Henry's  reception  and  promises  to  the  Jesuits  of  this  city,  iii,  7. 

Verdun,  first  president  of  the  parliament  of  Toulon.  Sully  writes  him  upon 
the  affair  of  the  registers  and  clerks  offices,  iv,  181,  and  upon  other  re- 
gulations, 267. 

Vere,  colonel,  the  earl  of  Northumberland  gives  him  a  blow  upon  the  face, 
iii,  154. 

Verneuil.  Medavy  treats  with  Sully  for  the  surrender  of  this  city,  i,  388, 
438.  It  is  delivered  to  the  king,  434. 

Verneuil,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  duke  of,  iii,  350.  The  king  gives  him  the 
bishopric  of  Metz:  the  difficulties  raised  by  the  pope  on  this  occasion,  iv, 
256.  Particulars  of  his  life,  ib. 

,  Catherine  Henrietta  de  Balzac  d'Entragues,  marchioness  of, 

mistress  of  Henry  IV.  The  beginning  of  her  amours  with  this  prince,  ii, 
334.  Her  character,  ib.  Her  artifice  to  make  him  give  her  a  promise  of 
marriage,  335.  She  follows  him  to  the  campaign  of  Savoy,  358.  Is  deli- 
vered of  a  dead  child,  359.  She  procures  the  count  of  Auvergne's  par- 
don and  liberty,  502.  Her  hatred  of  Sully,  iii,  166.  Her  plots  with  tlie 
malecontents,  185.  Her  unequal  and  bad  temper,  230.  Henry  reproaches 
her  in  his  letters;  she  haughtily  refuses  to  deliver  him  h's  promise  of  mar- 
riage, 232.  The  queen's  hatred  to  her,  240.  Her  great  artifice  in  foment- 
ing quarrels  between  the  king  and  queen,  and  endeavours  to  ruin  Sully, 
248.  Endeavours  to  dissolve  the  king's  marriage,  249.  Delivers  up  the  pro- 


INDEX.  421 

mise  of  marriage,  270.  She  is  arrested,  Sully  employed  to  iuterrogate 
ber,  her  reproaches  to  this  minister,  and  other  particulars  relating-  to 
this  incident,  281.  She  makes  the  king  pardon  Auvergne  and  Entragues, 
and  dictates  her  own  conditions,  350.  Causes  of  her  hatred  to  Sullj  ,  385. 
Other  quarrels  between  the  kina;,  queen,  and  her,  iv,  20-2.  Her  children 
by  the  king,  220.  Intrigues  with  Joinville,  234.  A  bon-mot  of  her's 
upon  the  marriage  of  the  prince  of  Coudc,  303.  Accused  of  being  en- 
gaged in  the  parricide  of  Ravaiilac. 

Vernon.   The  duke  of  Montpensier  fails  in  his  attack  upon  this  city,  i,  210. 

Vervins.  Negociations  for  a  peace  at  this  city,  ii,  196.  CuncludeJ,  201. 
Particulars  of  the  ceremony  used  upon  this  occasion,  226. 

Vesoris,  advocate  for  the  Jesuits  against  the  University  of  Paris,  i,  151. 

Vesou.     Taken  by  tiie  constable  of  Castile. 

Vezins,  generously  saves  the  life  of  Rcnier,  his  enemy,  at  the  massacre  of 
Saint  Bartholomew,  i,  45.   Defends  Cahors,  v/here  ho  is  killed,  76. 

Vie,  Dominique  de,  defeats  d'Aumale,  and  attacks  St.  Denis,  i,  3ul.  Vice- 
admiral  of  France,  ii,  176.  Appointed  to  treat  with  the  Swiss  ambassa- 
dors, 528.  His  resentment  of  the  affront  ofTeicd.  by  the  vice-admiral  of 
England,  iii,  39.  Ambassador  to  the  Grisons,  338.  Dsmolishes  the  fort 
of  Rebuy,  iv,  173.  His  schemes  for  the  security  of  Calaia,  342.  Admit- 
ted into  the  public  council  of  the  queen-regent,  466.  His  death,  ib 

,  his  company  defeated  by  Henry  IV,  i,  154. 

Vienne,  taken  by  the  constable  Montmorency,  ii,  44. 

Vienue,  de,  admitted  into  the  council  of  the  finances,  ii,  48.  Gratuities 
given  bird  by  Henry  IV,  298.  Regulations  prescribed  to  him  by  Sully, 
iii,  317.  Dissatisfied  with  Henry's  excessive  expenses  for  manufactories, 
iv,  200. 

,  de,  his  counsel  the  cause  of  the  taking  of  Bourg,  ii,  366. 

Vignoles,  distinguishes  himself  at  the  head  of  his  regiment  at  Ivry,  i,  225, 
and  at  the  siege  of  Laon. 

Villa-Mediana,  the  count  of.  See  Taxis. 

Villandr} ,  offends  Charles  IX,  admiral  Coligny  procures  his  pardon,  i,  27. 

Villarnou,  deputy-general  of  the  Protestants,  iv,  254. 

Villars,  earldom  of,  the  claim  that  the  duke  of  Savoy  had  in  the  cathe- 
dral of  Lyons  contested  with  Charles  Emmanuel,  ii,  346. 

Villars,  Andrew  de  Brancas,  admiral  of  France,  defends  Rouen  against 
Henry  IV,  i,  258,  264,  279.  Sully  endeavours  to  begin  a  negocialion 
with  him,  but  does  not  succeed.  266,  Refuses  a  challenge  from  the  earl 
of  Essex,  281.  Tiie  beginning  of  Sully's  negociation  with  him,  388. 
Broke  off,  393.  Resumed,  394.  His  character,  395.  The  conditions  of 
his  treaty  with  the  kii:^,  411.  His  rage  against  Sully,  414.  His  eulp- 
gium,  433,  440.  Ce»«mony  observed  at  the  surrender  of  Rouen:  he 
comes  to  court,  44^-  Commands  the  king's  forces  in  Picardy,  ij^  46. 
VOL.  V.  t 


i22  INDEX. 

His  bravery  before  Dourlens,  54.  He  is  killed.  57.  Henry's  great  grief 

for  his  death,  66.  The  sum  of  money  he  received  for  his  treaty,  264. 
Villars,  George  de  Brancas,  chevalier  d'Oise.  See  Oise. 
Villara,  Honoratde  Savoie,  marquis  of,  commands  the  royal  army  in  Guy- 

enne,  i,  22,  68. 

,  Jerome  de,  arcliLishop  of  Vienne,  iii,  225. 

,  Poter  de,  ai'chbishop  of  Vienne,  sent  to  Henry  IV,  by  the  states 

of  LJluis,  i,  67. 
,  Julietta  Hypolita  d'Estrees,    marchioness  of,  her  intrigue  with 


Joinville,  iv,  235. 

Villebon,  lands  and  castle  of,  purchased  by  Sully,  v,  54.  Sully  dies  at  this 
castle,  his  mausoleum  there,  136.  His  manner  of  living  there.  Makes 
great  improvements  there,  150. 

Viiiefianche,  in  Perigord,  taken  by  assault,  i,  58. 

Villemur,  siege  and  battle  of,  i,  309. 

'  Peter  Pitte  de,  wounds  admiral  Coligny,  i,  32. 

Villcneuve.  Taken  by  the  Catholics,  i,  70. 

Villepion.  Taken  by  Turenne  for  Henry  IV,  iv,  36. 

Viilequire,  Ren6  de,  dissuades  Henry  III  from  ordering  the  duke  of  Guise 
to  be  assassinated,  i,  173.  One  of  the  favourites  of  this  prince,  ii,  18. 

Villcroi,  Nicholas  de  Neufville  de,  minister  of  state:  he  makes  proposals 
from  the  league  to  Henry  IV,  i,  296.  One  of  the  chief  of  the  third  party, 
324.     His  real  sentiments  of  the  league,  of  Spain,  and  of  Henry  IV, 
361.     Other  conditions  offered  by  him  to  Henry  IV,  from  the  league, 
345.  Rejected,  349.  Accused  of  making  the  heads  of  the  league,  take 
an  oath  against  tliis  prince,  361.  Justified,  362.     His  treaty  with  the 
king,  427.  A  bon-mot  of  Henry  IV,  upon  him,  428.  He  opposes  Sully's 
entrance  into  the  council  of  the  finances,  ii,  120.  Disappointed  of  be- 
ing made  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  178.  Endeavours  to  procure 
a  treaty  with  the  Protestants,  191.  Defends    Picardy,  192.     Advises 
Henry  IV  against  marrying  again,  222.     Manages  foreign  affairs,  257. 
The  sum  he  received  for  his  treaty,  264.  One  of  the  commissioners  for 
the  marriage  of  Henry  IV,  with  Mary  of  Medicis,  338,  and  for  the 
marquisate  of  Saluces,  347.  Opposes  Sully  during  the  campaign  of  Sa- 
voy, 379.  Commissioner  for  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  395.  Opposes  the  em- 
bassy of  the  count  of  Bethune  to  Rome,  443.  Attends  the  king  to  Metz, 
iii,  84.  His  solicitations  for  the  Jesuits  and  connexions  with  Ossat,  con- 
demned by  Sully,  10.   Solicits  the  recal  of  tlic  Jesuits,  196.  His  con- 
duct in  the  affair  of  Nicholas   L'Hote,  210.     Signs   the  treaty  of  com- 
merce between  Spain  and  France,  317.     Advises  Henry  to  purchase 
the  earldom  of  St.  Paul,  343.     Endeavours  to  ruin  Sully  in  the  affair  of 
Grillon,  374.    His  hatred  to  tliis  minister,  385.    Letters  between  tliem 
during  the  continuance  of  this  assembly,  iv,  15.  Concludes  the  treaty 


INDEX.  423 

with  BouiUoD,  90.  His  sentiincRts  upon  the  laiW  of  bhiinvrecks,  163 
Opposes  Sully  in  the  council  upon  the  oilers  made  bj  the  Dutch,  165. 
Henry  makes  use  of  hiia  to  persuade  Sully  to  chung-c  his  relig-ion,  211. 
His  letters  to  the  Protestants  assembled  at  Gergeau,  252.  Employed  in 
the  truce  against  Spain  and  the  Dutch,  276.  Favours  the  Spanish 
policy  in  opposition  to  the  desig-ns  of  Henry  IV,  306.  Disputes  betwixt 
him  and  Sully,  334.  Henry's  judgment  of  the  g-ood  and  bad  qualities  of 
this  minister,  '33U.  Circular  letters  written  by  him  after  tlie  prince  of 
Condc,  left  the  king-dom,  363.  Inspires  the  queen-reg-ent  with  a  policy 
quite  opposite  to  that  of  Henry  the  Great,  480.  He  is  affronted  by  the 
duke  of  iVevers  and  the  nobles:  advises  the  queen-regent  to  recal  bully, 
V,  14.  Gratuities  which  he  receives  from  her,  23.  A  great  quarrel  be- 
tween him  and  Sully  in  full  council,  27. 

Villei"s-Coterets.  The  garrison  of  Soisson  defeated  at  this  place,  ii,  44. 

Viilette,  la, conferences  upon  religion  at  this  place,  i,  366. 

Villers.  A  Protestant  minister:  the  prince  of  Orange  informs  him  of  the 
intended  treachery  at  Antwerp,  i,  101. 

Vincenzo,  valet  de  chambre  to  Conchini:  his  wise  observations  upon  hi« 
master,  iv,  487. 

Vins,  Hubert  de  La-Garde  de,  his  party  in  Provence,  i,  307. 

Vinta,  chevalier,  chancellor  of  Savoy:  employed  in  the  affair  of  the  isles, 
ii,441. 

Vinti.  An  Italian,  attendant  upon  the  queen,  ii,  476.  His  plots  with  Con- 
chini against  the  king,  iv,  303. 

Vitry,  Lewis  de  L'Hopital  de,  commands  the  troops  of  the  league  at  the 
siege  of  Rouen,  i,  269.  Employed  in  the  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  360. 
Surrenders  Meaux  to  the  king,  392.  His  speech  to  the  duke  of  Maieime, 
ibid.  He  promotes  the  treaty  with  Villars,  428.  Attends  the  king  to  the 
campaign  of  Franche-Comt^,  ii,  65.  The  sum  of  money  he  received 
for  his  treaty,  264.  He  arrests  marshal  Biron,  ii,  488.  His  great  grief 
upon  the  death  of  Henry;  the  advice  he  gave  Sully,  iv,  444. 

University  of  Paris.  Its  process  against  the  Jesuits,  i,  447.  It  opposes  the 
recal  of  this  society,  iii,  193. 

Ubaldini,  nuncio  of  the  pope,  iv,  483. 

Urban  VIII.     This  pope's  brief  to  Sully,  and  answer,  v,  132. 

Urbin,  archbishop  of,  employed  in  the  dissolution  of  the  marriage  of  Hen- 
ry IV  with  Margaret  de  VaJois,  ii,  214. 

Vroreylzen,  employed  in  the  treaty  of  commerce  betwixt  France  and 
Spain,  iii,  313. 

Ursin,  Virgil,  cousin  to  Mary  of  Medicis,  attends  her  into  France,  ii,  403. 

Ussac,  delivers  up  La-Reole  to  the  Catholics,  i,  72. 

Ufiseau,  Sully  favours  his  duel  with  Beauvais,  i,  86. 


\ 

424  INDEX. 

Usson.     Queen  Marjferet's  residence  at  this  castle,  ii,  452.  She  leaves  it; 

and  Henry  IV  orders  it  to  be  demolished,  iv,  45. 
Uzes.   See  Crussol. 
Uzes,  madam  de,  informs  Sully  of  tlie  designs  of  Catherine  of  Medicis,  i, 

144. 


W. 


Wales,  prince  of,  his  character,  iii,  143.  Presents  made  him  by  Sully,  143. 

His  fondness  for  Henry  IV,  iv,  128.  Henry's  design  of  marrying-  his  eldest 

daughter  to  him,  307. 
West,  empire  of  the,  Sully's  opioion  of  it,  v,  64. 
Whale,  a  large  one  taken  on  the  coast  of  Holland,  ii,  282. 
Wirtemberg,  ddke  of,  no  longer  concerned  in  farming  the  revenues,  ii,, 

271.     Hem'y's  politeness  to  his  ambassador,  iii,  333.     Sully  accused  of 

holding  a  criminal  correspondence  with  him,  391.     Henry  IV,  protects 

him,  iv,  136. 
Wymmes,  Thomas,  governor  of  Dover,  his  brutality  to  Sully,  iii,  41. 


Y. 

Yverne.  Sent  info  Spain  by  the  count  d'Auvergne,  iii,  270. 
Yvetot.   Henry  IV,  at  this  place,  defeats  the  prince  of  Parma,  i,  287 


2. 


Zamet,  Sebastian,  makes  proposals  to  Henry  IV,  from  the  League,  i,  2%. 
Of  great  use  in  the  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  319,  ii,  124.  Henry  re- 
commends the  dutchess  of  Beaufort  to  him,  316,  who  is  taken  ill  at  his 
house,  and  dies,  319.  Particulars  relating  to  his  fortune  and  family,  ib. 
Heni'y's  affection  for  him,  iv,  37.  Grants  made  him  b}-  this  prince,  iv, 
123:  and  debts  which  he  pays  him,  179.  Informs  the  king  of  plots  against 
him,  304.     Particulars  relating  to  him  and  his  children,  384. 

Zapata,  cardinal,  sent  from  Spain  to  congratulate  the  grand  duke  of  Tus- 
cany, iv,  381. 

Zeland.  This  province  opposes  the  suspension  of  arms  between  Spain  and 
the  Dutch,  iv,  173. 

Zopyrus,  iii,  188,203. 

IHE    END. 


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